The Process of Physical Change Which Occurs on Japanese University
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SSStttooonnnyyy BBBrrrooooookkk UUUnnniiivvveeerrrsssiiitttyyy The official electronic file of this thesis or dissertation is maintained by the University Libraries on behalf of The Graduate School at Stony Brook University. ©©© AAAllllll RRRiiiggghhhtttsss RRReeessseeerrrvvveeeddd bbbyyy AAAuuuttthhhooorrr... Ritual and Social Change: A Japanese Example University School Festivals A Dissertation Presented by Alfredo Ruiz Varela to The Graduate School in Partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology (Socio-Cultural Anthropology) Stony Brook University May 2007 Copyright by Alfredo Ruiz Varela May 2007 Stony Brook University The Graduate School Alfredo Ruiz Varela We, the dissertation committee for the above candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree, hereby recommends acceptance of this dissertation. William E. Arens – Dissertation Advisor Professor of Anthropology Anthropological Sciences David D. Gilmore – Chairperson of Defense Professor of Anthropology Anthropological Sciences David B Hicks Professor of Anthropology Anthropological Sciences Gregory A. Ruf Professor of Anthropology Anthropological Sciences Harumi Befu Professor Emeritus Department of Anthropology Stanford University This dissertation is accepted by the Graduate School Lawrence Martin Dean of the Graduate School ii Abstract of the Dissertation Ritual and Social Change: A Japanese Example University School Festivals by Alfredo Ruiz Varela Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology (Socio-Cultural Anthropology) Stony Brook University 2007 As social change occurs new constructions of power emerge, economic relationships may change or the composition of domestic arrangements may come under extreme pressure to adjust to new demands for labor (Robertson 1991). In addition to these socio-economic changes, rituals are often affected as they suggest new systems of beliefs and understandings about these changes. Rituals once deemed essential-if not at least popular-often change, adjust to new social priorities or risk becoming less practiced (Schnell 1999, Bestor 1989, and Reischauer 1988). Contemporary rituals may be invented or old ones rediscovered with new meanings ascribed that better fit the present (Holy 1996). In the most basic terms the practice of rituals reflects the current - sometimes immediate state of a society (Geertz 1957) by providing a forum within which participants recreate their identities and, by extension, social norms. This dissertation examines the practice of three university level ritual activities in order to demonstrate this general principle. Furthermore, the data presented adds support to the proposition that Japanese society is in the midst of a shift away from many of the characteristics that have long been identified as essential to “Japaneseness.” As Miyanaga (1990) suggested, sections of Japanese society have always operated at the fringes generating new modes of thought or, as she characterizes them, “a creative edge.” While presenting a set of interesting data, I disagree with Miyanaga’s assertion that such innovation is a recent iii phenomenon occurring only at the fringes of society and instead believe social creativeness is embedded in all societies. In this dissertation, I demonstrate one area where it is evident. I begin with Geertz’s (1957) reconstruction of ritual as both a mirror of societies’ ideals and an expression of its tension to examine Japanese university school festivals as they fit within the yearly cycle of other university level rituals. I suggest that the university school festival is a ritual event that has shifted in its focus and practice, reflecting changes in Japanese society. When compared to other university level rituals these changes are mirrored in the support and level of participation the various rituals receive. Such changes demonstrate the shifts occurring in the manner Japanese society is organized and highlights the flexibility inherent in the rituals as a result of their mode of practice. The examples presented here demonstrate that rituals both guide and are guided by the participants. However, it is clear that those rituals with greatest degree of interpretations foster greater participation in a society with an individual centered ideology. Following Schnell’s (1995) example, I also conclude that ritual actions are often political in nature. As such, as Japanese society moves from social and hierarchical ideals to egalitarian and individualistic ones, associated rituals will emerge and gain support. Examination of the evolution of school festivals allows for the presentation of a model of the “life-cycle” of ritual. The model presented indicates how rituals span generational lines as well as offering insight into process of change and the eventual end of specific ritual activities. iv For Hiroko, Angie, Erina, Sarina and Kariña, my angels, and all the students whose hard work and effort created spaces of great joy and learning. TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures ix Acknowledgments x I. Introduction 1 North-sea University 1 Club, circle or something else? 2 Planning and organization 4 Community relations 8 The final days 10 SOBA! – so what? 16 A storm before the calm 18 School festival as ritual 20 II. Background 21 III. Methodology 23 IV. Limitations 29 V. Literature review 31 VI. Ritual and Social Change: A Japanese example 37 Continuity and change 37 Grid and group 38 The cycle of university ritual 40 VII. Gakkousai – A short history 44 Ritual and moral education 44 Ritual and independence 46 Gakkoensai and radicalism 48 The case of Tokyocentral university 50 VIII. The Social Cycle of School Festivals 55 Entering a community 55 School festival – the early years 57 School festival – the next cycle 60 IX. Preparation, Presentation and Celebration 63 Preparation 63 Presentation 70 X. Signs of Change 77 Participation and attendance 77 The entrance ceremony 78 Coming-of-age 83 Graduation 87 vi XI. Two Roads Diverging 93 XII. Conclusion 99 A final perspective 103 XIII. Bibliography 109 XIV. Appendix 1 – Japan Yearbook statistics 121 XV. Appendix 2 – Treads in ration of job openings to job applicants 122 XVI. Appendix 3 – XVII. Welcome speech by president of Tokyo University (Japanese) 123 XVIII. Appendix 4 – Welcome speech by president of Hokkaido University (Japanese) 127 XIX. Appendix 5 – Welcome speech by president of Waseda University (English) 130 Welcome speech by president of Waseda University (Japanese) 133 XX. Appendix 6 – Photographic Essay 136 XXI. Appendix 7 – List of Survey Questions 145 XXII. Appendix 8 – Additional measurements of student responses 147 XXIII. Appendix 9 – Gakkousai sample budget (Japanese) 149 Gakkousai sample budget (English) 150 XXIV. Appendix 10 Organizational Chart of School System in Japan 151 XXV. Appendix 11 – Population Pyramid 152 152 XXVI. Appendix 12 Sample Student Information cards 153 vii List of Figures Douglas’ Grid/Group Model 39 Gakkousai participation 62 Survey one – Will you work at the university school festival? 64 Gakkousai Organizational Model 73 Survey two – Did someone attend your entrance ceremony? 79 Survey three – Which event was more meaningful? 82 Survey four – Who spoke at your coming-of-age ceremony? 83 Survey five – Why are you attending coming-of-age ceremony? 85 viii Acknowledgements I would like to thank everyone who assisted me in the writing and preparation of this dissertation. All the students, faculty and staff at Hokkaido University, Hokkaido University of Education, Tokai University, Tokyo Denki University and Waseda University, thank you for sharing in good times and difficult times. To my committee who demonstrated great patience and support all the way to the end, “hontoni arigatou gozaimasu”. To Takeshi Akiba, I hope you will continue to share your opinions and viewpoints with everyone – remember change comes slowly. Most of all I want to thank my family who suffered a thousand times more than I and who gave me the determination to finish. Introduction North-sea University It is April 1998 on a cold wintry morning. Snow still lingers on much of this university campus in northern Japan as students in their new business suits and formal kimono exit the university gymnasium where the official nyugakushiki (entrance ceremony) has just ended. While many of the larger and more prestigious colleges and universities hold their ceremonies in public auditoriums near the center of the city, the administration of this small branch campus of North-sea University has elected to hold the entrance ceremony on school grounds. While “wishing to generate a sense of community early in the students’ academic career” is the official reason for this choice, a recent period of declining enrollment has forced the school to take into account the cost of renting a hall and transporting students, parents and other guests across town. Most students do not comment on this difference, though they are well aware it signifies a disparity in status between “their university” and those of their high school cohort. Others note that had they graduated from high school five years earlier they probably would not have had the opportunity to attend college or might have been forced to choose between one of the “country schools” or two- year private business and technical schools. Their entrance now was made possible by a sharp decline in the birthrate and consequently the number of university applicants. North-sea University sits on the fringes of the capital city of a prefecture at the edge of Japan.