The Mole on the Face. Erotic Rhetoric in Ovid's Amores

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Mole on the Face. Erotic Rhetoric in Ovid's Amores 0 Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics The Mole on the Face. Erotic Rhetoric in Ovid’s Amores Version 1.1 10 2008 Christian Kaesser Stanford University Abstract: The paper examines the role of formal rhetoric in Ovid’s Amores. It points out that while in modern aesthetics the experience of art is dissociated from the experience of love and sex, the ancients had developed an erotic aesthetics that associated the two. Recalling the metaphor that describes a text as a body and the ancient view according to which rhetoric could make a text appealing just like cosmetics could a real body, it argues that Ovid uses formal rhetoric to inspire in his readers desire for his text. The appearance of voluptas in the epigram to Amores 1 confirms this view. It also suggests that the eroticization of Ovid’s text resonates within the contemporary political situation in Rome, where sex had become a matter of politics. © name. [email protected] 1 THE MOLE ON THE FACE Erotic Rhetoric in Ovid’s Amores There is no doubt, according to Richard Tarrant, “that Ovid’s poetry displays the techniques of formal rhetoric, and in particular the use of formally structured arguments as an instrument of persuasion, more often and more openly than that of any other Latin poet.”1 At a time when classicists still wrote biographies of ancient authors, the openly rhetorical character of Ovid’s poetry was easily explained as a function of the rhetorical education Ovid had received in his youth. After all, Seneca the Elder reports in a well- known and vivid account that Ovid had studied with some of the most famous rhetoricians of his time, and refers in particular to his predilection for suasoriae. But today, I think this explanation is no longer persuasive, not just because classicists in general have ceased to believe that the events of a poet’s life can explain what he writes in his works. More specifically, and more importantly, Seneca the Elder’s account of Ovid’s rhetorical education actually contradicts the explanation for which it once served as evidence in at least two ways. Just after having mentioned Ovid’s training with the rhetoricians, Seneca singles out one aspect of the rhetorical design of Ovid’s poetry, namely his choice of words (Suasoriae 2.2). In this discussion, first of all, Seneca does not suggest that when Ovid started to compose poetry he simply continued to write in the same highly and overtly rhetorical way that he used to use when he still composed rhetorical school exercises. In fact, Seneca says exactly the opposite, namely that in his school exercises Ovid restrained his display of rhetoric, and started to use rhetoric more 1 Tarrant (1995), 63. 2 licentiously only when he had turned to the composition of poetry. And secondly, and more importantly, Seneca discourages the assumption that the overt display of rhetoric in Ovid’s poetry is a somewhat mechanical consequence of his earlier rhetorical training, as if in his youth Ovid had been so immersed in rhetoric that he could not help but display it in the works he wrote as an adult. In fact, Seneca suggests again the opposite, citing an incident that he believes serves as evidence that Ovid was well aware of the extent to which he used rhetoric, and that he did so consciously. Seneca reports that some of Ovid’s friends once criticized his overt display of rhetoric. In his response Ovid suggested that they write down those of his verses they would most want him to remove from his poetry because they are too rhetorical, under the condition that in return they grant him to write down those that he would most want to retain. Noting that both Ovid and his friends wrote down the same two conspicuously rhetorical verses, one from the Ars Amatoria and one from the Amores, Seneca observes: “it is clear from this that the great man lacked not the judgment but the will to restrain the license of his poetry.” And he adds how Ovid justifies this rhetorical license: “he used sometimes to say that a face is the more beautiful for some mole.”2 Seneca’s account does not so much suggest that the open display of rhetoric in the poetry Ovid wrote as an adult resulted from the education he had received in his youth; it instead suggests that it is used knowingly and on purpose. And in fact, the mole to which 2 The full passage runs as follows (Suasoriae 2.2): verbis minime licenter usus est nisi in carminibus, in quibus non ignoravit vitia sua sed amavit. manifestum potest esse, quod rogatus aliquando ab amicis suis ut tolleret tres versus, invicem petit ut ipse tres exciperet in quos nihil illis liceret. aequa lex visa est; scripserunt illi quos tolli vellent secreto, hic quos tutos esse vellet; in utrisque codicillis idem versus erant, ex quibus primum fuisse narrabat Albinovanus Pedo, qui inter arbitros fuit: semibovemque virum semivirumque bovem (= Ars Amatoria 2.24) secundum: et gelidum Borean egelidumque Notum (= Amores 2.11.10) ex quo adparet summi ingenii viro non iudicium defuisse ad compescendam licentiam carminum suorum sed animum. aiebat enim decentiorem faciem esse in qua aliquis naevos esset. 3 Ovid referred is a sizeable one, for while Ovid’s choice of words is not everywhere as rhetorical as in the two verses he and his friends had singled out, his poetry displays other features of rhetoric, for instance the use of formally structured arguments as a means of persuasion, very regularly. But what is the purpose of this rhetoric? I think this question is particular suggestive and necessary in the case of the Amores. The reason for this is not that the ancients would have believed, like some of Ovid’s Romantic critics, that rhetoric in general has no place in love poetry, as if it hindered the poet’s sincere expression of his feelings and desires. The ancients did not share this Romantic notion: on the contrary, there is a long ancient tradition that associates the use of rhetoric with erotic discourse. In Greece, the goddess Peitho is often associated with Aphrodite (e.g. Aesch. Hic. 1038-42); so-called erotikoi logoi, such as Lysias’ speech in Plato’s Phaedrus or ps.-Demosthenes 61 seem to represent a well established genre in the early practice of rhetoric; and in the Phaedrus Plato juxtaposes, oddly for us but much less oddly for an ancient audience, a discussion of rhetoric with a discussion of love. In Rome, in turn, no writer was more receptive to this tradition than Ovid. In the Fasti, he explains that it was the need to articulate erotic desire that first prompted the development of formal rhetoric (Fasti 4.107-12).3 And in the Ars Amatoria, he admonishes the young men of Rome to study rhetoric, not just because rhetoric helps them woo a jury at the bar, but also because it helps them woo a girl (Ars Amatoria 1.459-62).4 But while, against the background of this tradition, it is hardly surprising that Ovid uses rhetoric in the Amores, it is surprising that he displays his use of rhetoric openly. For 3 prima feros habitus homini detraxit: ab illa | venerunt cultus mundaque cura sui. | primus amans carmen vigilatum nocte negata | dicitur ad clausas concinuisse fores, | eloquiumque fuit duram exorare puellam | proque sua causa quisque disertus erat. 4 disce bonas artes, moneo, Romana iuventus, | non tantum trepidos ut tueare reos | quam populus iudexque gravis lectusque senatus, | tam dabit eloquio victa puella manus. 4 this open display breaks the rules for the use of rhetoric in erotic discourse that he himself had laid out in the Ars Amatoria. In the passage just cited, Ovid continues by saying that while it is advisable to use rhetoric in erotic discourse, one should avoid the open display of one’s rhetoric. To be persuasive in erotic discourse, rhetoric must be well concealed by what the ancient rhetoricians called dissimulatio artis (Ars Amatoria 463-6): “But hide your powers, and don’t display your rhetorical skill; let your pleading avoid heavy words. Who, save an idiot, would recite declamations to his sweetheart?”5 But to generations of his readers, from Seneca the Elder down to Richard Tarrant, Ovid in the Amores behaves just like that idiot. As always in Ovid, it is hard to define precisely when he breaks, and when he abides by, the rules of stylistic decorum; and the ancient rhetoricians knew well that it may be hard to distinguish in general terms between the open display of rhetoric on the one hand and its concealment through dissimulatio on the other. But even so, there can be no doubt that in the Amores, Ovid produces one suasoria after another, and composes many verses as openly rhetorical as the one that already his friends had, according to Seneca the Elder, highlighted. It must be asked, then, why Ovid disobeys in the Amores his own precepts from the Ars Amatoria and displays openly, instead of concealing, the use of rhetoric in his erotic discourse. In other words, it must be asked what the purpose is of the mole of openly displayed rhetoric that is so conspicuously visible on the face of the Amores. This is the question that I seek to answer in this paper. 5 sed lateant vires, nec sis in fronte disertus; | effugiant voces verba molesta tuae. | quis, nisi mentis inops, tenerae declamat puellae? | saepe valens odii littera causa fuit. 5 I. Pleasure, Glory, and Praise Given that Ovid had studied the composition of suasoriae with some of Rome’s foremost rhetoricians, one could expect him to employ the techniques of persuasive rhetoric with great success.
Recommended publications
  • Getting to Know Martial
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-82822-2 - Martial’s Rome: Empire and the Ideology of Epigram Victoria Rimell Excerpt More information introduction Getting to know Martial tu causa es, lector amice, mihi, qui legis et tota cantas mea carmina Roma. Ep. ..– Think back. It’s the mid-nineties. We are on the brink of a new century, and are living and breathing the ‘New Age’ people have been preaching about since the eighties. Thanks to more efficient communication, and the regularising machine of empire, the world seems to have got smaller, and more and more provincials are gravitating towards the sprawling, crowded metropolis, all manically networking to win the same few jobs (they all want to be ‘socialites’, or ‘artists’). Many of us are richer and more mobile than ever, but arguably have less freedom. Modern life is a struggle, it seems – it’s dog eat dog in the urban jungle, and those who can’t keep up the pace soon become victims (actually, being a ‘victim’ is the in thing). ‘Reality’ is the hottest show in town: we’re done with drama and fantasy, as amateur theatrics and seeing people actually suffer is such a blast (as well as being a really ‘ironic’ creative experiment). This is a culture that has long realised Warhol’s prophecy, where everyone wants their bite of the fame cherry, but where fame itself is a dirty shadow of what it used to be. The young recall nothing but peace, yet fierce wars still bristle at the world’s edges, and even as the concrete keeps rising, a smog of instability and malaise lingers.
    [Show full text]
  • C HAPTER THREE Dissertation I on the Waters and Aqueducts Of
    Aqueduct Hunting in the Seventeenth Century: Raffaele Fabretti's De aquis et aquaeductibus veteris Romae Harry B. Evans http://www.press.umich.edu/titleDetailDesc.do?id=17141, The University of Michigan Press C HAPTER THREE Dissertation I on the Waters and Aqueducts of Ancient Rome o the distinguished Giovanni Lucio of Trau, Raffaello Fabretti, son of T Gaspare, of Urbino, sends greetings. 1. introduction Thanks to your interest in my behalf, the things I wrote to you earlier about the aqueducts I observed around the Anio River do not at all dis- please me. You have in›uenced my diligence by your expressions of praise, both in your own name and in the names of your most learned friends (whom you also have in very large number). As a result, I feel that I am much more eager to pursue the investigation set forth on this subject; I would already have completed it had the abundance of waters from heaven not shown itself opposed to my own watery task. But you should not think that I have been completely idle: indeed, although I was not able to approach for a second time the sources of the Marcia and Claudia, at some distance from me, and not able therefore to follow up my ideas by surer rea- soning, not uselessly, perhaps, will I show you that I have been engaged in the more immediate neighborhood of that aqueduct introduced by Pope Sixtus and called the Acqua Felice from his own name before his ponti‹- 19 Aqueduct Hunting in the Seventeenth Century: Raffaele Fabretti's De aquis et aquaeductibus veteris Romae Harry B.
    [Show full text]
  • Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 74-10,982
    INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. White the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1.The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation.
    [Show full text]
  • Martial and the City of Rome*
    Martial and the City of Rome* LUKE ROMAN ABSTRACT This essay examines the representation of the city of Rome in Martial’s Epigrams, and specifi cally, his references to urban topography. The city is an insistent and vivid presence in Martial’s Epigrams to a degree unparalleled in Roman poetry. He fashions a Rome that is more relentlessly sordid, irregular and jagged in texture, and overtly dissonant in its juxtapositions than the literary cities of his poetic predecessors. This new urban emphasis is not only a game of literary one-upmanship. Martial’s urban poetics takes shape in the context of renewed attention to the city and monumental building under the Flavians. ‘… et ad cubile est Roma’ (‘… and at my bedside is — Rome’, Martial, Epigrams 12.57.27) The prime setting for Martial’s Epigrams is Rome, and the life of the city is his main subject. Traditionally, Martial has been mined as a source for aspects of daily urban life: the presumption is that his realist orientation and focus on low-life scenarios bring us closer to the sordid everyday realities of urban existence omitted in other authors. Current scholarship, however, is increasingly impatient of the use of poets as transparent windows onto quotidian reality,1 and tends to stress their literary motives for constructing realist scenes in a certain form. While it would be reductive to insist that Roman literature does not provide insight, in a complex way, into Roman life, more recent work rightly observes that realist writers, who offer up images of Roman social life — Martial, Pliny the Younger, Juvenal — are also likely to be creating a reality that sets up central aspects of their self-representation.2 Accepting their picture of Rome as a descriptive impression of their surroundings is tantamount to perpetuating a rhetorical emphasis that is inevitably contestable and interested.
    [Show full text]
  • Expulsion from the Senate of the Roman Republic, C.319–50 BC
    Ex senatu eiecti sunt: Expulsion from the Senate of the Roman Republic, c.319–50 BC Lee Christopher MOORE University College London (UCL) PhD, 2013 1 Declaration I, Lee Christopher MOORE, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 Thesis abstract One of the major duties performed by the censors of the Roman Republic was that of the lectio senatus, the enrolment of the Senate. As part of this process they were able to expel from that body anyone whom they deemed unequal to the honour of continued membership. Those expelled were termed ‘praeteriti’. While various aspects of this important and at-times controversial process have attracted scholarly attention, a detailed survey has never been attempted. The work is divided into two major parts. Part I comprises four chapters relating to various aspects of the lectio. Chapter 1 sees a close analysis of the term ‘praeteritus’, shedding fresh light on senatorial demographics and turnover – primarily a demonstration of the correctness of the (minority) view that as early as the third century the quaestorship conveyed automatic membership of the Senate to those who held it. It was not a Sullan innovation. In Ch.2 we calculate that during the period under investigation, c.350 members were expelled. When factoring for life expectancy, this translates to a significant mean lifetime risk of expulsion: c.10%. Also, that mean risk was front-loaded, with praetorians and consulars significantly less likely to be expelled than subpraetorian members.
    [Show full text]
  • “How Afraid I Was That the Kingdoms of Libya Might Have Brought You Harm”
    “How afraid I was that the kingdoms of Libya might have brought you harm”. Yes indeed; how nearly they did. It was because Aeneas chose to follow his divine duty and not to stay with Dido that the city of Rome was founded. I am not here discussing whether it was the right choice; I am insisting that it was a choice, an act of Aeneas’ free­ will. Virgil did not believe that the existence of a divine purpose for the world denied to men their free-will, and in the Aeneid he explores the question of how that free-will can operate in collaboration with the divine purpose. I have tried to show that what I find so fascinating, and lasting, in Virgil is his variety of poetic mood and style and his ability to juxtapose different aspects of human behaviour in such a way as to show sympathetic appreciation of widely contrasted attitudes to life: of pity and of toughness; of the individual’s desires and of society’s needs; of the relationship between free-will and devoted service to a cause, especially a divine cause. Different aspects of Virgil’s poetry have been appreciated at different times: his patriotism and his learning in Roman times; his pre-Christian values and allegories in the Middle Ages; his solemn ethics and his artistic correctness in the time of Dryden and Pope; his pathos in Victorian times. Our own generation has admired Virgil not for one or two of these qualities but for many of them taken together; and in an age which looks many ways at the same time we have found satisfaction and truth in Virgil’s many-sidedness.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Roman Frontier1
    Rome and the Worlds Beyond Its Frontiers Impact of Empire Roman Empire, c. 200 B.C.–A.D. 476 Edited by Olivier Hekster (Radboud University, Nijmegen, The Netherlands) Editorial Board Lukas de Blois Angelos Chaniotis Ségolène Demougin Olivier Hekster Gerda de Kleijn Luuk de Ligt Elio Lo Cascio Michael Peachin John Rich Christian Witschel VOLUME 21 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/imem Rome and the Worlds Beyond Its Frontiers Edited by Daniëlle Slootjes and Michael Peachin LEIDEN | BOSTON This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC-BY-NC 4.0 License, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016036673 Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1572-0500 isbn 978-90-04-32561-6 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-32675-0 (e-book) Copyright 2016 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA.
    [Show full text]
  • Roman Soldier Germanic Warrior Lindsay Ppowellowell
    1st Century AD Roman Soldier VERSUS Germanic Warrior Lindsay Powell © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com 1st Century ad Roman Soldier Germanic Warrior Lindsay PowellPowell © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com INTRODUCTION 4 THE OPPOSING SIDES 10 Recruitment and motivation t Morale and logistics t Training, doctrine and tactics Leadership and communications t Use of allies and auxiliaries TEUTOBURG PASS 28 Summer AD 9 IDISTAVISO 41 Summer AD 16 THE ANGRIVARIAN WALL 57 Summer AD 16 ANALYSIS 71 Leadership t Mission objectives and strategies t Planning and preparation Tactics, combat doctrine and weapons AFTERMATH 76 BIBLIOGRAPHY 78 INDEX 80 © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com Introduction ‘Who would leave Asia, or Africa, or Italia for Germania, with its wild country, its inclement skies, its sullen manners and aspect, unless indeed it were his home?’ (Tacitus, Germania 2). This negative perception of Germania – the modern Netherlands and Germany – lay behind the reluctance of Rome’s great military commanders to tame its immense wilderness. Caius Iulius Caesar famously threw a wooden pontoon bridge across the River Rhine (Rhenus) in just ten days, not once but twice, in 55 and 53 bc. The next Roman general to do so was Marcus Agrippa, in 39/38 bc or 19/18 bc. However, none of these missions was for conquest, but in response to pleas for assistance from an ally of the Romans, the Germanic nation of the Ubii. It was not until the reign of Caesar Augustus that a serious attempt was made to annex the land beyond the wide river and transform it into a province fit for Romans to live in.
    [Show full text]
  • DECLAMATION in ROME a Major Intellectual Force in the Time of The
    CHAPTER ONE DECLAMATION IN ROME A major intellectual force in the time of the elder Seneca was declamation, a much-maligned, often baffling type of practice speech that has only recently been placed in its proper perspective. 1 Its effect on Roman education was profound and pervasive; it comprised the central core of the school curriculum until the fall of the Empire and also contributed in large measure to the educational system of the Middle Ages. The swift development from essentially a simple schoolboy exercise to a consuming pastime enjoyed and practiced during the prime of life by the leading intellectual and political figures of the early Empire (including Augustus, Pollio, Ovid, Messalla, Agrippa, and Maecenas) occurred within the lifespan of the elder Seneca. 2 Latin literature and style were never the same again, so extensively and immediately did declamation affect the literary trends of the period. Also, the habits and artifices of rhetorical logic marked Roman thought forever after­ ward. Not only did the elder Seneca live through this period of momentous intellectual and political change, but he also recorded in the Contro­ versiae and Suasoriae much of what he heard in these declamatory sessions. Nor does he just provide us with quotes-although these are themselves an invaluable record for the study of the vast changes occurring in literary style-but also, throughout, he reproduces pene­ trating literary criticisms of these extracts made by others, and often provides us with his own well-informed and sensible opinions. Thus the elder Seneca's life, works, and thought are inextricably tied to the world of Roman declamation, and it is to this topic we must first turn before any judicious estimate of the elder Seneca can be formed.
    [Show full text]
  • Personenregister
    Personenregister A Andreas Capellanus 117, 120, 439 Accius 371, 375 Andres, Juan 219, 221, 224, 228-231 Acham, Kar! 118 Andrews, Keith 539 Adam, Antoine 249 Angermeier, Heinz 517 Adam, Wolfgang 611 Anicius 350 Adhemar, Jean 538 Anstett, Jean-Jacques 79 Adler, Mortimer Jerome 540 Antal, Frederick 540 Adorno, Gretel 156 Antonio, Nicolas 216, 217, 228 Adorno, Theodor W. 156, 242,488, 596, Apelles 298 611, 613, 614 Apollonios 324, 328, 329, 432 Aelbert, Erzbischof 376 Appuleius 373 Aemilius Asper 370 Aquilecchia, Giovanni 427 Aesop 381 Aranc6n, Ana Martinez 211 Afranius 371, 375 Arator 376, 378-381, 390 Agelaos 283, 288, 313 Aratos 317, 325, 328-330 Agesandros von Rhodos 51 Araujo, Luis Mata i 224 Agias 283, 287 Argensola, Rimas de L. 229 Aimeric 380-384 Argote y G6ngora, Luis 216 Aischylos 68, 286, 298, 313, 450 Ariost 70-73, 76, 200 Alarc6n, Juan Ruiz de 203, 207 Aristophanes 69, 243, 286, 318, 319, 410 Alarich 361 Anstoteies 68, 96, 99, 133, 200, 228, Albalat, Antoine 247 318,319,328,376,420,431,432,450, Albanese, Ralph 257 462, 503, 506, 508, 512, 513, 517, 519, Albani, Kardinal Alexander 525, 537 521,534,535,622 Alberti, Leon Battista 412, 424, 426, 524 Arnauld, Antoine 453 Alberts, Robert C. 538 Arndt, Ernst Moritz 16, 24 Albinovanus Pedo 374 Arnoldt, J.F.J. 402 Alcimus 376, 380 Artaud, Antonia 461 Alcuin 376-379, 386 Arteaga, Esteban 219, 229 Aleixandre, Vicente 208 Artigas, Miguel 231 Alembert, Jean Le Rond d' 536 Arusianus Messius 372 Alewyn, Richard 491 Assmann, Aleida 347, 385 Alexander Aitolos 319 Assmann, Jan 347, 385 Alexander
    [Show full text]
  • The Invisibility of Juvenal James Uden Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of Th
    The Invisibility of Juvenal James Uden Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2011 2011 James Uden All rights reserved. ABSTRACT The Invisibility of Juvenal James Uden This dissertation offers a reading of Juvenal’s Satires. It maintains that Juvenal consciously frustrates readers’ attempts to identify his poetic voice with a single unitary character or persona. At the same time, it argues that Juvenal’s poems are influenced in both form and theme by cultural trends in the early second century. The arguments staged in these poems constitute a critique of aspects of Roman intellectual culture in the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian. Contents Preface 1. Provoking the Charge: Epic Poet and Reticent Informer in Satire One The Recitation Hall (Part One) The Paradox of Contemporary Epic The Satirist as Delator The Crisis of Criticism Satiric Voices in Tacitus’ Dialogus de Oratoribus The Recitation Hall (Part Two) 2. The Invisibility of Juvenal ‘Atopic Topology’: The Thirteenth Oration of Dio Chrysostom Juvenal’s Second Satire: Strategies for Speech and Disguise Secrecy and Violence in Satire Nine 3. Satire Four: Playing the Panegyrist The Art of Exaggeration The Emperor over Nature Natural Reversal and Fish Savagery The Perils of Panegyrical Speech i 4. Cynic Philosophy and Ethical Education in Satires Ten and Fourteen Debasing the Coinage The Laugh of Democritus and the Cynic Ideal Satire Fourteen: The Domestication of Ethical Teaching 5. Satire Twelve: Repetition and Sacrifice in Hadrianic Rome Horatian Ritual and the “New Augustus” Substitution and Sacrifice: Animals and Humans in Satire Twelve The Gods and their Captatores Reading across Books: Atheism and Superstition in Satire Thirteen Appendix: Martial 12.18 and the Dating of Juvenal’s First Book ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thanks must go first to Gareth Williams, friend and mentor for the past half-decade.
    [Show full text]
  • Lucan's Bellum Ciuile and the Epic Genre
    Lucan’s Bellum Ciuile and the Epic Genre Fran Alexis BA (Hons) MA This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of History and Classics University of Tasmania 2011 ii Declaration of Originality This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for a degree or diploma by the University or any other institution, except by way of background information and duly acknowledged in the thesis, and to the best of the my knowledge and belief no material previously published or written by another person except where due acknowledgement is made in the text of the thesis, nor does the thesis contain any material that infringes copyright. Fran Alexis Authority of Access This thesis may be made available for loan and limited copying in accordance with the Copyright Act 1968. Fran Alexis iii Lucan’s Bellum Ciuile and the Epic Genre Abstract This thesis demonstrates that Lucan’s Bellum Ciuile takes epic to a new level, testing the generic paradigm, because Rome’s civil war is a new subject for epic poetry. Lucan’s epic presents civil war as the self-destruction of republican Rome, and close reading reveals the poem’s intricate relationship with Homeric, Virgilian and Ovidian epic. We see that it changes and exaggerates characteristic tropes of the genre, by techniques such as delay, digression and frequent intervention by a complex narrator / persona, whose dramatic intrusions are like the speeches of characters in a tragedy. Such a politically risky subject, a type of impious war where Romans fight against and kill Romans, necessitates a long preamble and an insistent narrator’s voice to justify poetic commemoration of such a crime.
    [Show full text]