The typology of demonstratives clarified: Verbal demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan Florian Lionnet UC Berkeley ALT 10, Leipzig, 15-18 August 2013 Introduction 2 Introduction This presentation shows: 1) that exophoric demonstratives can be encoded as verbs, ◦ Evidence from Juǀ’hoan (Ju, aka Northern Khoisan) 2) that, despite being rare, such verbal demonstratives are typologically expected 3) where such verbal demonstratives belong in an updated typology of demonstratives 3 Introduction Exophoric demonstratives: ◦ discourse-external reference, i.e. the word(s) used to translate ‘this/that book’ etc. ◦ à not discourse internal (endo-/ana-/ cataphoric), manner deixis ‘thus’ etc. Juǀ’hoan ◦ Southeastern dialect of Ju (Kx’a), Namibia/ Botswana ◦ (Demonstratives in other Ju lects have different properties) 4 Introduction 1. Recent typological literature 2. Verbal demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan 3. An unusual but typologically expected category 5 1. Recent typologies of demonstrative 6 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives Diessel (1999) Dixon (2003) 7 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives: Distribution Canonical Category Pronominal demonstrative Demonstrative pronoun (argument in a clause) Adnominal demonstrative Demonstrative determiner (noun-modifier in an NP) Adverbial demonstrative Demonstrative adverb (verb-modifier in a clause) (locative adverbs here, there etc.) Identificational demonstrative Demonstrative “identifier” (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) e.g. ‘This is your book’ e.g. C’est ton livre. 8 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives: Distribution Canonical Category Pronominal demonstrative Demonstrative pronoun (argument in a clause) Adnominal demonstrative Demonstrative determiner (noun-modifier in an NP) Adverbial demonstrative Demonstrative adverb (verb-modifier in a clause) (locative adverbs here, there etc.) Identificational demonstrative Demonstrative “identifier” (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) < “predicative demonstrative” (Diessel 1997a,b) 9 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives Diessel’s (1999) typology of demonstratives: Distribution Canonical Category Pronominal demonstrative Demonstrative pronoun (argument in a clause) Adnominal demonstrative Demonstrative determiner (noun-modifier in an NP) Adverbial demonstrative Demonstrative adverb (verb-modifier in a clause) (locative adverbs here, there etc.) Identificational demonstrative Demonstrative “identifier” (dem. in a copular or non-verbal clause) NB: demonstrative identifiers are NOT verbs à There are no verbal demonstratives in Diessel’s typology 10 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives Dixon’s (2003) typology of demonstratives: Nominal demonstratives ◦ Pronominal (this is good) ◦ Adnominal (this book is good) Adverbial demonstratives ◦ Locative adverbs (here, there) Verbal demonstratives 12 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives Dixon’s (2003) verbal demonstratives: Extremely rare: only 3 languages in his typology Two different types: ◦ ‘do thus/like this’: Boumaa Fijian, Dyirbal ◦ ‘be here/this’, ‘be there/that’: Juǀ’hoan (Ju) 14 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives ‘Do thus/like this’: (1) Boumaa Fijian (Dixon 2003:72) [o ‘ae]S [‘eneii tuu gaa ‘eneii]PREDICATE ART 3SG do.like.this ASP just do.like.this ‘He did just like this.’ [narrator mimes a spearing action] (2) Dyirbal (Dixon 2003:102) balaO baja! najaA [yalama-n baja-n]PREDICATE there:M chew:1MP 1SG do.like.this-NON.FUT chew-NON.FUT ‘Chew it [the spear grass]! I’m chewing (it) like this.’ 15 1. Recent typologies of demonstratives (3) ‘be here/this’, ‘be there/that’: Juǀ’hoan (Ju) (Dickens 2005:49) a. jù hè person be.here/this ‘This is a person.’ b. nǃȍh tȍ’à orange be.there/that ‘That is an orange.’ CLAIM: only Juǀ’hoan has verbal exophoric demonstratives 17 2. Demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan 18 2. Juǀ’hoan Sources: ◦ Snyman (1970) ◦ Dickens (1991, 2005) ◦ Biesele (2009) Strictly SVO Two demonstratives, analyzed as verbs: (Dickens 1991b, 2005) ◦ PROX: hè (classes 1, 2, 3) ‘be here, be this’ kè (class 4) ◦ DIST: tȍ’à ‘be there, be that’ 21 2. Juǀ’hoan Verb- and noun-identi"cation tests:! Syntactic Test If yes: context Predication PRED Can the lexical item be a predicate on its Verbal own? (or does it need copular/verbal support?) TAM Is the lexical item compatible with TAM Verbal markers? NEG Can the lexical item be directly negated Verbal by the verbal negation ǀóá ? ARG Can the lexical item be an argument of a Nominal verb? Noun- DIRECT Is the lexical item directly adjacent to the Nominal " modi#cation NP it modi$es, either before (PreNP) or after (PostNP)?" RC" Does the lexical item have to be used as Verbal " the predicate of a relative clause when modifying a noun?" 22 2. Juǀ’hoan PRED + TAM + NEG: demonstratives are verbs ! (4) … mi ku ǀoa he ka ge ! 1SG !IPFV !NEG !PROX.1/3 and !be.alive! !‘(If it had been only you) I wouldn’t be here alive.’ !! (5) jù hè ! ! !person !PROX.1/3 !‘This is a person.’! ! (6) mi nǀee ti e (Lloyd’s !Xuun)! !1SG !head !IPFV !PROX !‘This is my head’! ! ! 25 2. Juǀ’hoan Demonstratives may not be arguments: (7) a. ha kú ǁohm !aìhn b. *ha kú ǁohm kè/hè he IPFV chop tree he IPFV chop PROX ‘He was chopping a tree.’ Int: He was chopping this. (8) a. útò g!ààn b. *kè/hè g!ààn car be.red PROX be.red ‘The car is red.’ Int: This is red. (9) a. n!haì ó jòmmà b. *hè/kè ó jòmmà person COP predator PROX COP predator ‘The lion is a predator.’ Int: This is a predator. 28 2. Juǀ’hoan Noun-modi%cation: relative clause" (10) jù hè cf. !xó ú person.1 PROX1/3 elephant go *this person ‘The elephant goes.’ ‘This is a person.’ (11) jù=à hè cf. !xó=à ú person=REL PROX1/3 elephant=REL go ‘this person’ ‘the elephant thatgoes’ 31 2. Juǀ’hoan Verb- and noun-identi"cation tests applied to Ju$’hoan:! Noun- Predication modi#cation! PRED TAM NEG ARG DIRECT RC Verbs Verbal ü ü ü x x ü e.g. ű ‘go’, ǃhún ‘kill’ Verbal “adjectives” ü ü ü x x ü e.g. gǂà’ín ‘be long’ Demonstratives ü ü ü x x ü hè/kè, tȍ’à nè ‘(be) which’ ü ü ü x x ü Nouns Nominal x x x ü ü x e.g. nǃhȁì ‘lion’ Nominal “adjectives” (rare: < 20) x x x x ü x e.g. ǀ’hȍàn ‘real’ " " 33 2. Juǀ’hoan: Summary Syntactic ! Category! Example! function ! Predicate Verb …mi ku ǀoa hè 1SG IPFV NEG PROX:1/3 ‘I would not be here.’ Identi$cational " Verb" jù hè statement" person PROX:1/3" ‘This is a person.’" Noun" Verb " jù=à hè modi$er" (in relative clause)" person=REL PROX:1/3" ‘this person’" Argument " Verb " gù [tci̋=à kè] (in relative clause)" OBJ " take thing=REL PROX:4" ‘Take this (thing). ’ " Adjunct" 1) Verb " kò=à kè / kò=à tȍ’à (in relative clause)" LOC=REL PROX:4 LOC=REL DIST" " " ‘here’ " " ‘there’" " 2) Adverb?" kòkò (no example in sources)" 39 2. Juǀ’hoan Conclusion: verbal demonstratives are the only demonstratives in Juǀ’hoan: No demonstrative pronouns No demonstrative adnouns (determiners, adjectives etc.) One demonstrative adverb: kòkò ‘here’ (in Dickens’ (1994) dictionary) ◦ but rare? no example found in any of the sources 40 3. A rare but expected category 41 3. Rare… Only one language in Dixon’s (2003) typology: Juǀ’hoan Exophoric demonstratives Action verbs Adverb (Pro/ad-) Verb expressing manner noun deixis yai (PROX) Boumaa yaa (MID)̠ n/a ‘eneii ‘do like this’ Fijian mayaa (DIST) yalay (PROX) yalama- balay (DIST) ‘do like this’ Dyirbal giyi n/a ŋalay wiyama- (remembered) ‘do what, how’ hè/kè (PROX) òò ‘do like this’ Juǀ’hoan n/a n/a tȍ’à (DIST) nàùn~nìn ‘do how’ 42 3. … but expected Typology of intransitive predication (Stassen 1997): Predicate type Typical Strategy Typical word English ex. (semantics) (syntactic encoding) class Event Verbal strategy Verb John walks Property (strategy “takeover”: Adjective John is tall mostly verbal or (nominal strategy) nominal) Class Nominal strategy Noun John is a carpenter (copula) Locational Locational strategy Adverb/PP John is in the (posture verb as support kitchen/here verb) Juǀ’hoan demonstrative verbs = locational predication mi ku ǀoa he 1SG IPFV NEG be.here ‘I wouldn’t be here.’ 48 3. … but expected Strategy “takeover” (Stassen 1997): ◦ E.g. In English, predicate adjectives are taken over by the nominal strategy (same copula be) Constrained by principles, presented in scalar form: ◦ nominalization scale, verbalization scale, locational scale etc. 50 3. … but expected Second verbalization scale (Stassen 1997): Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties) Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties) Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties) Rare: 31 out of 410 languages in Stassen’s sample have “verbalized” locational predicates 53 3. … but expected Second verbalization scale (Stassen 1997): Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties) Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties) Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties) Verbs > Adjectives > Locationals (events) (properties) à Prediction: if locationals can be verbs in a language, adjectives must be verbal as well 54 3. … but expected The prediction is borne out in Juǀ’hoan: Adjectives/“property roots” (Haspelmath 2012) (12) Verbal (almost all) jù gǀȁȍh / jù=à gǀȁȍh person be.strong person=REL be.strong ‘The person is strong.’ ‘a strong person’ (13) Nominal (<20) tjù=à kè ó ká ze ̀ / tjù zè house=REL PROX:4 COP PRO:4 new house new ‘This house is new.’ (lit. is a new one) ‘a new house’ 55 Conclusion 56 Conclusion Proposed modi"ed typology of exophoric demonstratives:! ! Semantic/ Canonical word class Syntactic function ! ! 1. Argument (Pro)noun 2. Noun modi$er" Adnoun! (determiner, adj. etc.)" ! 3. Adjunct" Adverb" ! 4. Predicate" - Adverb Stassen’s (1997) ! locational strategy - Verb" through verbal takeover of ! locational predicate ‘(be) here/there’ 5. Identi$cational " - (Pro)noun! " statement" - “Demonstrative! identi$er” " (Diessel 1999)" ! ! 57 ! ! Conclusion Proposed modi"ed typology of exophoric demonstratives:! Diessel Semantic/ Canonical word class Dixon (1999) Syntactic function ! (2003) ! Pronominal 1.