The typology of demonstratives clarified: Verbal demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan

Florian Lionnet

UC Berkeley

ALT 10, Leipzig, 15-18 August 2013 Introduction

2 Introduction This presentation shows:

— 1) that exophoric demonstratives can be encoded as verbs, ◦ Evidence from Juǀ’hoan (Ju, aka Northern Khoisan)

— 2) that, despite being rare, such verbal demonstratives are typologically expected

— 3) where such verbal demonstratives belong in an updated typology of demonstratives

3 Introduction — Exophoric demonstratives: ◦ discourse-external reference, i.e. the word(s) used to translate ‘this/that book’ etc. ◦ à not discourse internal (endo-/ana-/ cataphoric), manner deixis ‘thus’ etc.

— Juǀ’hoan ◦ Southeastern dialect of Ju (Kx’a), Namibia/ Botswana ◦ (Demonstratives in other Ju lects have different properties)

4 Introduction

1. Recent typological literature

2. Verbal demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan

3. An unusual but typologically expected category

5 1. Recent typologies of demonstrative

6 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives

— Diessel (1999)

— Dixon (2003)

7 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives — Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives:

Distribution Canonical Category Pronominal demonstrative Demonstrative pronoun (argument in a clause) Adnominal demonstrative Demonstrative determiner (noun-modifier in an NP) Adverbial demonstrative Demonstrative adverb (verb-modifier in a clause) (locative adverbs here, there etc.) Identificational demonstrative Demonstrative “identifier” (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause)

e.g. ‘This is your book’ e.g. C’est ton livre.

8 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives — Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives:

Distribution Canonical Category

Pronominal demonstrative Demonstrative pronoun (argument in a clause) Adnominal demonstrative Demonstrative determiner (noun-modifier in an NP) Adverbial demonstrative Demonstrative adverb (verb-modifier in a clause) (locative adverbs here, there etc.) Identificational demonstrative Demonstrative “identifier” (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause)

< “predicative demonstrative” (Diessel 1997a,b)

9 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives — Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives:

Distribution Canonical Category

Pronominal demonstrative Demonstrative pronoun (argument in a clause) Adnominal demonstrative Demonstrative determiner (noun-modifier in an NP) Adverbial demonstrative Demonstrative adverb (verb-modifier in a clause) (locative adverbs here, there etc.) Identificational demonstrative Demonstrative “identifier” (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause)

NB: demonstrative identifiers are NOT verbs à There are no verbal demonstratives in Diessel’s typology

10 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives

Dixon’s (2003) typology of demonstratives:

— Nominal demonstratives ◦ Pronominal (this is good) ◦ Adnominal (this book is good) — Adverbial demonstratives ◦ Locative adverbs (here, there) — Verbal demonstratives

12 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives Dixon’s (2003) verbal demonstratives:

— Extremely rare: only 3 languages in his typology

— Two different types: ◦ ‘do thus/like this’: Boumaa Fijian, Dyirbal ◦ ‘be here/this’, ‘be there/that’: Juǀ’hoan (Ju)

14 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives ‘Do thus/like this’: (1) Boumaa Fijian (Dixon 2003:72)

[o ‘ae]S [‘eneii tuu gaa ‘eneii]PREDICATE ART 3SG do.like.this ASP just do.like.this ‘He did just like this.’ [narrator mimes a spearing action]

(2) Dyirbal (Dixon 2003:102)

balaO baja! najaA [yalama-n baja-n]PREDICATE there:M chew:1MP 1SG do.like.this-NON.FUT chew-NON.FUT ‘Chew it [the spear grass]! I’m chewing (it) like this.’

15 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives (3) ‘be here/this’, ‘be there/that’: Juǀ’hoan (Ju) (Dickens 2005:49)

a. jù hè person be.here/this ‘This is a person.’

b. nǃȍh tȍ’à orange be.there/that ‘That is an orange.’

CLAIM: only Juǀ’hoan has verbal exophoric demonstratives

17 2. Demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan

18 2. Juǀ’hoan — Sources: ◦ Snyman (1970) ◦ Dickens (1991, 2005) ◦ Biesele (2009)

— Strictly SVO

— Two demonstratives, analyzed as verbs: (Dickens 1991b, 2005)

◦ PROX: hè (classes 1, 2, 3) ‘be here, be this’ kè (class 4)

◦ DIST: tȍ’à ‘be there, be that’

21 2. Juǀ’hoan — Verb- and noun-identication tests: Syntactic Test If yes: context Predication PRED Can the lexical item be a predicate on its Verbal own? (or does it need copular/verbal support?)

TAM Is the lexical item compatible with TAM Verbal markers? NEG Can the lexical item be directly negated Verbal by the verbal negation ǀóá ? ARG Can the lexical item be an argument of a Nominal verb?

Noun- DIRECT Is the lexical item directly adjacent to the Nominal modication NP it modies, either before (PreNP) or after (PostNP)?

RC Does the lexical item have to be used as Verbal the predicate of a relative clause when modifying a noun?

22

2. Juǀ’hoan PRED + TAM + NEG: demonstratives are verbs

(4) … mi ku ǀoa he ka ge 1SG IPFV NEG PROX.1/3 and be.alive ‘(If it had been only you) I wouldn’t be here alive.’

(5) jù hè person PROX.1/3 ‘This is a person.’

(6) mi nǀee ti e (Lloyd’s !Xuun) 1SG head IPFV PROX ‘This is my head’

25 2. Juǀ’hoan Demonstratives may not be arguments:

(7) a. ha kú ǁohm !aìhn b. *ha kú ǁohm kè/hè he IPFV chop tree he IPFV chop PROX ‘He was chopping a tree.’ Int: He was chopping this.

(8) a. útò g!ààn b. *kè/hè g!ààn car be.red PROX be.red ‘The car is red.’ Int: This is red.

(9) a. n!haì ó jòmmà b. *hè/kè ó jòmmà person COP predator PROX COP predator ‘The lion is a predator.’ Int: This is a predator.

28 2. Juǀ’hoan Noun-modication: relative clause

(10) jù hè cf. !xó ú person.1 PROX1/3 elephant go *this person ‘The elephant goes.’ ‘This is a person.’

(11) jù=à hè cf. !xó=à ú person=REL PROX1/3 elephant=REL go ‘this person’ ‘the elephant thatgoes’

31 2. Juǀ’hoan — Verb- and noun-identication tests applied to Juǀ’hoan:

Noun- Predication modication PRED TAM NEG ARG DIRECT RC Verbs Verbal ü ü ü x x ü e.g. ű ‘go’, ǃhún ‘kill’ Verbal “adjectives” ü ü ü x x ü e.g. gǂà’ín ‘be long’ Demonstratives ü ü ü x x ü hè/kè, tȍ’à nè ‘(be) which’ ü ü ü x x ü Nouns Nominal x x x ü ü x e.g. nǃhȁì ‘lion’ Nominal “adjectives” (rare: < 20) x x x x ü x e.g. ǀ’hȍàn ‘real’

33 2. Juǀ’hoan: Summary Syntactic Category Example function Predicate Verb …mi ku ǀoa hè 1SG IPFV NEG PROX:1/3 ‘I would not be here.’ Identicational Verb jù hè statement person PROX:1/3 ‘This is a person.’

Noun Verb jù=à hè modier (in relative clause) person=REL PROX:1/3 ‘this person’ Argument Verb gù [tci̋=à kè] (in relative clause) OBJ take thing=REL PROX:4 ‘Take this (thing). ’

Adjunct 1) Verb kò=à kè / kò=à tȍ’à (in relative clause) LOC=REL PROX:4 LOC=REL DIST

‘here’ ‘there’

2) Adverb? kòkò (no example in sources)

39

2. Juǀ’hoan

Conclusion: verbal demonstratives are the only demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan:

— No demonstrative pronouns — No demonstrative adnouns (determiners, adjectives etc.) — One demonstrative adverb: kòkò ‘here’ (in Dickens’ (1994) dictionary) ◦ but rare? no example found in any of the sources

40 3. A rare but expected category

41 3. Rare… — Only one language in Dixon’s (2003) typology: Juǀ’hoan

Exophoric demonstratives Action verbs Adverb (Pro/ad-) Verb expressing manner noun deixis yai (PROX) Boumaa yaa (MID)̠ n/a ‘eneii ‘do like this’ Fijian mayaa (DIST)

yalay (PROX) yalama- balay (DIST) ‘do like this’ Dyirbal giyi n/a ŋalay wiyama- (remembered) ‘do what, how’

hè/kè (PROX) òò ‘do like this’ Juǀ’hoan n/a n/a tȍ’à (DIST) nàùn~nìn ‘do how’

42 3. … but expected — Typology of intransitive predication (Stassen 1997): Predicate type Typical Strategy Typical word English ex. (semantics) (syntactic encoding) class Event Verbal strategy Verb John walks

Property (strategy “takeover”: Adjective John is tall mostly verbal or (nominal strategy) nominal) Class Nominal strategy Noun John is a carpenter (copula) Locational Locational strategy Adverb/PP John is in the (posture verb as support kitchen/here verb)

Juǀ’hoan demonstrative verbs = locational predication mi ku ǀoa he 1SG IPFV NEG be.here ‘I wouldn’t be here.’ 48 3. … but expected

— Strategy “takeover” (Stassen 1997):

◦ E.g. In English, predicate adjectives are taken over by the nominal strategy (same copula be)

— Constrained by principles, presented in scalar form:

◦ nominalization scale, verbalization scale, locational scale etc.

50 3. … but expected

— Second verbalization scale (Stassen 1997): Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties)

Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties)

Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties)

Rare: 31 out of 410 languages in Stassen’s sample have “verbalized” locational predicates

53 3. … but expected — Second verbalization scale (Stassen 1997): Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties)

Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties)

Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties)

Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties)

à Prediction: if locationals can be verbs in a language, adjectives must be verbal as well

54 3. … but expected

— The prediction is borne out in Juǀ’hoan:

Adjectives/“property roots” (Haspelmath 2012)

(12) Verbal (almost all) jù gǀȁȍh / jù=à gǀȁȍh person be.strong person=REL be.strong ‘The person is strong.’ ‘a strong person’

(13) Nominal (<20) tjù=à kè ó ká ze ̀ / tjù zè house=REL PROX:4 COP PRO:4 new house new ‘This house is new.’ (lit. is a new one) ‘a new house’

55 Conclusion

56 Conclusion Proposed modied typology of exophoric demonstratives:

Semantic/ Canonical word class Syntactic function

1. Argument (Pro)noun 2. Noun modier Adnoun (determiner, adj. etc.)

3. Adjunct Adverb

4. Predicate - Adverb Stassen’s (1997) locational strategy - Verb through verbal takeover of locational predicate ‘(be) here/there’ 5. Identicational - (Pro)noun statement - “Demonstrative identier” (Diessel 1999)

57

Conclusion Proposed modied typology of exophoric demonstratives: Diessel Semantic/ Canonical word class Dixon (1999) Syntactic function (2003)

Pronominal 1. Argument (Pro)noun Nominal

Adnominal 2. Noun modier Adnoun (determiner, adj. etc.) Nominal

Adverbial 3. Adjunct Adverb Adverbial

4. Predicate - Adverb Stassen’s (1997) Adverbial locational strategy - Verb through verbal takeover of locational predicate Verbal ‘(be) here/there’ Identica- 5. Identicational - (Pro)noun Nominal tional statement - “Demonstrative identier” (Diessel 1999)

59

THANK YOU!

60 References — Biesele, M. (ed.), 2009. Ju|'hoan Folktales: Transcriptions and English Translations - A Literacy Primer by and for Youth and Adults of the Ju|'hoan Community. Vancouver: Trafford First Voices. — Dickens, Patrick J. 1991. Relative Clauses in Ju|’hoan, in W.H.G.Haacke & E.D.Elderkin (eds.) Namibian Languages : Reports and Papers, Namibian African Studies vol.4, Cologne, Rüdiger Köppe, pp:107-116. — Dickens, Patrick J. 1994. English – Juǀ'hoan / Juǀ'hoan – English Dictionary, Quellen zur Khoisan-Forschung vol.8, Cologne, Rüdiger Köppe. — Dickens, Patrick J. 2005. A Concise Grammar of Ju|’hoan, Quellen zur Khoisan-Forschung vol. 17, Cologne, Rüdiger Köppe — Diessel, Holger.1997a. Predicative demonstratives. Proceedings of the Twenty-Third Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on Pragmatics and Grammatical Structure, pp. 72-82. — Diessel, Holger. 1997b. The diachronic reanalysis of demonstratives in cross-linguistic perspective. Chicago Linguistics Society 33: 83-98. — Diessel, Holger. 1999. Demonstratives: form, function and grammaticalization. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins — Dixon, Robert. 2003. Demonstratives: a cross-linguistic typology. Studies in Language 27(1): 61-112. — Snyman, Jan W. 1970. An Introduction to the !Xũ (!Kung) Language. Cape Town: Balkema. — Stassen, Leon. 1997. Intransitive Predication. Oxford: Calendron Press 61