A critical study of Lope de Vega's Don Lope de Cardona

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Authors Bork, Albert William

Publisher The University of Arizona.

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Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/553382 A Critical study of Lope do Vega’s, Don Lope do Cardona

- ' ' t>y

Albert william Bork

A th esis submitted to the faculty of the Department of Spanish in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts

In the Graduate College,

University of Arizona

1938

Approved: 7 Major professor rDat5 l - i & r r ■ ' JLlBRkVX <£979/ /93$>. S’ e - ^ . Z - TABLE OF GGMmiTS

page Preface...... 1-111 Introduction Principal editions and criticisms...... 1 Historical Background 1# Cast, general historical backgroundand argument of tLe play...... 4 2. Alfonso IV, in history and In this drama...... 1 3 3. Pedro IV, In history and in this drama...... 2 0 4; Tres Pedros oomos Reyes en un tiempo. as a - dramatic idea...... ; ...... 2 3 5. Don Lop® de Cardona:hia identity...... 4 8 a. The ballad on Don Lope as a possible source..54 -b. The various crSnlcas as source®...... 5 7 Don Lope de Cardona: A Defense of the Duke deSessa...... 7 6 Versification and Date of Composition..•...... ,.,,9 5 Influence on Other Literatures ; ^ 1. The German im ita tio n ...... 98 2. The English im itation...... 9 9 3. Hotrou*s Don Lope do Cardona...... 1 0 1 Bibliographical Notes...... 108 Bibliography...... 1 1 8 r ■ V: Geneological Charts . : The Duke de Sessa and the Houses of Cardona ' and of Aragon...... , Frontispiece The Kings of Aragon, Castile, and Portugal...... 2 4

i i 6 d 3 8 PREFACE When thio study was started in 1835, I had Intended to make it a comparison of the two plays, Don Lopo de Cardona by.Lop*, de Vega, and The Young Admiral by James Shirley. With, th is idea In mind I sta rte d on the t r a i l which has ended with this "Critical study of lope de Vega*s Don Lope de Cardona.“ I found, after a good deal of preliminary search, that Arthur Ludwig Sticfel, tho great German schol­ ar of the last generation, had preceded me in the idea of comparing these two plays* He had done so complete a work, that i, with my limited training, felt it would be foolish even to attempt to undertake a similar one, I teen turned to Jean de Rotrou's play, Don Lope de Gardone. with much the same sort of purpose. Here I was blocked by tee ina­ bility to obtain certain works white he may have used as his sources. At the same time I was attempting a metric translation of Lope de Vega1 s play. This has been .complet­ ed, but it is not in such shape as to warrant its being offered to others as final. . -. For this reason I have written only a critical study of Don Lope de Cardona. As far as is possible without the Letters of Lope de Vega, published in several volumes late in 1935, and early in 1936, and the new biographies also published in 1935, I believe this study complete. 1 believe it to be a contri­ bution to the slowly growing body of Information we have on th® great Spanish poet, but th® decision must be made by those with greater knowledge and wider experience than I. ' Because so many of the books used in this study are

• z ' - not available in the University Library, I have quoted ' 1 .. • ■ : liberally and at length. I have included at the end of the study a fairly coepletc list of books consulted not only for what appears here, but also for the textual notes which I have made to accompany the tra n s la tio n of Don Lope do ^ardon^# ■ . _ * •. ■ ^ - In the writing of this study 1 am first indebted to Dr. John Brooks for having furnished me a copy of the play. I am also indebted to him for the use of his set of the new Academy edition of Lope*s works and for other books not in the University Library. Even more than for these books, I am indebted to him for his suggestions, encouragement, criticism, and guidance. If I have found anything now, it Is because of those suggestions he has dropped along the way for me to think over and to. work from. To Dr. John D. Fltz-Gerald, I am likewise Indebted for many suggestions and ideas, but chiefly for the use of his 'v valuable private library which has helped me fill In many gaps or guided me to the works which would do so. To the University of Arizona Library and to the staff, especially Mr. R. J. Gjelsness, Mr. William Carlson, and Miss Mabel A. Guild, I owe much for special privileges -iii

granted In the use of the rarer works in the library and for their willingness to seek materials from other libraries for my use# In several cases this has necessitated a good deal of correspondence. To the libraries at the Universities of California, Wisconsin, Michigan, and Illinois, to the Harvard College Library, to the Library of Congress, to the New York Public Library, to the Librarian of The Hispanic Society of Americai and to Dr. Frances Douglas DeKalb, for use of books in their collections, I am greatly indebted. To my wife, Nadyne, who has been my faithful typist, • and ®y constant helper, I express my gratitude, and the hope that the small advance I.have so far made along scholarly lines, at the cost of some sacrifice on her part, will not have been in vain.

A. TJ. Bork

Tucson, Arizona May 14, 1938 *am6n folcm, vnr visconoc de cardona == isabel,hua de armencol. conoe de vroel

RAM6n , CONDE DE PALLARS === ANGLESA FOLCH, IA VISCONDESA DE CARDONA

GUILLEN FOLCM DE CARDONA V PA LLA RS= GER ARDA DC VORAA v ALCARRAZ OB 1225 RAM dN FOLCM, X. VISCONDE DE CARDONA = . I N * S DE TERROJA OB. 125* SIBILA DE A M PU R IA S*r RAMdN FOLCM, XI. VISCONDE OE CARDONA

RAMdN FOLCM^ m aria Alvarez DE CARDONA de maro XI VISCONDE. BERNARDO AMAT CONSTANZA *( L PROMOM# DE CARDONA PlNdS OB 1520 RAMdN OE CARDONA, 1 SOLDAOO DEL PAPA r RAMdN FOLCM = MARIA CARNET BEATRIZ DE MUGO FOLCM a n g l e s o l a , XIV VISCONDE XIII VISCONDE ARTAL = MARTINA JAIME II =_BLANCA IX. BARONESA 0€ CARDONA OE CARDONA OE L UNA I DulRTA DE ARAGdN I DE BELLPUIG OB. 1334 TABLE TO SHOW THE CONNECTION OF DON LOIE ^=VlOLANTE ALFONSO IV R AM '>N = . DE LUNA. DE ARAGdN DE ARAGdN AERENC.UER I LOPE DE VEGA’S PAT RON, THE DUOUE DE i SIXTH DUKE DE SESSA, RAMdN DE CARDONA, IE GO ARE Z BEATRIZ DE [ULRICA PEDRO IV Bl ANCA OE ARAGON = MUOO FOLCM = GOBERNAOOR DE WITH THE LUNA V AHAGdN DE AHA .dk XVVIZCONDC, I. CONOE c e r d e Ra HOUSES OF CARDONA & OF ARAGON DE CARDONA; z X bam6 n m a r Ca * m a r t Tn i REATHiZOECARDONA DE BELLPUIG; LdPEZ DC AHAodN. CONDE SA DE URGfL 06 4 0 0 UNA CONDE DE UHGEL \------2 GO ------FRANClSGA galcerXn JUAN RAMdN— JUANA DE CARDONA DE PINdS F O l C H, I DE II CONOE DE ARAGdN XI. BA»dN CAHDONA V ViLLENA DE BELLPUIG FADRIQUI Dl a h a ; 6 n JAIME, IN^S. I CONDE INFANTA DE URGEL I DE ARAGdN t CATALINA OE = RAMdN I L BFATRiZ = : INHiQuE » CENTELLAS | DE CARDONA juania, = juan folcm V LUNA F ME‘.TEL AHAGdN CONF'LS A DE CARDONA OB. 1457 ISH -.44S DF F o x DUOUE DE OB .4 66 SEGORBE ELFA DE Ai DONZA Dt : JUAN HUGO DE . CARDONA PERELLdS I Nl

LUIS | I , / LUIS ISABEL FERNANDEZ = ELViFU ALFONSO = . JUANA. - ^ FERNANDEZ = FRANCISCA RAMdN FOLCM r ENRfouEZ DE DE CdRDCBA DE CdRDOBA Dl AHAGdN ououriA DE cdRDCBA, DE cdRDuBA (X CARCCNA l DUOUE DE REOUESENS IV CONDE DE V SIC ILIA DE C A R D O N A II MARQUES DE ZUNIGA SOMA. OB 1523 OE CABRA OR 562 III. LE COMARES T DE LA CERDA JUf VI St '.ORRf GON/A l O JUANA DIEGO FERNANDO OE = BEATRIZ FERNANDEZ = MARIA FERNANDEZ FRANUSCU Dl OE ARAGON CARDONA V 1 OF FIGUEROA DE CdRDOBA MENDOZA aoa za rm • i rOLLH DF DE cdRDOBA, ANGl LSULA : fehna'ndez HI OUw.f M • A Ft AFRICAN© GARDOMA g ^r o o n a , % OF1 I57i DE CdRDOBA 1324-76 ! * vo III. MAR> IE! fa-1 11 N A« 1 JUANA DE — ANTQNIO FfRNAN f Z L VIS Ef rnXndez ANA I RRi'QUEZ = LUIS RAMdN PCX OH CdRDOBA | OE CdRDOBA CARDONA DC CdRDOBA \ DE CARDONA V AR AudN Y REOUESENS CARDONA DE ARAGdN V. DUOUE OE SESSA Y REOUESENS V DE CdRDOBA OB *06 06 1371 OB i5M L_ T 1 1" MARIANA = LUIS fernXnoez OE GONZALO ENHiOUE - i CATALINA FERRANOf Z f DE ROJAS I CdRDOBA CARDONA DC CdRDOBA f« CdRDOBF V M UJfROA FERNANDEZ FOLCM Y ARAGON, V WOVE. w E NR 'o u t 7 Dl RiBU«A v CORX'S D* CARDONA OE ARAGdN I DE SESSA. OB 1642 V OH LK BA 0 6 1 4 4 1 ) iHJOUf DE SEGORBE ANTONIO Dt CdRDOBA LUIS RAMON RAIMUNOO Y ROJAS. CONOE FOLCH DE CARDONA DC ARAGON DE CABRA 06 l*S@ V Dl C.6r D:*A 1606 70 : . , INTBWICTIOl ' - . P rin c ip a l e d itio n s and c ritic ism s

Don Lone do Cardona gas first published in the parte X o f the works of Lope de Voga, of which there are four ed i­ tions dated between 1618 and 1620, Its date of composition is placed somewhere between the years 1603 and 1618, for it is not in Lope's first list of his comedies, but does appear In the second* In addition to the printings of the Parte X there is, or was, in the National Library at Madrid, a manu­ script copy made during the XVII century#* The only modem printing is in Volume IV of the new Academy edition of Lope's works, prepared by Cotarelo y Mori, and based on the former printed editions with annotations as to where they differ among themselves or with the manuscript. The text is still," however, faulty in a number of passages.2 Don Lone de Cardona served, as is recognized by a num­ ber of writers, as the model for James Shirley's The Young Admiral, and more controversially, has been called the model for Jean de Rotrou's Don Lope de Cordon#, and for a German play by an unknown author: Per s t r e i t zwischen Ara- gonien und Sicilien. The question of these imitations is considered later in this investigation. A number of criticisms have been written of this play: Grillparser has said of it that die Erelgnlsse w&ren kaum fttr ein Mclodram gut genug, und die Ausfnhrung 1 st aberfl& ch- lioh und Femacht. remarking, hoviever, that Lopes Verdienst lieKt nleht im herbelfahren der sltuatlonen und Ereignlsse. aondern in dor naturwahren und poetlachen Behandlung der unherechtlRt und ungerochtfcrtip herbelgefakrten* which latter he thinks do not all find place in the play. Sohack says, in classifying Don Lope de Cardona olth a number of obras informes, que s6lo deben considerarse cocao abortos de una Imaglnacion desarreglada, y que nos ofrece al poets en sus mSs sinaularos extravios. that it shows more art in its development and execution of dramatic plan than does most any of this typo, and Inspires interest despite the imperfection of the diverse parts of which it consists. - .- . ; S tie fe l in h is study. Die Nachakmunr spanlscher KomGdlen in England unter den eroten Stuarts, III, says that despite the diverse material and the juggling of history Lope has created a unified plot which the reader and spectator follows with fixed attention, adding later, ■ t Den Haupmangel des...Dramas sehe ich in dor fehlenden Elnhelt der Handlung und des Intereases. In den held en e rste n Alston s te h t Lope de Cardona mftchtig im cittelpunkte des Dramas, im dritten dage* gen tritt or zurflek, und eo lot der Prinz don Pedro und Clenarda, die uns fast ausschlleazilch interest a ie re n . Lope de Vega war bemUht, Cardona und Cassan** dra kilnstlich In den Wrdergrand zu scheiben durch die oben angefuiH-ten roeantisehen Erfindungen; allein vergebens.5 x This estimate of the play is more favorable than that of either of the former critics, and doubtless more sound -h»3~

because in the course of his study of Don Lope do Cardona for careful comparison with The young Admiral.t Stiefel had occasion to weigh it more carefully than they, and to find its weak points, if any. As will be seen later in this Investigation the handling of the plot is not so weak as appears from the surface. Lope knew his history and from it he was able to create with some slight alterations in the facts and situations, slight at least from the stand­ point of dramatic license, a plot and a presentation which are, as Stiefel says, unified and able to fix the attention. The play Is obviously a melodrama, and being one of those in which Lope at no time indulges in humor, plot and plot interest:are necessarily at their best. Otherwise the rowdies in the pit would have let.the actors know about it; in fact no doubt they did, just as in the spring of 1936 in Roumania when a United Press dispatch from Temesvar told of the interruption, in a nearby village, of a performance of King Lear "because there was nothing to laugh at*” and of the peasants1 threat, so the story goes, to run the author 6 out of town "if he should cose around.* In Lope's day the attention of the audience could be held chiefly in two ways, through the humorous antics and sayings of the gracioso. or through the creation of a plot situation which would grip the attention of even the most ill-mannered audience.7 Nowadays the iro n -h earted c r it i c s d ea l those death-blow s which then the audience would have dealt. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 1, • esste’ ■ general historical background* and argument of the play As has been sta te d above, Don Lope de Cardona is a romantic historical melodrama. In It the following persons appear: 8 Von Lope de Cardona - Catalonian nobleman for whom the play is named; Admiral of Aragon; later, at close of the play, Duke of Segorbe and Count of Urgel. El Capttto Urrea - A captain in the service of Don Lope de Doha Caaandra de Centellas « Don Lope's wife, member of a prominent noble family. El Rey don Alonso do AragSn - Alfonso IV, El Benlgno* Don Pedro, su hUo - Later Pedro IV. El Ceremonloso or _____l e t , Don Bernardo de Cardona - Father or Don Lope* and a famous Un secretario- Member oPT^c^ing's household. Romero y Felix, soldados. Leonardo - a captain of the Aragonese m ilitia. Rogerio, Roy de Sicilia - Not definitely identified, see disottesion below. Clenarda, su hi,la - possibly supposed to represent Leonor, sister of Fadrique IV of Sicily, who married Pedro IV1s daughter, Constance. Rooinda - Lady-in-waiting to Clenarda. Lupercio - A soldier of the coast gaard. Un criad o . Fabricio - a Sicilian soldier. Felis&rdo - A captain of the Sicilian halbardlers. Dos alabarderoa. Rlaelo 1 Belardol Tebnno > Pescadores valcncianos « Belardo i s Lope him self, Fausto I as will later be noted. Lauro* y 5-

This play deals chiefly with a youthful love affair of the Prince, Don -Pedro of Aragon, and its consequence. This prince, later Pedro IV of Aragon, III of Barcelona, and I of Valencia, was born in Balaguer, Sept, 5, 1319, and succeeded h is fa th e r, Alfonso IV, e l Benigno. in 1336. He was su r- naaed 21 Ceretaonioso. and El del Punyalet. LaFuente has called him one of the most celebrated monarch# of his king-

Of h is p o litic a l ch a racter om of the best estimates

1 , ' ' ' - Is that given by Prof. R. B. Merrlaan of Harvard in hie Rise of the Spanish Empire. He say®; . - within a frail and sickly body he concealed a bold, crafty, rancorous, and defiant heart. To reign in fact as well as in name was his life ’s study and object, relentlessly pursued through all the vicissitudes of fortune. Neither family ties nor friendships held him back. The attainment of the end justified in his eyes the use of any and every means. He was most dangerous when seemingly impotent, and a past master of shelter­ ing himself in his atrocious acts behind the technical­ ities of the law. Be has often been compared to Louis XI of France; but he differed sharply from that monarch in his fondness for pomp and outward magnificence, and in his implicit belief in their value as a means to impress the multitude. He is known in the long history o f the Aragonese kings as the "Ceremonious»; he was the author of a special treatise on the duties and privi­ leges of the officials of his court;40 and like Frederick I of Prussia, and in defiance of ancient precedent, he insisted on crowning himself at his accession, "to show that he held the throne of God alone and of no earthly-power." II But he had another side, the literary. With regard to it one of the foremost modem Catalonian scholars, Antonio Rubi6 y Lluch, has said; En la hlotorla de la nostra cultura mlg-cval, poques figures hi ha tan complexes y importants com la del rey Per© .L Cereeenl6s....12 Com amant de les lletres y de les arts, se •ha ofereix encara mSs rich en aspectes que Alfons el Sabi de Castella y Caries V de Franpa, anomenat tamb6 ,1 Sabi, els doe reis de la Edat Mitjana ab els quals tS m6s semblanpa, y als quals volgue imitar m§s de una tegada. A haver estat mfisich, com el seu fill Joan, res l*haguera mancat per assemblers© al autor de les Partides; com ell fou poeta, legislador y historiador, y fou encara lo que no pogu6 esaer e l rey de C astella, un d els grans oradors polltichs da la Edat KitJana, perqub la vida pfiblica, y representative dels pobles Catalans, va tornar a reaucitar aquell genre peculiar, que cast havia enmudit pera .1 mon civilisat desde .Is Jorna de la antiguitat clhssica. Perd en cap aspect© .1 rey Pere tS una personalitat tan marcada, com en el d‘historiador. La historia fou per ell el cult© de la seva vida. Cap nitre monarea mig-eval pot poserse al seu costat; y m£s que com escriptor d*aquest genre, com enamorat do la historia. Ill la visqu6 y la realish continuamenti no sols en els llibres, sind en l*acci6, on els parlaments, y en la mateixa vide artiotica y fins en la de fam llia...... D u ra n t e l seu regnat promogu6 la retiacci6 de tree importants obres histbriques, en duguee de les quals prenguS una part personal y directs, a saber: a) Les Crdniques dels reia drArag6 y comtea de Barcelona. b) La Crdnica del seu regnat._ c) Les Croniques de S icilia.4,3 The second of these works, written by one of this king's secretaries, Bernat Dezcoll, and personally edited and revised, as Pag&s has shown,by the king himself, was f i r s t printed in! 1547,in a work compiled by Pedro Miguel Carbonell, Aragonese archivist of the XVIth century.15 This work underwent several re-printings by the end of the century,15 and was therefore without doubt available to Lope de Vega, as also was GerSnimo Z u rita 's monumental work, Analea de la Corona de Arap,6n. published in 1610.^ That Lope made use of most if not all of the historio­ graphical works, largely chronicles, written in the XIV, XV, and XVI centuries, and many of them printed just prior to or during his lifetim e, has been admirably brought out by lehSndez y pclayo in his editions of Lope’s work# for the Academy.18a \7ltb regard to the play, Don Lope de Cardona. and some of the others of more romantic character, this use of the historical works which to this day form the basis of most of our printed history of the period 1100 -1450 has not been carefully studied, stiefel merely points out that Lope used history and traditions which he wove together to form his plot.*8b It is the object of this investigation to discuss as comprehensively as sources at hand will permit, the history and traditions behind Don Lope de Cardona. Don Lone de Cardona has as the mainspring of its action the attentions which Pedro, as prince, paid Casandra, Cardona*s wife, while he (Cardona) was away on a campaign against the King of Sicily. Cardona returns to Valencia victorious and finds, that he has fallen from grace. He of course does not understand the reason for this, but soon learns that it is due to the fact that his father, Don Bernardo de Cardona, has drawn sword on the prince, and wounded him in a s tr e e t brawl. I t does not m atter th a t the brawl started as a result of the flagrant methods of the prince in his courtship, and the consequent damage to the honor of the Cardonas. Don Bernardo is thrown into prison 8-

and upon Don Lope's arrival the family is exiled from Valencia by She king, Alfonso IV. Pedro, still determined to pursue his improper courtship of Casandra, convinces Ms father that the exile was a mistake and sets put to overtake the Cardonas before they can leave. He finds them just as they arc about to enter a small boat and set sail for Naples. Don Bernardo decides to go to meet him and thus prevent him from taking a ll of them back to V alencia. He is arrested by the Prince, but the others manage to get away sa fe ly . While on their way to Italy Don Lope and Casandra are overtaken by a storm and are shipwrecked on the coast of Sicily where they are found by none other than King Roger of Sicily, whose heir, Tancred, was killed in a fight with the Aragonese prince, Don Pedro. This killing of Tancred of Sicily was the cause of the hostilities brought by Roger against Aragon, and resulted in the complete defeat of the Sicilian fleet by the Aragonese under Don Lope de Cardona. Needless to say, Roger is overjoyed at being able to make Don Lope p riso n er, and he is arrested a t once. The second act begins with the arrival of a new fleet of Sicilian vessels before Valencia, and King Alfonso and the p rin ce, Don Pedro, discussing ways and means of meeting this new danger with their chief support, Don Lope de Cardona, absent, although they feel some consolation in having Don Bernardo in prison. A Sicilian spy *-

is brou£ht in end reveals that the fleet is under the command of King Roger and that with him, directing the a tta c k , is Con Lope de Cardona. At once Pedro is able to point out that he was right in his opinion of Con Lope and to accuse him of treason, and the spy defends the hero, saytug taai. Roger threatened the death of Casandra if Don

Lope did not hexp uIth in hi a Vengeance against the Aragonese. A messenger arrives to say that Roger has ju st landed, and that ho has attacked the Grao, or seaport of Valencia, the spy is released to go back to the Sicilian camp w ith word th a t i f Roger thinks to depend,for h is offense, upon Don Lope de Cardona, he is foolish, for Cardona is but one of many great soldiers in Aragon, all of whom are able to emulate him. He also sends word to Bon Lope that because of his action in helping Roger he can expect to see his father hanged. The next scene is in the Sicilian camp where the spy returns during a discussion between Don lope and King Roger ©a the question of whether or not the former would be wrong in leading the troops against his king as a means of vengeance for the lack of appreciation shown him in Valencia. The spy d e liv e rs h is message. Don Lope begs to be allowed to go alone and have a conversation with the Aragonese monarch, and permission is granted. Meanwhile Clenarda, the Sicilian princess, and 10-

Casandra compare their misfortunes in love. Clenarda was In love with Don Pedro until ho killed her brother, and still is, but she is torn between loyalty to the dead and the de­ sire to follow her emotions. C&aandra knows that Don Pedro still seeks to carry out his designs with regard to her, and agrees to write him a letter urging that he come disguised to the Sicilian camp for a tryst with her, so that Clenarda may meet him. Don Lope de Cardona.laments his lot, soliloquizing on the theme: IHalhaya el hoabre de blen quo sirve a su patria ingrataI He reaches a point beneath the walls of Valencia. On the wall above are Alfonso and Pedro• Here follows one of the most famous scenes of the play, and the one which Grlllparzer says contains the romance upon which the whole is based. (See subsequent discussion of the romances in this play.) Cardona challenges the Aragonese to settle the trouble by single combat, and offers to meet anyone who will fight him single-handed. At once there grows in the mind of Pedro the diabolical plan to have Don Bernardo fight his son. He thinks that thereby he will secure vengeance, for Don Lope w ill no doubt k i l l h is fa th e r. There follows another scene between Clenarda and Casandra. The l e t t e r has been sen t and. they aw ait the outcome• King Roger enters with some of his soldiers on the way to watch the battle between Don lope and the Aragonese champion, and the duel Itself soon follows* Before they draw swords, however, the two champions converse, and each learns the identity of the other* Don Bernardo returns to the c ity , and Don Lope to the S ic ilia n camp, where he says that Don Pedro, himself, came forth to do battle with him, and because of his loyalty, despite ill-treatment, he could not bring himself to draw, his sword against his prince. Don Alfonso makes ready for the Sicilian attack as Don Pedro, having been given the letter, decides to leave for the enemy camp and a meeting with Casandra. There he is made prisoner| and Dog Lope, reading Casandra*o letter, thinks she^ Is :in reality unfaithful to him. His anger is scarcely kindled before a servant, sent by her. Informs Don Lope that she Is deadi slain by King Roger for communicating with the enemy. He therefore resolves on suicide, and half- crazed, is about to throw himself into the sea when two fishermen see him and make him captive* He is taken before Don Alfonso, who, Pedro being absent, is soon moved to forgive Don Lope, and restores him to his place as head of the Aragonese armed forces. Meanwhile after his return to Sicily King Roger decides, to execute Don Pedro, and thus carry out his vengeance upon the Aragonese. Casandra and Clenarda plot to thwart this -18-

effort, one because of her loyalty to her liege and the other because of her love. Casandra dresses as a soldier and enters the camp of the Aragonese, who In the meantime have reached Sicily, and in an interview with Don Lope represents herself as a leader of the Portuguese troops who were sent to join those of Aragon. She also, unrecognised In her masculine garb, is able to persuade Clenarda, who la sim ila rly disguised and in the Aragonese camp, to leave the solution of the difficulties to her. Before the gates of Messina the Aragonese army, led by its king rod Don Lope de Cardona, hears the threat of King Roger to hang Don Pedro from the wall before their eyes. He is about to carry out his threat when it Is revealed to him by Casandra, still disguised as the Portuguese general, Bionla, that Clenarda is in the Aragonese camp and has been made hostage for Don Fedro^s safety. Roger capitulates, agrees to the marriage of Pedro and clenarda, when she de­ clares that she is a willing prisoner on account of her love, and %he two Icings unite in friendship as the marriage contracts are planned. Casandra reyeals her identity to Don Lope, and Don Alfonso makes him,through Casandra,>Duke

. . of segorbe and bestows upon him the possessions of the County of Urgel. • . Such is the brief outline of the events in this play. They seem to be almost e n tire ly f ic tio n a l, but they are —IS*

built around certain events which, did take place, in the lives of the historical characters in the dramatis personae* Zm Alfonso IV, in history and in this drama. Alfonso, IV, known as K1 Benleno* ruled in Aragon less than ten years, from 1327 to 1336. His reign ivas. character­ ized by an apparent desire to follow the will of his nobles in the maintenance of a constitutional monarchy, and it was thus that he earned his surname. 19 Zurita records one event during his reign which is of interest in view of later events which by Lope's time had mad# the Aragonese bear the reputation of being the most subject of all Spaniards.#) Alfonso bad given as donations to various of his nobles, a number of towns which had been property of the crown. Some of thee® towns were given to Castilians. From the kingdom of Valencia came a delegation headed by Guillem de Vinatea. they pointed out that this act would tend to separate Valencia from Aragon and implied that they would resist such separation even to the death, threatening harm as well to the persons of the royal family. In the course of the discussion the queen, Leonor of Trastamara, sister of the King of Castile, said con Snlmo muy varonll: ...quo tal cosa como aquella no la conointiera el rey de Castilla su hermano: y qua tales personas como aquellao y tan scdiciosas loa mandnra degollar. Ra* a esto respondio el Rey estas palabraa, segun el Rey . don Pedro escrlve en su M storia: Reyna cl nueatro pueblo es libre, y no tan sujeto como el de Castilla: per que nuestros subdltos nos tienen reverencla como a scilor, y nos tenemos a olios como bvenos vasalios y compafleros: y con esto se levant6 el Rey, y las -14-

donaclones se revocaron*...21 The following passage from Pedro IV*s Chronicle as printed by Carbonell, gives an idea of the directness of the speech of Vinatea: ,..E axis feu quo y anaren 1© dlt en Guillens de Ulnatea/e los Jurats e Consellers /e com foren dauant lo senyor Bey nostra pare e la Reyna nostra Kadrastre/ e tot llur Consell e Frelats/e Sauls/c Cauallors: e altres Barons e rich* homens de sa cort/en Guillens de Ulnatea propose e dix que molt se marauellaua del senyor Rey nostro parc/c aximateix de tot son Consell/ que ay tals Donaolons faes/ne consentie com hernia. Car alio no volia al redir/sino tolre les Privilegis/ c separar lo regne de Valencia dela corona do Arago. Car separata los Ullles/c lochs tant appropriate com aquells eren dela clutat de Valencia/ Valencia no feria res: per que ells no consentlen en les dites donaolons/ ana bin contradirien: e ques marauellauen fort dell/e de son consell que en punct les posassen dauant. Car posaucnlos en punct de esser traydors:c altre senyor no y mudariem si a mi sublets tolre lo cap del coll:ne sin cablets a tots matar/eas certific vos senyor que si nos morlK que no escapara alga de aquests qui son api que no auyren tota a tal despasa/ sino vos senyor/e la reyna el Infant don Fernando. E hoint aquestes paraules lo senyor rey nostre pare dix ala reyna/ ha reyna apo voliots vos hoyr/c ella tota ayrada ploraat dix, senyor no eonsentiria el rey don Alfonso de Castilla heraano nuestro que el no los degollasse .. todos. e lo senyor rey respos. Reyna reyna cl nostre poble es franch/e no es axi subjugat com es lo poble de Gastello. Car ells tenen a nos com a Spnyor/ e nos a ells com a bona Vassals/c companyeros., Thus, Lope’s delineation of Alfonso's character in this play is quite true to history: He defends Don Lope and his father against the accusations of the Prince, Don Pedro, even though to dram a 23 sword on a member of the royal family was Ibse-ma.leote: Don Pedro. Vitorloao ha llegado, que, en efecto, pareee que le tlembla la fortune 15-

y quo on cuanto le plde lo obedece.

Lon Alonso. Liucho s lento no le poder bonrsr coeo quislera y como lo mereco tal hazafia. Don Pedro. Pares# que me mlras con enojoJ Don Alonso. Hlro la cause del disgusto mlo. Don Pedro. Pues pon los ojos on su loco padre, que ye, do su prlsidn, ague culpa tengo? Don Alonso. ANo es culpa la quo dlcon, puos le oblige que contra ou softer tome la armas a un noble, a un vlejo, a un sftbdlto, a un [vasallo? Don Pedro. SI qulerea celebrar esta vltorla de don Lope, su bijo, no bags# salve a mi sangrs, con culpas que no tengo. 4Para que le dejaote entrar sin fiestas? 4Para quS no responden a aus tir o s las murallas del Grao y el baluarte? 4Para qu8 nauie sale a rccibirle, ni los mures de luces se coronan, ni en la eluded una trompeta suena? lio mires, gran softer, quo soy tu bijo y que su padre de Don Lope ha hecho tan gran tralcl6n como es berir & un Principe. iPrcmla a tu General, quo con vltorla vieno del rey Rogerio de SleiliaS Hands que toda la ciudad se alegre, que yo lo ostoy de que tu gusto sea, aunque maflana, con aquesto ejemplo, te quiten de la frento la Corona. Don Alonso. Pues £es traidor Ikm Lope de Cardona? Don Pedro. Es lo su padre. Bon Alonso. Mira lo que dices: quo si tG oolicltas libremente la mujer de su hijo, y el sospecha que son terceres tuyos los que alteram con instrumentos, musicaa y voces la honra y el silencio do su casa, no es much© que el primero movimiento le diene aquel honroso atrevimiento.d, 658.) And later Kiien he has agreed to alio?? Don Lope and his family to leave the country unmolested: Don Pedro> £La libertad tan ffieilmente le ofraces? IMo me babies aue @n tu rids me mostrasto mas amorI (Vase) Don Alonso, iPedroI iPedrol ( iQuS rigor* Pero hoy, amor se despida, que he de mirar coeo Bey lo que a los dos nos importa; con esto el dafio se acorta: . esto es raz6n y esto es ley,) Toma, don Lope, tu oaaa, tu mujer y padre al punto,.,.(Ibid,. 660b,) ?Jh@n Pedro •s pursuit of Don lope de Cardona falls, Alonso says: To estoy, Pedro, m&s contento de qua no le hayas tra ld o , que ooasidn bubiera side de esforzer tu pensamiento, Que perder un capit&n, puesto que ©ire cSsar fu era, memos ml goslego altera, monos cuidado me dan. La libortad de un sefior base de eotimar on mucho, (Ibid.. 666a.) To such extreme is this tolerant spirit of Alfonso carried that vshen Don Lope de Cardona, left on the seashore by King Roger, is brought before him a prisoner, Alfonso restores him at onco to his rank as general, as has been s ta te d above.24 such is the extent to which the character of El, Bcnigno is preserved by the dramatist in this play. In the history of his reign there was no war with Sicily, but there began a war with Genoa which lasted over a number of years. In the course of this war, which started -17-

tfith a revolt, in Sardinia, then only partly under the eontrol; of the Aragonese, an Aragonese fleet attacked and ravished the via ter front at Genoa mad in revenge was attacked by the Genoese, Just as Is told in Don Lone do Cardona, but of the Sicilians. Before the raid on the Catalonian coast the Genoese also were able to secure the cooperation of Robert, one of the rival kings of the Sicilies, so that he was in effect their ally at this time. Moreover, during this time and subsequently, a certain Don Ramfin de Cardona was Aragonese governor in Sardinia. These events are related in zurita, Tomo II, fols. 100-10, passim. From these are quoted the portions most interesting In connection with the present study: Be la guorra que se Mao contra los Ge- nouesca: y dels yda de don Ramon de Car dona con los feudatories, ala icia de Certiefta. [Afio M.CCC.XXXI. - rz.ccc.XXXII.] XVI. Estando el Rey en Valencia en principle del mes do abril dcste aflo de mil tresientos treynta y vno, Lucas de Flisco, que era principal de los Guelfos do Gemma, embio vn g c n til hombre suyo al Roy, Hamad® Francisco de santa Eulalia, y eon el le offrecia, que si se quislesso concordar eon los Genouesea, que estauan dentro en Genoua, sobre los dafios que aula becho a sus subdltos, que cl en persona seruirla contra los Genoueaes Gibellnos de Sahona, y contra otros quales- quicre cneraigos suyos con qulnzc galoras bien armadas. Acepto el Rey su oferta, pero en este medio la araada del Hey, que era do quarenta gal eras, y treynta leflos armadoc, salio de Catalufia, y fae por el mes de Agosto deote mlo a corrcr la rlbera de Genoua, y Sahona: y -18—

quemaron dluernoa casales, y torres do los Gcmueses, y hlzieron muy grande dafio en toda aquella costa: y los Genoueses no osaron sallr con mi amada, porque la tenlan muy mal en orden, y por estar olios cntre si en guerra. Entonees los Gcnouses, que so llomcuan Intrinsicos do Genoua, y los Gibollnos dc Sahona, .. viondo, que sc aula rompido la guerra eon cl rey do Aragon, concordaron sus diforencias por medio del rey Roberto [l*o. of Sicily], y los dc Sahona restltuyeron a la sailor la la s fuerpas q u e a u la a tornado, quedand© los Orias y Esplnolas ilbres quc pudieseon sogulr en la guerra en Sicilia a qulen quisieseen: y assl los Esplnolas seruian al rey Roberto, y los Cries al rey den Fadrlque. (Robertand Frederic were at that time rival kings in Maples end Sicily,(the Two Sicilies) and at w ar.)... Estaua en esta sazon pregonada... la guerra entre el Rey de Aragon y sus subdltos, y los Genoueses Glbelinos y Guelfos: los quale* aparejauan yna muy gruecaa armada, para entrar en la isla de Cerdeiia: y loo Orias quo tenlan el lugar del Alguer, y otros lugares importantes sc aderecauan para yr con sus gentes contra la ciudad de Sacer: y porque don Ramon de Cardona era venido r. Catalufla, quo era gouernador y lugarten!ante general, en fin del mee de Dczlembre dcste afio le mendo el Rey hacer algunas companies de gente de cauallo, y de pie: y proueyose, quo se armassen ocho galeras cn la Isla, porque eorria much© peligro, estando la mayor parte della en poder de rebcldes:,.. Entonees stand© el Rey conuocar todos los que tenian feudos cn la isla do Cerdeiia por cl mes do Harpo del aSo de mil trczlcntos treynta y dos, estando en la ciudad de Valencia:. ..Los mas de cstos rlco® hombres y caualleros fueron a Cerdefla, y los otros enularon gente de cauallo y do pie, por la obllgacicn que tenian: y juntosc vna muy buona armada, con la cual fue don Ramon de Cardona: y lleuaua muy buenoe capltanes, y gente muy blen platica en la guerra, porque sc tuvo mucho rccelo de los grandee aparejos que los Genouveses hazlan, que aulan concordado sus dlferencias: y oran ya vnos Guelfos, y Gibelinos por sola la empress de Cerdefia, y reclbleron tambien por Senor y protector de aquel cornun al Rey Roberto. Luego que don Ramon arribo con esta armada a Cerdefia, se fue a poner cn la ciudad de Sacer, y proueyo de gente las fuerpas y Castillos, y y los lugaree marltlmos mas importantes: y porque 3anew Aznarez de Arbe, que era capItan del Reyna de Gallura, era muerto, puso en su lugar a Amaldo de Ledrera, y embio vna compafiia de gente de armas con vn cauallero de la casa del Rey de Castilla, quc fue a servlr al Rey en esta guerra, 11 act ado Rodrigo Fernandez -19-

de Vega: yen todos loa lugares principal** puso muy buenos capiwanes con sus compafiias de soldados. tenia en e s ta sazon la Sefloria de Genoua vna muy buena ' armada, y en alia aula basta sesenta galeras, y oiroe naulos muy bien armados, y emendiondo que las cosas •- de CerdeBa esvauan bast.ant»cKiente proueydas, y todas las fuerpas de la marina en buena defense, y con buenao guamiclones de gente, y que la armada del Rey de Aragon guardauatodas suo costas, dcterminaron en veuganpa del da&) que auian recibido en su ribera, de etabiar la armada a correr las costas de Catalufia, y discurrio por todas las piayas y puertos haziendo muy grande dafio: y encontraronse con cinco galeras de Catalan®® en la piaya de Barcelona, y fueron sobre ellaa, y cnuistiendo eh tj^rra se escape la mayor p arte do la gente, y la s ubmaroh eon toda la ebusma, y las quemaron: y de alii passaron a las islao de Mallorca y Menorca, y boluieron con gran presa a Genoua por el mes de Octubre. Deed® entonces se cotaenpo a hazer la guerra entre•Catalanos y Genoueae® cruelissimamente, no solo por la isla de CerdeBa, per© comb entre bos naciones, que cospetian por el seftorio de la mar: porque a juyzio do todas las gentea ©ran las Catalanes en este misoo tiempo prefer!dos a los . genoueses, y a todas las otras naciones en el vso y exercicio de las cosas aaritimas, assl en la nauegacion, como en el beebo tie la guerra en la forts- less, vigor, inuuctrla y gran firmeza, y tolerancia: y las armadas de ios Reyes de Aragon y Sicilia ten!an el Uotninlo y possesion de la mar. Esto se sustento muebo tiempo con el premio, y con el castigo: y ten!an los Catalanes tan rigurosas leyesen sus nauegaciones y armadas, y las cosas estauan en tanta orden, que en vna ley de las suyas se tiaua pern capital y de muerte al comitre que con vna galera enuistlesse en tierra, por huyr tie cos de los enemigos.... Don Ram6n de Cardona stayed in command at Sardinia u n til 1336, when be r e t u r n e d to Catalonia. 25 Cardona * s period as governor was marked by no particular gains for either old® in this struggle for commercial supremacy in the Mediterranean, but it was marked by such victories through Cardona's efforts as made the Genoese willing to agree to peace for a time. Pedro, who this year succeeded to -ao»

the throne seemed desirous of postponing the final contest with Genoa*2? It will thus be seen that the events of history do not very well correspond to those of Lope's drama, but they do, seemingly, conform sufficiently to have been the possible source of the idea* Pedro's carriage to a Sicilian princess did not, however, take place during his father's lifetime, in fact he was not married to Leonor until 1549 and she was his third wife, rather than his first. She was not the daughter of Roger of Sicily, but of Pedro II, who ruled from 1557 to 1542.26 Sicily had but one king named Roger up to the time of Pedro IV, and he ruled from 1150 to 1154.29 But the fact remains that, like Lope's character In this play, Pedro IV, in real life, did marry a Sicilian princess. He meddled much in the affairs of Sicily during his reign, but he did not undertake any military expeditions which ended in his marriage"-ae was-.the case with the prince in Don Lope de Cardona.30 3. Pedro IV, In history and in drama. :;e have already considered the reputation and character of Pedro as summed up by two modern historians. Zurlta wrote of him because of his many family quarrels and the manner in which he persecuted his brother-in-law, James of Majorca, and - later even- his own son, Juan, as follows: Fve la condicion del rev don Pedro, v su naturaloza tan Mrneraa y inclinada a m&l, quo en nlnfruna cosa se scfxalo > . ■ ml phso mayor fu crca. corso en vcrmmlr m propria a a n g re.b3X

In Don Lopo de Cardona Pedro is fully as crafty as in real life, when he sots out to got something* In this ease the wife of one of the kln&don's loading nobles, he uses all types of cajolery and deceit. Typical is his action following the passage quoted above from Act I (p,658), and later, as shown bales, when after the high-sounding eloquence employed in persuading his father that pardon and exile of Don Lope will endanger the throne has scarce died away, he soliloquizes in such a manner as to reveal that all his efforts are for but one cause, pursuit of another man's w ife: Don Afonso. Sieepro a ti to parocen mal mis cosas, aunque scan fcrscs&s al gobierno. iA cual manceud iicrn o 1c da gusto lo quo parece justo al cuordo anciano? Don Pedro, Coger el vlento vano, el sol en redes; noner al mar parades y altos muros, labrar diamante® duros, vidrio tierno, co persuadir gobierno al viejo el moso. Don Alonso, :-. Do oirte hablar me gozo tan fundado; pero aunqu© yo he llegado a ser tan viejo, no rehuyo el consejo, si no import*, del que en edati tan corta, en pure ciencia, alcanza la experlenoia de los afios, qne algunas desengafios hay sin canae. Don Pedro. 4QuS coses hay mas lianas que los yerroe que has hecno an los deatierros de esta |e n te ? Don Alonso. Esta iwtjer, preaente, 4 no podrfa obligerte algun dia a maa locura? Don Pedro. No, porquc la herraosura son antoJos del gusto do loa ojoa, y por otra puede hacer que libre quede el que la mira; rnas si lleno do Ira su aarido, con qulen ingrato ha- aido, a un Key se paea qae tu sangre y tu casa an odio tiene, y con bus armas viene a hacerto guerra y destrulr tu tierra, las buen coheejo que con su padre viejo y con su esposa ; vaya adondc es forsoea la vengansa? Don Alonso. Tango gran confianza an su nobleza. Don Pedro. No nay aaldad, no bay bajeza que no intcnte un ofendldo ausente aconsejado da una mujer, ni ha dado, on euanto alcansa el sol, la confianza buen efeto, ni la tuvo discrete eternamente. Don Alonso» Para qua no lo intents, ihay algGn medio? Don Pedro. No slento otro reoedlo que seguille si es ido, y roducille con oficios, cargos y beneficios, a tu pecho; que mi bombre satisfech o estS saguro. Don Alonso. 31 esta dentro del muro da Valencia trS elo a mi presencia, y si es partido, quejoso y dasafarido, gente enrla que le traiga. Don Pedro. Podrla rcsistirsc, y, enojado, partirse; que an efeto, mucho pierdo el reepeto un enojado. Yo ir6 determlnado, que aunque vaya a Argel, basta su plaza be da seguirle, y amigo, conducille a tu servicio.

Don Alonso. Lleva gente que pueda defenderte. Don Pedro. ( j Todo aquasto es q u ererte y ad o rarte, todo es ir a buscarte, todo engafiol Procurando a mi dafio algGn rereadlo, jirl por ti si an medio el mar se pone; tu castidad pardone y tu fareoso marido, que un celoso amor me matat lAy, ml Casandra in g ra ta , tu s c e n tc ila e me abrasan, pero son da tus estrellasl) (662b-*663a. ) - 83-

Pedro *s advice, csnoernlng tUe bestowal of benefices and titles upon the discontented is characteristic. His treatment of the recalcitrant nobles who would not submit to Ms de­ signs as ruler o f the realm was more than harsh: in h is Chronicle he telle that he had the bells which called to­ gether the members of the opposing party in Valencia melted and poured down the throats of its leaders.32 But he was equally generous in the bestowal of titles on those whom he could persuade thereby, as is shown both in his own chronicle and by Zurita, and as s h a ll be seen later in this study when the question of the identity of Don Lope de Cardona is dis­ cussed. ; 4. Tres Pedros aomos Reyes on un tiempo, as a dramatic idea. Added to the tangled historical features already men­ tioned as part of this play is the fa ct that Lope used in it to a greater extent perhaps than in any other the coin­ cidence that during the reign of Pedro IV In Aragon there were also two other kings of that name in the Hispanic peninsula: Pedro I of Castile, who reigned from 1350 to 1369; and Pedro I of Portugal, 1357-1367. This idea was inevitably a popular one with dramatists, so popular in fact that in reading a play in which any one of them appears

there are good odds that it will be mentioned, a few instan­ ces are included here because they help to round out the understanding of the idea as employed in Don Lope de Cardona. I

Jaime II - Blanca of Tarento F t Const and a 1291-1327 (Naples)

D lnlz Is a b e l, 11275- daughter of 1325 Pedro m , s is ie r of Jaime II T I------Ram$n AlfSL- s Leonor Maris, s Alfonso XI s (Leonor Berenguer s i s t e r 1312-50 de of Pedro X Guzman)

onso IV = Beatrlz, i 1325-57 daughter of Lnrlque II of fO Sancho IV Traa tamara 1369-79

r z i Conslanoia=Pedro Islnes de Leonorggedro IV*Leonor Blancagpedro 1= Marla de 1 s t wife I557«f$7 C astro, 2d wife 1336-87 of of 1350-69 Padilla 2d wife Sicily, France 3d wife

PORTUGAL ARAGON CASTILE

Genealogical table to show the relationship by marriage and by blood of Pedro I of Portugal, Pedro IV of Aragon, Pedro I of Castile, and Lnrique II, Count of Trastamara, and King of Castile. 25-

In lo p e ’s Adyarsa forUma do don Bernardo 4® Gabrerm. which is interesting because of some of the sim ilarities it bears, in certain of its parts, to Don Lone de Cardona. is found the following reference to the three Pedros: Hey. iV ls te ls a don Pedro, mi prime, cl do Castilla? Trastaaara. V ile. BS3L«. 6En Toledo? Trastaaara. ' Ho, slno en Sevilla. %%%._ Tree Pedros somos Reyes en un tlcmpo. Trastaaara, Los de Castilla y Portugal alcanzan nombres de justieleros.

SSJl* &Y yo? Traataaara. - De manso. Hey. No es defecto del Key scr amoroso; peor es ser cruel y riguroso.... (II. 79. K. Acad.. III.) This play and its companion, Prfispera Fortuna de Don Remar do de Cabrera, deal with famous historical episodes surrounding the rise into favor of Bernaldo de Cabrera, oajordomo of Pedro, and the subsequent downfall which ended in his execution. The Adverse fortuna is the more tru e to h is to r y .33 Here Pedro is perhaps s t i l l manso because he has not yet distinguished himself for the cruelty and determination he later displayed in his fight with the Union of Aragonese and Valencian nobles. Later ; in the same act Pedro announces his intention to be known, as arc h is contem poraries, as El J u s tic ie r o . The lines which follow this announcement would be committed to memory by every schoolboy, if they had been written in English by Shakespeare. They are sonnet-like in quality, although tercets (terzajrima): H©Z*. ■ ' Desde hoy procuro que me llaeen tambl(n el Justiciero. Hinguno on ml favor viva seguro si on su muoha virtud no esti estrlbando, que un monte se estremece y aun an muro. El que sirvlere blen ire premiando; aquel que me ofendiere no confle . en ol dulco favor del peeho blando. Unollora en el mundo, otro se rle; uno muere a tiempo que otro nacc, para quo humilde o l que naclS se e r le . Lo mierno que hace Dios el que es rey haee: unos hombres levanta, otros derrlba, para pena mayor del que deshace. T cs justo que contemple equal que priva el castigo que dan al derribado, jerque eon ojos vigilantes viva. (Ibid., 82b.) Of course this designation of the king by his various surnames or descriptive adjectives according to the period In his life with which the play deals is not frequently a point given great consideration by the dramatists. He is called whatever best suits the action of the play. In Don Lope do Cardona, he is already cru el although he has not yet ascended the throne, and as is seen below, in Los Ramirez de Arollano. which deals with the era of the struggle with the Dni6n. he is fuerte despite the fact that there was perhaps no time during his reign that he appeared more likely to lose his hold on the crown. It is perhaps •*£?-*

only coincidence that Lope»s characterisation here is so like that of the modem historian, Merrlman, #ho, as already star­ ted, says of Pedro "he was most dangerous when seemingly most im potent. n In these quotations concerning the three Pedros the kin­ ship of the group (and, of course, of Enrique de Trastamara) Is frequently mentioned. The tabic provided on page 24 shows (in part) their relationship by blood and by m arriage.34 The table also shows some of the connections which Aragon had by marriage with Sicily and Naples (later known as the Two Sicilies.). It will serve as a guide in the discussion of much of the historical background of Don Lope de Cardona. In his play, Los Ramirez de Arellano, where Carlos of Navarra, Pedro of Aragon, and Pedro of Castilla appear, Lope has all three Pedros seeking the services of the champion, Juan Ramirez de Arellano, and all send him letters at the same time: El rey Carlos, D. sancho y Ids dents; trae el Rev unas cartas. Carlos. Esto quedigo escriben los doa Reyes. Sancho. Aqui estt Juan Ramirez. Juan. Aqui ticn e un hidalgo qu® ylene de Castilla; requiere mas secret©. C arlos. Sea en buena bora. Juan Ramirez.

Juan. Sefior..#. C arlos. Eot-as do s c a rta s son de dos rcyee, y loo dos son Pedros: uno de Portugal, que agora tiene pesaduttbree y guerras con gu padre, sobre e l amor tie doila Ines de C astro, con qttien quiero caoarso cin su gusto; y el otro de Aragon; cntrambos quieren que los slrvals; entrambos me ban pedldo que os envle a sus reinos. . Juan. De esa smerte, tree Reyes, todos Pedros, todos fuertcs, quieren, sefior, que vaya a su servlclo, porque esta es del rey Pedro de Castilla, Y de Aragon y Portugal eootras*... (I, 566-9, Acad. DU) In the play, Blempre ayuda la verdad, by Tirso and Ruiz de AlarcSn, In which Pedro I of Portugal Is one of the central figures, there occurs the following scene, drawing again the parallel between these three kings: Rey* Ho me doja cl dolor, como si fuera, TristSn de Silva, aoueote cl primer dla quo vi6 aquSl Sngel de dorada esfera de su inoccnte y pura jerarqula: admirese el amor de que no muera qulen perdiS eu adorada compafila, y yo que vivo, en tanto mal me veo, plenso que basta, que morir deseo; Si a dofla In6s de Castro tan airado mat6 ml padre, cay® aeerte injueta en los fieros traidores he vengado por ley de amor y por sen ten cla,5 5 en soebrae me aparece, y mi cutdado de adorar su dIvina imagen gusta, ipor qu6 te admiraba tristeza mla? TristSn porque cu&l es cl sol, tal es el dla. T ““““ 31 estfis, sefior, por la sangrienta historia do tu Rise LasticioGa,36 quo e l coro de lo s fingeles aumonta, con muerte tan atroz y rigurosa, 4como no quloras que tu reino slcnta tu mieaa pena? Rev. Ml querida eaposa no me deja a le g ra r. Nl el reino puede vlendo (jue tu pesar lo Ju lio excede. Ta on p&blico toatro coronade re in a de P ortugal, despuSs do lauerta, fue la divine dofia Inca Jur&da, de teles de oro y de dolor cublerta; y el pecbo qne paa6 cobarde espade del alma noble dolorosa puerta £Oz6 tua brasos; Enimo exceslvo, con una muerta despoaarse un vivoj De tu venganza y deste dolor flcro tan semgrlento y cruel, sefior, quedaae, quo tiembla Portugal, de equal severe rostro qua desde entoneas le mostraste, confieso qua la causa fu6 primer#, mas ya los bomlcldas castlgaste; tram reyes Pedros tiene agora Espafia y todos tres crueles, coca extraftal l!as si el de AragSn y el de Castilla por J u s tlc le ro s c ste nombra tie n e n , an Zaragoza aquSl, Ssie an Sevilla, dlferentes renombres te convlenen, tu trlsteza a tu reina maravilla: fiesta en mar y tierra te prevlenan, alSgrate, sefior. Rev. Si yo pudiera olvitiarme de ml, posible fuera,...(2, 211b,NBAEIV) In Don Lope de Cardona the Introduction of this idea comes at the point where the hero of the play has returned to Valencia after his exile', and makes his challenge to meet anyone of Alfonso•a men in single combat. Here Pedro vows to live up to hi® surname of "the Cruel.” Sale don Pedro, (Don Pedro.) Ya quo a los Cielos mi desdicha plugo y que el selicitar un loco antoJo me cueste tantes suertes de torment©, hoy, Lope, pagarSs tu atrevimiento. Tree Pedros dice Espafia que vivimos, todos crueles: en Castilla el uno, el otro en Portugal, de quien oimos venganza que Jamas sc oyo de alguno. Pues si cl otro soy yo, ipor qu6 sufrlmos que se puede alabar hoabre ninguno 30-

4® naestra ofensa? Huera el que lo crea, y esto dc los tree Pedros vcrdad seal Ho pensado que salsa al desaflo sin que sepa con qui6n, el Viejo preso; que mi contra su hijo al padre envlo, vengado quedarS con grande cxccso. Don Lope os fu e rte y de robusto b rio : matar&le, sin duda, y el suceso, declarado en e l mundo, har& quo infame etemasente al de Cardona llama. (II, 673-4.) when he has received Casandra's letterw hich asks a clandestine meeting in her tent in the camp of the enemy, Pedro again reminds himself that he Is to live up to his reputation, and asks himself whether one so carried away by love can be c ru e l: Don Pedro. (iV&lgame el Cielo mil vecesl &Si es tralclSn? Mas no ser&.) 4Ad6ndc, soldado, estS el claro sol que me ofreces, por que me sirvas de estrellaf Fabricio. Seguidme, que no eot& lejoe la tie n d a . Don Pedro. (iOh, cu&ntos consojos tm loeo amor a tro p e lla l 4Pero soy don Pedro yo, quo llama Aragfin cruel? ) Gula, Amigo! (II, 678a)

But byj far the most striking scene in the whole play, ao far as tills idea of the tres reyeo, todos Pedros, is concerned,is that of the third act,which is laid in the prison in Sicily where Pedro is awaiting the decision of King Roger as to his disposal: -31-

Entra el Principe, preso. y un mdslco. Fernando.

Fernando. iQuleros, seflor, que proalga? Don Pedro. Harfisme, amigo, p lace r. Pare vuelve a comenzar, que de coses do pesar reelbo mayor placer* ifislca. (Canto) "Cuando a dofia InSs de Castro olra el portuguSe don Pedro, do rail floras puflaladas sangrlento el nerado pecho, y sus doa querldoa hljos, como do# Angeles muertos, uno en el dereobc braze y otro en el brazo sinlestro, quiere llorar y no puede, porcue loo ojos, suspenses, estan deteniendo el ague per no Hover a su cielo." Don Pedro. Oh, cuinto, Fernando amigo, de esas trlstezaa me alegro, ya porque Pedro ee mi prime, ya porque me llamo Pedro• Hataronle dos traldores a su bella Inis. Fernando. Bicn presto dicen que tom6 venganaa. Don Pedro. En vlendo a su padre muerto. ?w^alca. (Can't®) "i-fas ya que pudo llorar, Hera el portugfiee dlciendo: •Oye, Inis del alraa m(a." Don Pedro. No prosigas, que me muero. Fernando. Tfi tienes culpa, sefiori que a loo tristes no es coneuelo cantar nl contar tristezas. Don Pedro. Yo en tristezas me alegro. Pero dime una Ganelin alegro, si olrla puedo. porque oyendo alegres cooas quicro ver si me entrlstezeo.

______, ______;__ _ ~*e-

Mfisica, (CanSe) MEn Sevilla juegn cafias el valiente rey don Pedro, por dar gusto a la Padilla, que fue espada de su cuello, En la cuadrilla del Rey ; . _ ■■ ; va Juan de Guzmfin el Bueno..;« Don Pedro. icon otro Pedro ml prime fulste a dart Fernando. Todoe son Pedros los reyes quo ticne Eapaft® on esta sazSn, Don Pedro. No creo que de mi, cunquo Pedro soy, hay versos. Fernando• Yo sS unos versos. Don Pedro. CSntalos por vide tuyal Fernando. Son de amor. Don Pedro. IPlerdea por eso? Fernando. No pierden, poraue al amor cuanto vive esta sujeto. Mdslca. (Canto.) "Disfrazado eotS en Sicilia el aragonSs don Pedro; en las fiestas de su Rey# a todos 11ova los precios. VlGlc la hermosa Clcnarda...» Don Pedro. Que no prosigns te ruego, IBs esa dama la Infanta? Fernando. La mioma. Don Pedro. Extrafio sucesel iVersos se hacen en Castilla de su amor? Fernando. Eo tanto extreme el quo ha mostrado de amarte, que hay o tro s muchos s in is te a -as*

Pon Pedro, Vive Dios, cotoy, Fernando, agradccido y contento de ver que me quiera tanto habiendo a su bermano muertoi Y quo si pudiera bablarla quo le ofreclcra mi pccho enamorado y rendido, (685-86) The first purpose of this scone is of course to load up to the mooting of Pedro and Clenarda,which Immediately follows, this is their first meeting in the play and by.it the audience's attention is definitely fixed upon their love as opposed to the misfortunes of the protagonist, Don Lope de Cardona, and his wife, Casandra.. But there is also to be noted with regard to it the extent to which Lope has gone in his drawing of the parallels between the three Pedros and their love affairs. He has pointed out the famous illic it ventures of the Portuguese and Castilian monarchs, . and draws attention away from the like venture of the Aragonese Pedro with respect to Casandra, which he of course never consummated, and directs it toward the purely honorable and romantic love of Clenarda, The manner of presenting this turn in the events of the play Is through three short snatches of what Lope seems to want the reader and audience to believe are popular romances. A fairly complete search of the collections of popular ballads in Portuguese, Castilian, Asturian and Catalan has failed to find trace of any of them, or of -34-

any olmilar to them. The third of the group, because of the fact that it is connected wholly with the persons in the play is quite apparently the work of Lope, but the others might possibly be of different origin if it were not for the fact that in the one case, that dealing with Pedro of Portugal and In6s do Castro, there are events described which are entirely foreign to any of the traditions surrounding this famous love affair, either in popular ballad or in drama, namely, the. killing of Inee* children at the time she herself was assassinated. The passage on Pedro of Castile is so brief that it is scarcely possible to draw any conclusions from it, or to trace it with the limited resources at hand. Of the char­ acters mentioned therein, the Identity is evident. La Padilla is of qourse Karla of that name, for whom Pedro left his bride, Blanche of France, as Is related in Lfipez de Ayala's CrSnlca del Rev don Pedro I de Castilla, in less that a week after their marriage.37 ghe vas the espada qC su cuello because his affair with her brought the ultimate support of Prance to. Enrique de Treataa&ra, and his defeat and death.38 Juan pSrcz de Guzmfin, cl Bueno, was brother of Leonor de Guzm&n, the mother of Enrique de Trastamara, and of course of the opposing party, although at one time inclined to compromise and deal with P e d r o . 39 The title, el Bueno, was first applied to Alonso pSrez de Guzetn after the siege of Tar if b in 1294 rnUm he threv? down h is own dagger to the Moorsrwhen they threatened to k ill his son*, whom they held captive, saying:"si no teneis arma para consumer la. iniquidad, ahi teneis la mla, "^0 'rjxis deed was su b ject of one of the most popular romances.41 Subsequently the surname* el Bueno, was given to the oldest son of the family of pSrez de Guzm&n, and it has thus come down to the p resen t d ay .42 As already stated the circumstances alluded to with regard to Pedro I of Portugal and Doha Ines de Castro differ from any treatment of their story which has been found in the course of this investigation. Briefly the historical facts are these: InSs de Castro [fu6j nacida a principles del siglo XIV y muerta aseslnada en Coimbra, 7 de cnero de 1355, hija del amor illcito de Pedro Fern&ndez de Castro con doha Aldonza Soares do Valladarcs. Era prima de doRa Constanza, hlja de Juan Manuel, Infan lg de Galicia, y mujer de Pedro I de Portugal. Constanza muri6 en el afio 1345 a causa do los celos que tuvo contra InSs con quien el rcy so habla enamorado del moment© que la vi6 en la ocasi6n de sus bodas con Constanza. r Tuvo treo hijos con ella y dectdlS eaearse con clla, aunque no supo ley n i document© que ju s tif le a r a la uniSn y especificara los derecims que adquiririan la nueva esposa y suo hijos. El rey, Alfonso IV, su padre, a causa de la oposietdn de la nobleza al matrimonio, acabS por autorizar el asesinato de dofla InSs. Perpetudse el atroz delito y Pedro pcrmanecid muchos d ias e n sus habitaciones loco de dolor#...43 - ...Proclamado rey en 1337, Pedro concluyS una alianza con su homSnimo de Castilla, y su primer cuidado fue vengar a su infeliz amante, haciendo dar muerte a sus asesinos, que se hablan refugiado en en Espafia, y que el monarca Castellano le entrego en vlrtud del tratado a quo antes se ha hecho mencidn. Bespudo dec lard que habla easado secretaaente con Dofia -36-

Inis de Castro, dcclaraclSn que fu€ confiraado por el Obispo Guards^Gil, y por on dooeetlco del rey, pero probableawnte el heoho no era cierto, y Pedro I recu- rrl6 a eote. pladoso fraude para reivlndlcar la taemorla de au Inferttmada amante, cuyos rcstos fueron trasla- dados con gran pompa al monasterlo de Alcobaza,...... Por rara coincldencla rolnaron on la peninsula en la mlsma Spoca tres monareas del mlsmo nombre, y los tree, con mSs o menos fundamento, son eonocldos por el aobrenombre el cruel, poro la hlstorla eota conforme cn que el menos mereclS ser 11amado as! fue el de Portugal, que justlflcS muchas voces el eplteto de Justlciero, con que tanblSn se le designs....44 In the CanoloneIro Gcral of Garcia de Resenda (1470-1536) there occurs In Its entirety the only romance of any kind which seems to have survived on this subject, it Is quite evidently t»he work of the compiler of the Canclonelro. who, however, has headed it, Trovas a aanelra do romance feltas a morte de Dona Ines de Castro, thereby causing both Braga and Menlndez Pidal to contend that there must have been popular ballads In Portuguese on the subject, some of which were doubtlessly familiar to Reaende.45aportions of a Spanish ballad arc quoted, however, in Velez de Guevara's Relnar de spues de morlr. and Mexla do la Cerda's pofia ines de Castro. of which plays most writers speak in connection with the legends surrounding this story.4^ The ballad of Resende is printed in part in the Oxford Book of Portuguese Verse.46 but the last six stanzas which represent the speech of Pedro upon finding Ines dead, are not included. Since they are the most Interesting portion In connection with the present study they are given herewith: -37-

Fala o Principe:

Senhora, quern y o s Baton seja de forte ventura, pois tanta ddr e tristura a vos e a mi cauaou! 1 pois nam vim male asinha tolher vossa triste fim, recebo-vos, vida minha, por senhora e per Hainha d'estos reynos e do mim* Estas ferldas mortaes que pelo meu sc causaram, nam uma vida, e nam mala mas dues vidas mataram, A vossa acaba j&# pel# quo nam foi cuipada, • a minha que flea qua* com saudade serao para siempre desgrapada. Oh erueldad? tarn fo rte , e injustipa tnmanhaj vlu-se nunca cm Hespanbs tarn cruel e crua morte? Contar-ae-ha por maravilha minha alma tarn verdadeira: pois morreis d>esta maneira, eu serel a torturllha que Ihe morre a companheira. Hi, senhora, deeeansada, pois quo vos eu fico qua, que vossa morte serS, so eu viver, vem vingada.

Por esso quero viver, que se por isso nao fSra, melhor me fdra, senhora, comvosco logo w r r e r . Amor, porque entendes que aquelles que tu mates quantas mats firmes os prendes: se os soltas mais os atas. Sangue do meu corapSo, fe rld o corapSo raeu, a quern assim por o ehfeo. vos csparge sera rasSo, m Ibe Slrnrel o sen. (Braga, Horaanceiro Geral. Ill, It will be seen that in these verses no mention is made of the death of the children, nor is there much else than Pedro’s lament and the vows to seek the vengeance which afterwards came to be almost proverbial with regard to Pedro, as may be noted in the above quotations from Tlrso and lope, and which are also the focal points of the final scene of the first drama ever written in Castilian on this su b je c t, JerSnimo Berrafidez’s Hiae Lastimosa47 (ca. 1577): Infante Del dole, nunc a mas la primavera ion Pedro> ae muostre a l mundo, todo lo criado coroigo llore, y pida a*Dios venganza de mal ta n sin medida • • • . *Tu amor tamaEo de pagarse habla con sraerte tan cruel, tan lastlaosaf las yo me matare mSs crudamente que a tl te mataron, si ho vengo tu muerto con extraiias crueldades: Dios mo darS. para esto solo fu e rzas. Dies me darS. para esto solo vida, y con mis manos abra aquellos pechos, de ellos arranque aquellos corazones, que usuarSn tal eirueza, y luogo muera, # # # # » # ##* »## #-# * # * # * Tus h ijo s so laments por ser ttyros serSn reconocidos por infantes: tu Inocente cuerpo ser& puesto en t&lamo r e a l, tu amor constante jamas me dejara, hasta que yo deje v ml cuerpo con el tuyo, y vaya esta alma a descansar contigo para siempre# (IV, 333b.) Bermudez’s drama was but a working-over of the first drama ever written on this subject, Antonio Ferreira’s Inea de Cast.ro. (ca.1577).*8 Ferreira was of the classic -59-

■ebooZ, and his work was among the first, if not the first, dramas written In the Senccan manner In a modem European language.49 it was the first on a national subject so to be handled In Portugal,50 in fact was apparently the second modern European drama of any kind on a purely national sub­ j e c t . 52- Since it was the father of nearly all subsequent dramas on Dofta Ines do C a stro ,52 i t would n a tu ra lly be suspected as the source for Lope's ballad in Don Lone de Cardona if none could be found in the ballad collections, but this cannot be said to be the case. Ferreira's drama­ tisation of the story has Pedro met by a messenger who announces the death of In6s, and describes the scene of the k illin g : MessaKciro. O1 triste nova, trlste jnessageiro Tens ante ti, senhor. Iffante. Quo novas trases? HessaRelro. Novae cruelsi cruel sou contra ti, Pois m'atrevi trasS-los. Mas primeiro Soesega tea sprite; c nolle finge A m5r dosaventura, que te agora Podia aeontecer: que grS remedio He ter o sprite armado & mfi. fortune. Iffante. Tens-me suspend. Conte: que acre cent as 0 mal com a tardanpa. Messanolro. 1M aorta Dona Ines, que tanto amavac. Iffante. 0* Deos! 6 ceosl quo contas? que me discs? Measagelro. De mortc tarn cruel, que he nova elgoa Contar-ta; nSo me atrevo. If f a n te . Ho morte?

Messageiro. 31. 40-

I f f an te, Cluem ma rnatou? MessageIro, Tou pay, co gante armada Foy hoje s a lto S -la , A innocente, Que tam sogura estava, nao fugio. Nao Ihc valeo o amor com qua to amava, Kao teue filhos, com quern oe dofendia, KSo aquella innocencla, e nledade, Coe que pedlo perdSo aos pis lanpada D*#lRey tcu pay, quo teve ta n ta forge Quo Iho de« cborando. Has aquelles Crueis ministroo sous, e conselheiros Contr*aquelle perdao tam morcclde Arrancando as espadas so vao a ella Traspaosando-lh’os peltos crueleente; Abrapada cos filhos a matSram, Quo'inda flc&ram tlntos do sou sangue. Iffante, Que direyt que farcy? que claearey? 0* fortuna! 6 cruozal 6 mal tamanho! O’ minha Dona In cs, 6 alma minim* Morta me's tu? aorta ouve tam ouaads Que contra ti podcsse, oupo-o, e vivo? Eu vivo, e tu Ss aorta? 5 morte crual Korte coga mataste minlia vlda, E nSo me vejo morto? abra-se a te r r a , Sorva-e® num momenta: rompa-8*alaa* Aparte-ae de hum corpo tam pesado, Que ma detem por forpa. Ah minha Dona ines, ah, ah minh*almai,.. (V* 64-66) In the above passage the verse, Abrapada cos filhos a taat&ram, and one in the fourth act where the king and his counsellors, Pedro Coelho and Diogo lopes Pacheco, are at the palace vzith swords drawn to k ill Dote Inis, and the King is weakening before the pleas she utters as she stands with her two children at her side,, are the only places where the possibility of the death of the children is even suggested. But in the speech immediately following the suggestion of their death in the fourth act, follows the clear statement that they are to go unharmed: 41

Roy. Eu vejo hGa Innocentc, may de bus fllhos De meu filho, que mato juntaaente. Coolbo. Mas dS.8 vlda a teu filho, salvas-lb*alma, Paclflcaa teu Reyno: a tl seguras» Restltuos-noo bonra, pax, deacanso* Deetrues a traydores; eortas quanto Sobre tl, e teu net© se tecla. Offenses, senhor, pfibllcae nSo querem Ferdao, mas rigor grande, Daqul pend® Oa remedio d*hum reyno, on queda certa. Abro os olhos 6s causes n ec esearla s. Quo te mostramos sempre, e que tu via#. Guide no que cmprendeste, e no que deixas. 0 odlo de teu filho contra tl, Contra n$s tal serS,.como qual fora, Fazendo-sc, d que deixas por fazer. A tl fleam sous fllhos, ama-os, honra-os. Assl lh,amansar6c gr® parte da Ira. Senhor por teu cstado te pedlmos: Polo amor do teu povo, com que t»ama, Polo com que sabemos que nos amas: For mals vlda, e mals honra de teu filho, Principe nooso: e por aquelle seu Fernando unleo herdelro, cuja vlda Te eot6 pedlndo justamente a morte Dosta molhor; cm flm por bonra tua, Pola constancia firme, com que sempre Acudiste 5s remedies, e 6 Juetlpa, Que a nEo delxes agora; que te movam Mals estaa razS'es fortes, que ease m&goa Injusta, que despols cborarSs mals, Perdendo esta occmslSo, que Decs te mostra.(IV, 56) In the foregoing speech the reference to Fernando, Pedro’s he$r. Is to the son of Constance of Castile, ehose death on account of her husband * a unfaithfulness with Doha InSs, has already been mentioned above. In Bermudez’s re­ working of the above passage he has reinterpreted it in such a way as to make it impossible to suggest that death for her children was even considered as a part of the plan against Doha Incs: 42-

R»y» Soy hombre. Goalie, Pero rey. Rey. El rey perdona, Coello, Perdona con razdn. Hey. i QuS mSs razdn que ver una Inocente moza, y madre do hijos de ml hijo, y tan qnerida que a todos mato s i a e lla ? /lvan>. Antes a todos olios les das vlda, y del inflerno sacas a tu hiJo; a ti mlsmo aseguras, y apaclguas el relno, y a nosotros el soslego, la paz no rootituyes, y la honra; deotruycs a traidores, y los pesos atajas de dafios Intenciones, Sefior, tan grande escdndalo no plde perddn sino rigor, de aqul depends el estado o calda deste relno, Los ojos pon, sefior, en tu corona, y en las neccsldados tan extremas,,,. (IV, 33ob.) From tills point the passage in Berafidez is p ra c tic a lly a word fo r word tra n s la tio n of the Portuguese. In the closing scene of the same act there is a passage in the Portuguese labeled, Saficos: Choremos todos a Tragcdia t r i s t e , Que e s ta crua morte deixarS no mundo. JS aquelle sprite, que tambeni vivia Em ti, 6 Castro, vay aos ceos voando, Forpadaaente deeempara os membroo, A que elle dava aquella cor, e grafa, Que a naturaleza male perfeitamente Formar poderS n esta, on outra idade. Jaz a coitada no seu sangue envolta Aos pSs dos filhos, pera quern fugla; NEo Ihe valorem, que nao tinhorn forfas Pera tomarem os agudos fe rro s . Com que scus peitos tarn irosamente Trespasser viamraquelles cruets*,.. (IV, 61.) 43-

In BermSdez the scene has been given to a second chorus, and is not translated as literally as usual, but is enlarged upon as if to insist upon bringing out the fact that the two children wore.not slain with their mother: Lloremos todos la tragedia triste Que muerto tan cruel al mundo doja, T agora aquel esplritu sagrado, Que tan hermoso cuerpe gobernaba, Regocljado va volando al cielo; Y agora aquella sangre esclareclda For fuersa desampara aquellos miembros Con su sola presence la tan graciosos, Que zmnea pudo la n atu ra le za Former cosa mejor, ni semejante: Yace en su sangre envue^lta la cuitada A loo pies tiemos de sus tristes hijos, Que a olios acudiS la sin venture: Mas elloe no pudieron guarecella, Porquo los ternicicos no tenian Fuersas para qultar los duros Merros A manos tan c ru e le s, que a sus o jo s. Tan delicadas carries traspasab&n:... (IV, 331a.) The final speech of Pedro, vowing vengeance, has already been quoted as It appears in BermSdez. The Portuguese version is given to show further how closely it corresponds in this case, and as further evidence that it would be d if f ic u lt to conceive e ith e r Bermfidez or F e rre ira as the source fo r Lope de Vega1s ballad except fo r the two passages pointed out above. Iffante...... Chorem meu mal.comigo quantos m’ouvem. Chorem as pedras duras, pois nos hSmes S'achou tanta crueza. E tu Coimbra Cubre-te de tristeza pera sempre. R&o so rla em tl nunca, nem s’oupa SenSd prantos, e lagrimas: em sangue Se converta aquella agoa do Mondego. As avores se sequem, e as flores. AjudesMse ped ir aoo eeos Ju stip a 44-

Beste meu mal tamanho. Eu te matey, Senhora, eu te matey. Cob morte te paguei o teu amor. Mas on me matarey mais cruelmente ' W que te a t i mat&ram, ae nSo vingo Com novae ermeldadea tua morte. p ar* lsto me dd Deos sSmonte v id a, Abra eu com minhas maos aquelles peitos, Arranque dalles hQs coraybcs feros, Qua tal crueza ousSram: entam acabe. Eu te perseguirey, Rey meu Smlgo. Lavrara muito cedo bravo fogo Nos tens, na tua terra, destruldos Verao os teus aalgoa, outros modes. Be cojo sangue s'encherao os compos, De cujo sangue correrao os rios, Em vlnganpa dequeue: ou tu me mata, Ou fuge da mlhh’lra, que agora Te nSo eonbecert por pay. Isilgo Me cham teu, Imlgo teu me chama. Nao m«es pay, nao sou filbo, Imlgo sou. TU, Senhora, est&s Ifi nos coos, eu flco Em quanto te vingar: logo Ifi vo6. Tu serfis efi Raynha, como foras, Teus fllhoa, so por teus serao Iffantes. Teu Innocente corpo serfi post* Em Estado Real: o teu amor Mlacoapanharfi seapre, atfi quo deixe 0 mou corpo co teu; e Ifi vfi est*alma Descansar com a tua pera sempre. (V, 67-8.) It thus appears that Lope did not use Ferreira's tragedy as a source for his ballad on this subject, unless it is possible that the 1587 version is much different from the one quoted above, based on that of 1598. Dos Remedies mentions the 1587 edition as being um ensalo, urn tentame para outro mais per'feitb, mais correcto. 53 but also points out that it must have been the version used by Bera&dez.5*8^ Fro® the evidences presented. I t is seen that BermCtdez did apparently try to clarify the Portuguese version with regard to the point of the killing of the children. On — 45**

the other hand the Nlse Lasttraosa might be taken as conclu- ' sive evidence that Ferreira did not consider the children's death a possibility in his play, even in the earlier ver­ sion. It might be expected,-- however, that the one place above all others where such an incident would occur would be in the classical dramatization of an incident in local history. The killing of children is so opposed to all Catholic Christian practice of the time that it would not appear in any popular tradition* All later dramatic ver­ sions do not contain any reference to such a happening, A thorough search of the largest collections of popu­ lar romances for a similar circumstance has failed quite completely, as has already been stated. There are, then, tvo chief possibilities as an answer to this question of Lope's sources for the ballad under discussion* The first, and perhaps the most probable is that it is purely his own invention, and belongs strictly in the class of romances artistlcoa; This is the more plausible, perhaps, because of the resemblance of the whole to some of the expressions and ideas in Ferreira, Act V, cited above. The lines sung by Fernando from th is b allad: Mas ya que pudo l lo r a r , Hera el portugGes diciendo: rtOye, InSs del alma m ia .,,»* seem somewhat to resemble the seven verses ending with the - 46*

exclamation of Pedro in Ferreira*a play: 0 minha Dona Ines, o alma minha, The oth er explanation is th a t any such romances mould have been promptly banned by the Inquisition. Braga points out with regard to the ballads on the Contie Alarcos, that the Inquisition, prohibited a glose written by Balthazar Dias, and beginning "Retrahida est& a Infante. *65 As is pointed out by Braga, ililS y Fontanals, MenSndez Pidal, and MenSndez y Pelayo, .some portions of the ballads on the conde Alarcos were contaminated with those of the group known as the muier perssguida cycle and those on Isabel de Liar, and resulted in some of the dramatic versions of the story of Doha inSs de Castro.56 It is in this cycle of the major persegulda that there occurs the one case of a child suffer­ ing death because of the misdeeds of the parents. The mother.was forced to travel shortly before the child was born,for fear of persecution by her parents (in some ver­ sions, her father; in others, her mother.) and the result is that she dies, as does the babe- But before its death the child speaks miraculously, saying: Ml nadre v& pa los cieios yo voy a la oscuridad; a mi agttela on los infiernoe los diablos la qaenarini ml padre, si non so enmienda, no se sabe d6nde irS, HenSndez P id a l, Romance XXXV. Braga is further of the opinion that the activities of the Inquisition were one of the three chief forces working against the continued popularity of the ballad as a f o r m of n a r r a t i v e poetic expression in the XVII c e n t u r y : 57 ...AlSm das duas correntes quo atacavan a f6rma do romance* o gosto erudite da Eschola italiana e os anathemas da Ccnoura religiose dos Indices Expurgatorloe o Romance culto recebeu uma nueva degenerescencia nas fSrmas a ffectad a s dos Romances mouriscos ou granadlnos postoa ea vega por Gines de Hita, e os romances picarescos,tratados por Quevedo. Lope de Vega uas very fond of the romance and as time went on made increased use of it In his plays,58 Don Lope de Cardona has a good many verses in this form, as will be later pointed out when the question of a closer dating of the play is considered. Another thing which should be pointed out, while the ballads on the three Pedros are under consideration, is the popularity of the juglares in the Aragonese court, and the consequent realistic character of the scene between Fernando and his patron, Dehk says in this regard:59 ,..IIan hatte sie ebeh sur VerschOnerung der Gelage und Feste ntttig, wo sie als Husikcr wirkten. Ein aragonlsches Hofceremonial erklhrt ausdrttcklich: "In don Btusero der FUrsten muss es Juglaren geben, wie achon das Alterturn beweist, indem Ihr Beruf Freude ver- ursacht uiid dies# die FUrsten wttnschcn und anetlndlg kuhdgeben solien." Pedro, in his Ordlnaclons, already mentioned above, had in the f i r s t sectio n dealing w ith the members of h is house* hold, mayordomoe, cooks, falconers* and the like, a section devoted to the juglars. His son, Juan I, known as el Cazador. and el Indolente, had so many juglars, cazadors. -48-

falConors» and others concerned Kith his entertainment that the nobles saw fit to restrain his expenditures in that direction.6®; He was also responsible for the founding in Barcelona of the Consistorlo de la Gaya Glenda, with a group of poets, from Toulouse who were allowed to come by special permission of Charles VI of France for this pur- pOS«.61»:62 ' 5. Don Lope de Cardona: his identity Discussion of the three short ballad fragments dealing with the three Pedros brings this study to the point where the other fragmentary ballad which occurs in Don Lope de Cardona should be considered, and consequently to the ques­ tion of the identity of the protagonist of the play. This ballad appears in the second act at the point whore Cardona approaches the city walls of Valencia and delivers his chal­ lenge. It is presented in a combination with verses which so rime with the hemistichs of the romances as to form redon- dllias. it also directly follows a glose in decimasCi.e. quin- tiilas in pairs, rimed abbazaccddc, and called espinelas):on the verses: i Malhayacl hombre de bien que sirve a su patria ingrata! Following is the entire sequence of scenes: Vavanse (clenarda y Casandra), y saiga DON LOPE. Don Lope. Pasos llanos de dolore iad6nde lievSis mi vlda, si la esperanza os perdida de coder cobrar mi honor? Cuanto me fuera major -4 9 -

m orlr qam ver que roe mata la muerte, que se dllata porque cs ml posLrero blen. iHalhaya el hombre de blen que slrve a su patrla Ingratal &D8nde, t r i s t e , yo me a le jo de ml esposa y prenda cara? Pero, &qui6n no se acercara a un padre tan noble y vlcjo? Pero si me espoaa dejo y el tirano rey la mata, *qu8 flo ra su sangre tr a ta con mayor orueldad tamblfcn? IHalhaya el hombre de blen que slrve a su patrla Ingratal Cuanto miro y plcnso aqul s5lo me ofrece un remedio: yo estoy de los dos en medio, a ninguno ofondo ansi. Pero, imlsero de mil si a esposa y padre me mata uno y otro rey que trata vengaroe destareme blen? iHalhaya el hombre de blen que slrve a su patrla Ingratal iP a tria , matire de e x tra n je ro s, y madrastra de hijos proplos* galardones tan lepropios no dlcen blen con tuo fuerosl Si eotlmas los lisonjeros; si honra, pficios, oro y plata das a quLsn vordad no trata. Y a ml pagas tan blen. . . iHalhaya el hombre de blen que slrve a su patrla ingratal Al sure iay, tristel he llegado. gento cn el real estfi Fortuna promete ya un medio desesper&do. tplega al cielo que el Rey seal EL RET on a lto , y DOW PEDRO, su hl.lo. Don Alonso. dHay atrevimiento Igual? Don Pedro. "For el campo del real un caballero pasoa;" Don Alonso. Flenso que en mir&r te alegras la gentileea que encubre. -50-

Don Pedro. •Capa del monte le cubre; debajo tree armas negras.*' m n Alonso. Algo on las heblllao presas trac sin el tcmplo fino* Lon Pedro. "Taball de lobo marine eon dos plstolas francescs.* Don Alonso. Mo ha dado c l hombro pequefiaa las muestras de su persona. Don Pedro. *%dos piensan quo es Cardona§ por el talle y por las sofias." Don Alonso. dices de su fieresa, cuando ess nombre le cuadre? Don Pedro. "luc viene a ver si a su padre le corta el Rey la cabeza." Don Alonso. Aqu$ so escuchan sus qusjaa. Oir lo que dice quiero. Don Pedro. "Suspires da el caballero; los ojos pone cn las rejas." Don Alonso. iFor quS no pide licencia pars hablar per otros medics? Don Pedro ♦ "Sfucho peear euestra a todos que este cercada Valeneia. 11 Don Alonso. »Pero si es Cardona fVaerat ifirenle cuantos le mirenl Don Pedro. "El Rey mandS que le tiren, y 61 hablS de esta mancra.n Don Lope. Caballeros del real, yo soy aquel que d c s tie rra la envidia, porque en la patria no hay hombro do bien sin e lla . Lo que he medrado en los anos que servl al Rey en la guerra bien lo dicen mis desdichas, puos vengo a tanta bajoza. Arrojado de la mar por una cruel torments, saquS mi esposa en los brazes a la pladosa ribera. PrendlSme cl Ray de Sicilia, que andaba a caza por alia; jurfi de matar mi eoposa si no tomaba por fucrza el bast6n de general y daba a Espana la vuelta con cion naves de su armed# para career a Valencia. Vina por no ver Borlr del alma la mejor prenda; Her#, en mirando mi patria, algunas l&grimas tiernas. Luego s«pe que querla eortar el Rey la oabesa a don Bernardo, mi padre, que tlene proso en cadenas. Pej8 mi esposa a la s manos del Rey que la tiene presa, y por librar a mi padre 11ego donde el Rey me vea. Decid al Rey de Aragdn, caballcros de Valencia, que don Lope de Cardona, el desdichado en su tierra, dice que, por excusar grandes batallas sangrlentas, aealtos, muertos y robos, tom6 de su Rey liceneia para que entre dos personas que en la campaiia se vean : cuerpo a cuerpo aquesta tardo se acabe aquesta contienda. Si venclere ol Caballero que de vuestra parte venga, jura volverse a Sicilia y deseercar a Valencia; si venclere el que 6l nombrare, con que le dels se contenta s6lo al viejo padre mlo. Porque viviendo cn sus tierras #1 y yo, de haber perdldo a su Mjo se consuela, que no qulero mEs venganza de que el Rey a los dos pierda. A esto vengo, Caballeros, S alid , que don Lope espera de sol a sol en el campo, donde los Reyes nos vean. (678-673.) In these semes several points are to be noted. The first gloae Is on a theme which closely relates to the one so. important in the play iJLJ^er*SLfSTjLWA „ d,eJ3 PAi Bernar do do Cabrera, the authorship of which is sometimes attributed to Mira de Aeescua.6^ Act II closes with a lengthy gloss on the lin e s : Fortuna, &puede sen, es coaa cierta, que el Rey de su privanza Is deatierra? ■ *as *qul estoy pregwWWe* si el Rey es hombro, y yo soy desdichado? (83-84, H. Acad. III.) We have already called attention above in the discus­ sion of the three Pedros,to .the King's speech, "Desde hoy proeuro que me llamcn Justiciero. ..." which carries new Implications when considered in the light of the close just mentioned and in comparison with that in Don Lope de Cardona on the lines, "Malhaya el hombre de bion,..." The short speech of one of the contadores sent to the house of Don Bernardo de Cabrera to check over his posses­ sions after he has fallen from favor, also carries a similar idea: . „ Centador prinero...... No hay yermo mas solltario que la casa de un caido. Como est&n ostas parades 1 Pobres, tristes, y desnudas. Ah, fortunaS Kucho puedes, todo lo truecao y mudas, Fueron humanas mercedes. (Ill, 65a.)

From these passages and from the long passage in ballad meter which follows the dialogue between Pedro and Alonso it is possible to drat; a fairly close comparison between the ideas which are predominant in both plays. In Don Lone de Cardona emphasis is laid upon envy as the cause of the protagonist*s unhappiness and exile. In the Adverse Fortune emphasis is on the fickleness of the King, but in both plays there is frequent reference to the varying moods of Fortune, and to the insecure position of the man of affairs, espe­ cially of one who serves the state in one capacity or another. At one point in the Adverse Fortune, however, there is a strikingly similar passage on envy: Don Bernardo, ...... Mundo vario, indiferentc, no se *en t i cu&i os major: tenor grantieza y valor o vivir humildement#. El qu© no tle n e envidioso vivo en pobre y. bajo estado, y - el liombre q u e es cnvidlado tlene estado peligroso. En el bajo y pobre hey m hnbiera desdicha Santa, llngrato yo, bella Infanta# Mai'me haga Dios si tal soy. Si sub!, no en de admirer bajo al centre que es el staelo porqtt© solamcnte a l Cielo suben pare no bajar* &Qu6 envidioso cruel redujo al Hey a tanta nudansa? Coco cl mar es la privanza, que tlene flujo y roflujo, croce cn uno, en otro mengua. La envidia con ella lidla y coiot es raujer la envidia, ticnc por areas la lengua. Tanta desdicha y pasiSn como el careoer de amigos es el toner enemigos y no conocer quiSn son. Hay onvidias insufribles; corao cl alma es cl privado, que envidian su been estsdo cncmi£00 invcnclbles. 3tibl; decllnando voy. CansSse quien me levanta. linerato yo, bella Infante! Hal me haga Dios si tal soy. (I, 72ab.) this parallel expression with regard to envy for those in high places, and the idea contained in the lines here gloeed, are interesting both because of the question of the authorship of the play and because of the question of the protagonist*s identity. a. The Ballad on Ton Lone as a possible source# Comparison of the differences to be noted in the speeches of the three characters who speak in ballad meter in the scenes just quoted from Don Lope de Cardona is fruit­ ful. This comparison is the basis of statements to the effect that the entire play is built around the fragmentary ballad which appears therein. In the original printings of the Parte X there is no indication of the fact that Lope de Vega or his printers recognized these speeches of Don Pedro as borrowed from another author, by placing them in quotation marks or italics, as has been done in the new Academy edition.64 orillparzer seems to have been the first to put forward the contention that the ballad in question contrib­ uted the plot for the play. In a passage, which like many of his writings, is not entirely clear, he says: Der Stoff 1st offenbar aus einer Rwtanae genommen, in die sicb der Dlchter auch an einer Stella verirrt, im aweiten Akte ntlmlich, no dor KOnig befoblen hat, auf den Holden doe stUckes zu schleezen, wenn or sicb der Stadt cAhero. Da sagt denn der Kdnigssohn D. Pedro: "Der KOnig bcfaiil, dasz man auf ihn ochiesze, er abcr sprach in folgender weise", und nun fangt D. Lope an gesproehen babe, in dor Romanze nam lich.65 Does the critic mean by the word jener that the poet or that Don Pedro would lead one to believe that Don Lope spoke as is indicated in the long passage in ballad meter? Cotarelo seems to choose the former idea and thus puts the alternate couplets in quotation marks, as has already been noted. It is apparent from reading the speeches of the three characters that the style of each is different. A most marked difference Is to be noted between quoted portions of the romance in the redondilla combination, and the portion which makes up the final long speech by Cardona. Thus, by no stretch of the Imagination can one believe that the latter is part of the original ballad, and cotarelo would surely not have agreed with Grillparzer if such was the Austrian's contention. The only acceptable ~ interpretation is, therefore, that he believed perhaps the quoted verses were part of a romance vie.io. and Don Lope's speech, of the p o e t ' s own com position, but may be a summary of the original. If this is the case, too much credence can be given the idea that the plot material of the whole play emanates alone from this romance. . No parallel to the ballad on Cardona is to be found in any of the larger collections, nor does the internal evl- dence shon that, it Is other than a romance artjatlco. e. g .. the reference to pistolas franceses and tahall de lobo m arine. Of course i t is q u ite p o ssib le th a t Lope de Vega composed it himself, as he undoubtedly did the interspersed verses spoken by Alonso, and the lengthy speech by Cardona which follows it. Lope de Vega was exceedingly fond of using the romances vie.ios as the basis for plays, and of interspersing them in his plays, as is pointed out by KenSndez y Pelayo in his Antoloftia de ooetas llricoa Castellanos. 66 SenSndez y Pelayo there lists a number of Lope's plays which make use of romances vie.ios. in whole or in part, either for the incidental development of the plot, or as themes around which to build the entire plot. These include: Pi rey Bamba. El casamlento en la muerte (the hero of which is Bernardo del Carpio), El conde Fern&n Gonz&lez (two popular romances on this popular hero), El bastardo Mudarra. (numbers of romances and passages from crSnicas - which he versified -o n the story of the Infantes do Lara), Las almenas de Toro (a romantic comedia of the Cid), El sol parado. Los Ramirez de Arellano. El primer Fajardo, Fuente Qve.iuna. El m&s flal&n portuRU#a. duque de Berganza (also based oa a popular romance - no. 107 of the rrlmavora v flor de romances published by ?;olf and Hof man, B erlin , 1856 - Lope alters this romance to suit the purposes of the drama. -57-

just as in El casamlento cn la nuert*e he has Charlemagne uttering words which in the original romance were those of Roland),67 It is thus clearly possible that further search with mors resources at hand would load to the discovery, if it ever existed, of the complete ballad,probably of the artis­ tic variety, or of the tradition which was used as its basis for the purpose of composing the fragment occurring in this play . Lope de Vega was undoubtedly w ell acquainted w ith the Cardona family lore, and for two reasons. First, the Cardona*s were exceedingly prominent at the time of his writing of the play, being connected by marriage to the

■■■ V : . . royal family, as will be seen in the passage quoted below from Vlclana*s Chronyca de Valencia, and second, because among the most illustrious forbears of the Duque de Sessa, h is patron, were members of the Cardona fam ily.

Of interest at this point, therefore, is Viclana's short summary of the Cardona family history, not only be­ cause it may help to clear up the identity of the protago­ nist of Don Lone do Cardona, but also because it contains an interesting and curious legend which perhaps recalls more than anything else the Durlador de Sevilla: Vinicndo a tratar del Estado y Linage de la Casa do Cardona, hallamos, quo os antiqulsoima, y muy I Ilustre, p_or su limpia Sangre, tonando su origen de Ramon Folch, descendiente de la Casa de Francis , 0 8 y del mlsmo Apellldo de Folch* Hallamos en Francia a Folch, Condo do Angeus, este primero Ramon Folch, venldo a Catalufia, mudo ol Apellldo de su Linage en cl Apellldo de Cardona, por el Sefiorio, y Estado de Car­ dona, que le cupo en el repartimiento de las Guerras de Cathalufia en el orden de las Novenae, que hizo el Emperador Carlo Magno, afio. D.cc.lxxxxj. y fue titulado Vizconde de Cardona, y aosl en el afio de ochocientos y velnte, su sucessor en el Estado, fue llamado Cardona, por la alsma razon, para tratar del valor de los Ilus- tres Varonea, y coeas notables desta Casa* se ha de advertir, que afio de 1148, Don Ramon Derenguer, Conde de Barcelona, hizo Jornada contra Almeria, y llevo en su coapafiia a Guillem Folch, Vizconde de Cardona, Varon de grande valor, y estimacion a 11* do setiembre, afio de 1208. hallamos quo fenecio Folch. Desta fa m ilia Obispo de Barcelona, y en el orden, y Cathalogo de los > Cathologo de los Obispos de su Iglesia en el 57. y afio de 1212 en la famosa batalla de las Sabas de Tolosa, acompafiaron al Rey Don Pedro de Aragon, Don Ramon Folch, y Don Guillem Folch, Guillem Folch, Vizconde de Cardona. Despues por los servicios desta familia re- cibidos, el Rey Don Pedro, dio a Ramon Folch, Vizconde de Cardona cl mero, y mczclado imperio, y Juraron en todas las Tlerras que possehia, y que los tuuiesse a franc®, con segun orden de Cathalufia, con -carta quo pass© ante Ramon Escorna a 17. de Febrero, afio do 1283. Don Ramon Folch, Vizconde de Cerdona, dio a su hiJo Don Ramon Folch el Vizcondado enteramentc, con carta, que passo ante Ramon do Nagut, Escrlvano de Cardona a tios de Novi ombre, afio de 1311. a 12. do Hcnero, afio de 1318. el dicho Don Ramon, dexo heredero a Don Ramon Tolch, su hiJo de todo el Estado, con carta, que passo ante.Ramon Biloreia, Escrlvano de Cardona. Deste Ramon Folch, hallamos en la Chronica de Poblet, que auric en Barcelona, y fue sepultado en Poblet, y que fue Varon de tanto esfuerzo, y fuerzas, que se hanto- java, y dezia, que no havia hombres para pelear con el, y assi inconeideradamente dixo: que si los Diablos viniessen, pelaria con olios, entonceo apare- cleron vn gran numero de E urciegalos, que lo raaltra- taron gr&ndemente, y el pos se defender con la espada en la mano, pero los Eurciegalos le saearon los ojos: por tanto en su sepulture, esta puceto vn Cavallero clego a cavallo con su Escudo, y Espada, peleando con vn Kurciegalo, y el cavallero, coronado de corona Real, y un letrero, que disc assi: -5 9 -

EPIGRAMA Aqui esia Tumba esconde, por se r Varon de eu Icy* entre los Reyes es Conde, y entre los Condes es Rey. Por hazafia seftalada, gano el Conde esta Corona; por do queda coronada, la gran Casa de Cardona. Despues por falleclmicnto del dlobo Don Ramon, y sin dexar hijos, sucedio en el Estado Don Vgo de Car­ dona, que caso con DoBa Beatriz, dequien procedio su hijo Don Vgo, que heredo el Estado, con carta, que passo ante Pedro Cassagalba, Escrlvano de Solsona a 20. de Agosto, en el afto 1334. Don Vgo, que fue beredero, caso con Dofia Blanca, hija del Infante, hijo del Rey Don Jayme e l Segundo. Deate m atriaonio, procedio Don loan Ramon Folch, heredero del Estado: al dichodon Vgo, el Rey don Pedro dio Titulo de Conde de Cardona con Privilegio dado en Barcelona a 4. de Deciembre del afio del Nacioiento de nuestro sefior lesu Christo de 1375. Este Conde, dlxeron ser mui Noble, hermoso, fuerte, generoso, magnifico, rico, sutil, sabio, in- genloso, benigno, justlficado, cortesano, y en todos hechos famoso: falleciS a dos de Agosto, aho de 1400. siendo de edad de 71 afios, haviendo possehido el Sefiorio 65 afios. En estcCondado de Cardona, se com- prehenden. el Castillo, y Villa de Cardona, los Casti­ llos, y Villas de Pojol,••.Colonge,... (here are listed some forty castles and villages).69 y pugallt, en todos los quales tiene toda Jurisdiccion: Don luan, hijo del dicho Don Vgo, primer Conde titu la d o , cas6 con Dofia loana de Aragon, de, qulen prdeedlS Son luan Ramon Folch, que cas6 con Dofia Aldonza, hlja de Don Fadrlque Enriquez, Almirante de Castilla. A este Don luan Ramon Folch, el Rey Catollco Don Fermndo, d i8 titulo de Duque de Cardona, y de Marques de Trades; con Prlveleglo dado en Sevilla a 7. de Abril de 1492. Deste matrimoni© procedio Don Fernando, quo hered6 los Estados, con . • carta, que passS ante luan de Ablego, Escrlvano d© Eplla a 17. de Setlembre, del afio 1497. Despues cl Rey Catbolico, dlfi al dicho Don Fernando, segundo Duque, Titulo de Gran Condestable de Aragon, con Privilegio a 4. de Marpo de 1513. casS el Contestable con Dofia Francisc® Hanrique de Lara, de quien procediS Dofia luana, que cas6 con Don Alonso de Aragon, Duque de Segorve, con carta, que passS ante Francisco Polo Escrlvano a 3. de Abril, afio de 1516. Otrosi, el Duque 60-

tie Cardona, es sefior tie los Estados tie Praties, vilaraur, y yaronia tie Entensa, por los Titulos que se siguea# Don Ramon tie Angles©!®, Sefior tie B elplalg, DiS a Don Vgo, primero Conde tie Cardona, todo e l heredamiento tie Don Pedro, yizconde tie Vllaaur, con carta, que passS ante Nicolas Pelleja Escrivano' a 84. tie Setlcmbre, afio 1381. Don luan Ramon Foleh, por matrlaonlo que su h ijo contraxo con Dofia Gonzalba Ximenez tie Arenos, h lja tie Don Pedro tie Praties, e l Condado tie Cardona, y Vizcontiado tie V llaau r, d l6 a su hijo Don luan Bason Foleh, con carta, que pagsd'Ante Gabriel Canales Escrivano a 26. tie Febrerb, afio 1414.... En esta Familia tie Cardona, hallamos varohes tie gran valor, como fue Nlveh Foleh, yizconde tie Cardona, a quien el Key Don Pedro a 4. tie Deziembre, afio 1375. hizo Alsirante tie la Mar, y eon sue Galenas en la Mar tie V alencia, tom6 ocho Galeraa del Key tie C a s tilla . Otrosl, Don luan tie Cardona, fue Cap!tan tie tilez Galenas tie el Rey Don Alonso y el afio tie 1503. en la Jornada tie la Rochela contra Franceses, vlendo que lo s Franceses llevavan ro ta vna Vande tie Espafioles, e n tr 6 por vna Calle, entre villas, y ape5se del cayallo, y dexando aquel, y con vna pica, y espatia, peleando, entretuvo los enealgos, hast® que los suyos se retiraron, y pusieron en cobro, y entonces Don Vgo se l i b r 6 de lo s enemigos, lib r e tie h erId as, tie que fue tenido por todo el Exercito por el mas principal, y mas valeroso cap!tan. Dexamoe do proseguir en esta materia tie Valerosos c&valleroa desta Casa, y que seria no acabar tan presto. Otrosl, hallamos en la Igieoia tie Dios a Don layme tie Cardona, Cartienal, y Obispo tie Vrgel a Don Pedro, Arpobiapo tie Tarragona, y luego despues a Den Luys, Obispo tie Tarragona, y muebos otros, que han tenido Prelacies tie graiWe , estimacion. Los tie la Fam ilia tie Cardona, tra e n por Armas, un Escudo partido en centos, en las partes alta, y baxa caiapo tie oro, y quatro palos tie Aragon en la parte primera, campo tie Gules, tres cordones en trlangulo mayor, y on la parte postrera camp© tie Azul, floras tie Lis tie oro sembradaa, y sobre ellas vn cambeu tie tres pendiantea, y por timbre vn abestruzAcon vn yerro tie cavallo en el pico,...II, 124-26.70 This general outline of the family history of the house of Cardona furnishes sufficient background for the under­ standing of its social and political prominence in Aragon ■ «6X*”

mW Catalonia. nitW ut a complete or a fairly ctwplete history and genealogy of the family it is impossible-to attempt definitely to identify the protagonist of Don Lope da Cardona, and such a work seems never to have been compiled.?! There are, however, in view of the above general outline of the family history, and the evidences already quoted from Zurlta,the following conclusions to bo drawn concerning the identity of the hero: 1. No member of the Cardona family mentioned in any of the works so far perused, including Carbonell, Zurita, • - Muntaner, Desclot, LaFuente, and numbers of other general works, bears the given name Lope. Lupus or Lion. Spanish, Latin, and Le isos in forms of the name respectively. 2. There are numerous members of the family; including those who actually bore the title of Viscount# Count, or Duke, whose given names were Ras^n, JWmRam#n* Ram#n Pelch, Hugo, or one of these combinations* without some archives or parallel history to draw from. It is frequently impossi­ ble to determine which one a writer is referring to, except in a general way. 3. The conditions prevailing during the period of Alfonso IV*s war w ith Genoa and Don RamSn de Cardona*s term as governor of Sardinia are somewhat similar to the circum­ stances in the play Don Lope de Cardona.rand seem to be the only ones which might be said to be the historical origin ••62*

of the plot, Insofar as the events described as taking place In the dispute of kings, Alfonso and Roger* are con­ cerned. This Don RaroSn de Cardona was a younger brother of the first Count of Cardona, Hugo Folch, whose name appears on the genealogical table at the front of this study. Other episodes, however, in the national history of Aragon, dissociated in time, but associated in that members of the Cardona family were usually directly and prominently con­ cerned therein, resemble other parts of the action of the play in such a way that it appears that the whole is a synthesis of a number of such episodes. : 4, To assume that such a synthesis took place in the . ■■■ y ' ; . . • : ' writing of the play Is not apparently .attributing to lope de Vega anything more than h is usual p ra c tic e . I t has already been pointed out above in the cases of the three Pedros and of Doha InSs de Castro how he and other dramatists have taken historical events, often entirely dissociated, and woven them into a com pletely new fa b ric . I t i s also pointed out above that in the use of romances as the background for his plays, Lope has taken liberties such as changing the speeches from one person to another (Roland*s to Charlemagne«s in El casamlento en la muerte). Furthermore, in the play, Amar coato se ha de amar. a member of this very family of Cardona appears, but can definitely be identified as Pedro III, king of Aragon, instead of Don Pedro de Cardona, as he has been labeled by Lop®.72 With these Ideas and facts In mind, therefore. It Is worth while to consider at this point two or three more episodes from the history of Aragon which seem to have served as possible sources for the combination of events In Don Lope de Cardona. During the reign of Jaime II, father of Alfonso IT, (1291-1327), the Aragonese were as usual in this period Involved quite actively in the wars of the Guelphs and the Ghlbellines in Italy.73 ^t the same time there was a dispute over the ownership of the title and lands of the County of Urgel. Involved in the dispute, because their interests in the towns situated in the territories of the county, were some of the members of the Cardona fam ily. The d ispute dated back several generations, and presumably was settled in 1276 when Armengol*. te n th Count of Urgel, professed h is allegiance to Pedro III, but seems to have burst forth again under James II, Armengol died in 1314, and the king's second son, Alfonso, later IV of that name, secured the title. 74 The result of the dispute which followed was th a t the King revoked the knightly t i t l e s o f RaaSn de Cardona, one of the.members of the family, who was at that time fighting with the Gteelphs in Italy, zurita relates

• . ' - ; . " ■ . : ' ■ the episode as follows: -64-

; De la guerra que so raoulo en Catalefia entre el Snfmte don Alonso, y Ramon Folch Vlzconde de Cardona: y de la declaraclon q«e hizo.el lustlcla de Aragon, en quo caso se podlan embargar las canauLlerlas a losri. cos ttombTes. XXXI. Tamblen en el mlsmo ttempo se moulo gran dissension y guerra formada entre el infante don Alonso hijo segun do del Rey, que era Conde de Vrgel y sus valedoren de vn& parte, y Ramon Folch Vlzconde de Cardona* y Ramonet, y Guillem de Cardona sus hiJos, y don Ramon de Cardona sefior de Tora, y Malgaulln Conde de Aopurlas y Vlzconde de Bas, y sus allados de la otra, sobre algunas preten slones, que el vlzconde do Cardona de Cardona tenia* que le pertenecian clertos lugares del condado de Vrgel. Estavan desaflados todos los ricoshombres y cauelleros, queseguian las partes vnos de otros* y interpusose en estas dlferencias, estando el Infante don Alonso en Balaguer, a quinzc del mes de Agosto del afio de mil trezlentos y dezinueue, el Infante don lean su heroano: que fue por esto tiempo eligido en Arpo blspo de Toledo, y puso entre ellos treguas de diez dias: y no se pudiendo concertar sus dlferencias, el Roy les requlrio, que cessassen de la guerra para pro coder contra ellos, conforme a los vsajes de Catalufia: sefialadamente contra don Raron do Cardona, prime del Vlzconde,74a que era muy Valeroso y guerrero, el qual se fue pdr este tiempo a Italia, y fue cap!tan general de la armad a del rey Rb WrW y de su exercito, y de la Parte Guelfa en Toscana# Fue.edtcf gran parte, para que se concordassen sus dlferencias, y tamblen que el Infante don Alonso fuo oste mlsmo aflo Jurado por prim* genito, y sucessor en estos Reynos, por la renuncl&clon que hizo su hermano el Infante don layme: y el Vlzconde holgo de concertarse con el, pue® no aula de tener guerra con el que aula de ser su sefior natural. Por auer ydo entonces don Ramon de Cardona a serulrva otro Principe, el rey le qulso quitar las cauellerias: y vuo gran duda, si de fuero se podia hazer: y sobre esto consulto el Rey con el lustlcla de Aragon: y respondio desta manera. . , , Al serenisimo, e magnifLco senor don layme, &c» De ml Ximen Perez deSalanoua lustlcla de Aragon, beso vuestros piedes, e vuestras manos, e me encomiendo en vuestra gracia. Sepades sefior, que reclbie vuestra letra, en la qual me demandastes, si vos de fuero, o de costumbre del regno podiades emparar las cauallerias, que aulades asslgnado a don Ramon de Cardona: porque se ■*65—

•a ydo en o%ras tlarras, e aierve a otiros, e qua desto voo certlfique. Sepadee, aefior, qua si el rico home se va de la tierra por eeruir otro sefior, menoe de vuestra licencia, a esta ausent, qua quando ▼os lo queredes, non lo pddedes auer al vuestro eeruicio, quo vos le podedes emparar la tlerra, e darla a otro, quo vos sirua: ol los dlneros qua an el fisiestes eeparar, podedes los poner en vuestro proueito, en el caso anted!to. E sabedes, qua assl vos eaparastes de la tlerra del noble Fernar Lopez da Luna, quando se fue de la tlerra, a dlestes las sus cauallerlas a otros. Escrlta en Barbastro, a doze do las calendas de Beziembre, afio 1319. (Z u rita , I I , 33 ro , 34 v ° .) In the struggle between the Guelphs and the Ghlbellinos the Aragonese were as a rule on the side of the former, but at times the kings of Aragon would use the struggle as a means toward th e ir own ends, as did the rest of the monarchs of Europe at the time, and as Jaime. XI did in the case at present under consideration. This Hamfin de Cardona was temporarily successful in his battles in Italy despite hie misfortunes at home and Ms being barred from his estates by the King, but in 1322 he was defeated by Marcos Visconti at the Basignano Bridge in Lombardy. He proceeded at once to reorganize his forces, but was again defeated near Kauri. This time he was taken captive along with a large number if of his officers. He was soon released, however, and went to Rome where the pope, John'xsxi. put him in charge of his Florentine troops, campaigning against Castruccio Castracani. For a time he succeeded, but in 1325 he was again captured, with many of his officers, at Cappiano Bridge. The Florentines ransomed all of the group but 66

Cardona, who remained in prison until 1328, T?hcn he vms released, and seems to have dropped from prominence as far as history is concerned.^® With respect to the protagonist of Don lope de Cardona it is then to be observed that this RamSn de Cardona was fighting in Italy, and on what would normally have been the side of the King, but because of affairs at home while he was absent, he was deprived of his privileges and lands. This was in general what happened to the hero of the play. Further it is to be observed that the personal and real possessions of the prince Alfonso were at stake, and that i t was th is prince who la te r became the Alfonso IV of the play under consideration. Concerning Don Lope's challenge in the second act and the subsequent deceit which resulted in the expected duel never being fought, the general observation of Stiefel that this is but another of the many cases in literature where such a challenge is delivered and in which father and son are pitted against one another is sufficiently valid expla- - n a tio n . 7 7 I t is to be remarked, however, th a t Lope must have been familiar with the famous challenge which passed between Pedro III of Aragon and King Charles of Anjou, as well as with the subsequent duplicity of the latter in which he was frustrated by Pedro. 7 8 This challenge, too, was the result of the interference of Pedro in the affairs of Sicily and in the struggle between the Popes during the -67-

Great Schism. It was preceded by the siege of Messina, before which city Act III of Don Lope de Cardona has its setting. The whole story in the historical versions which have survived is vibrant with as much glamor as any novel of chivalry. Nor does it lack biting taunts, especially in Muntaner*s quotation of Pedro's reply to Anjou's challenge which accused him of breach of faith in attacking the Angevin partisans in Sicily: ...rey, nos vos responcm do part del nostre senyor rey Darago, que mentis per la gola, que per res que ell h aja fey t no val menys sa f e ; ...E s i apo v o le ts d ir que no, que ell vos ho fare dir cors per cors, e jats sia quo ell no hi diu res contra vostra cauallerla, que ja sap que bon cauallers sots, queus dara auantaje darmes - per los dies que havets aes que ell. E si apo no volets pendre, ques coabatra ab vos X per X, cinquanta per cinquanta o cent per cent....'9 In the final scenes of tiie play, after Casandra, masquerading as Dionis de Alencastro, a Portuguese general. is successful in her scheme,and the happy ending for Clenarda and Pedro is already at hand. King Alonso speaks to her: Don Alonso. Y vos, Dionis de Alencastro, - : por esta hazaf.a famosa con que habSis dado a Arag6 n su heredero, § 1 mismo os nombra Duque de Segorbo. Casandra. El Cielo os vuelva con paz dichosa, generoso Alfonso, a Espafia. Don Lope. El nuevo tltulo goza, ------' Dionis, por muy largos afios. 66-

Camandra. El Ducado y ml persona, Lope, son para servlros, que no pretendo otra coea, Salen Roaerio y ol Principe. Roaerlo. Rey de AragSn, pues que tlenes en tu poder qulen provoca ml sangre, dame ml h ija ; tu hijo, don Pedro, tome: troquemos los onemlgos y a tu Espafla en paz te torna.

Don Alonso. Si b ar6 ; mas de aquesto modo, que se casen, pues so adoran, y pues que tlene Sicilia, como AragSn, Zaragoza, o vivan act o alia. RoKerio, Rey, tu humllde pecho abona los agracios de tu hijo. Hoy la sentencia reroca mi pecho y le doy los brazos. Don Pedro. iTooarS su mano hermosal Roger io«. Bien podrfis; pero tambiSn, don Lope, agora me Informa de la;rauerte de Caaandra, que toda Sicilia ignora, que sSlo en tanto placer, su desdicha lastimosa pudiera darme p csa r. Don Lope* DespuSs que en el mundo cobras nombre por haberla su e rto , mSs cruel que Nero en Roma, ime dices que no 1 © sabes? Roaerio. Si alguna lengua traldora te ha dicho que yo la he muerto, la mano a la espada ponga, que, aunquo no sea mi igual, hoy lo igualo a mi persona, Casandra* Yo lo dije. Rocerlo. Pues iquitn ores? Caaandra. La misma Casandra. ' .69*

Don Lop®. Esposal D@n Bernardo, HiJaJ Don_Alonso. Casandrai Caaandra. Ray* padre, ospoao, el traiar las bodas de Clenarda y de don Pedro hiso esta muerte celosa. Duque de Segorbe, Hey, me hiciste. Don Alonso. Y te afiado agora todo el Condado de Urgel, Casandra. Puos todo, esposo. Id goza, Don Lope.’ A tu lado muchos aflos, con.que acabe con la historla la injusta porsecuclSn d® Don Lop® de Cardona, s Fiias From these lines it is noted that as the play ends, Don lope de Cardona becomes, through the efforts of his srife, Duke de Segorbe, and that there is bestowed upon him the County of Urgel. It has already been pointed out that the Cardonas had claim to some of the estates of this County prior to the reign of Alfonso IV, the king who here awards these titles and lands to Don hope de Cardona, but that these were taken away by Alfonso IV*s father, Jaime II. It has not been noted heretofore, however, that the Cardonas had any right to the title of Duke de Segorbe. They did not have this title during the reign of Alfonso IV, but i t came to them by the m arriage o f Juana, duchess de Cardona, and Alfonso of Aragon in the XVI century. This Alfonso *as Duke de Sogorbs,a title which he Inherited from Enrique de Sicilia y AragSn (1445-1554), the son of Enrique de AragSn (1399-1445), who received It from his brother, Alfonso V of Aragon. Alfonso deprived Fadrlque, the legitimatized son of Martin I, King of Aragon, Duke de Segorbe, and Count de Urgel, of the title and lands, so that he might make this gift.&0 Martin I was married to Marla Ldpez de Luna, daughter of Don Lope de Inna, and violante de AragSn, i sister of Alfonso IV of Aragon.8* The exact relationship of these persons is to be seen in the genea­ logical table furnished with this study. The point to be noted at present, however, is that the Duke de Segorbe was Don Lope de Luna, one of the ch ief rlcoshombres of the kingdom of Aragon during the reigns of Jaime II, Alfonso IV, and Pedro IV. In 1386 he was married to Violante, sinter of Alfonso IV, and daughter of Jais® II. He was then 14 years of age and she a year younger.82 At the time of the marriage be was given the title and lands which had belonged to the original Duke de Segorbe, Jaime pSrez, who died without an heir,83 He preserved bis connections with the royal family, as would be expected from his marriage, throughout the struggles which they had with the nobles, especially during the reign of Pedro IV, and in his contests with the Union of Valencian and Catalonian nobles. Because of his services in this regard he was made Count de Luna in 1348.84 An idea of the extent to which he was held in the favor of the king is to be gained from the following statements regarding him in Zuritaz .♦•Entonees dio el Bey a Don Lope de Luna titulo de condo de Luna^ y fue el primero que se sab# en estos reynos auerse'dado a ricohombre que rro fueeee hi jo de Rey. Esto hizo ®1 Rey conslderando que la casa de don Lope era rauy principal, y de mayor estado que ninguna de sus reynos, despues de los infantes;, y que estaua casado con la Infanta dofia Violante su tia, que fue calidad que no se alcanpo por ©tra casa dc ricos hombres, que no fueseen de la casa real, casar con hija legitima de su seflor. Tuuo tambicn el Rey consi deracion, que su padre y heraano aulan seruido auy principalmente en la conquista del reyno de Cerdefia, y murleron en ella: y que postreramento on las:altera- clones del reyno, fue don Lope de Luna el principal que tomo su voz y apellido, y puso su persona y estado en grande peligro: y hliro el Rey eata merced a don Lope.de Luna con grande fiesta y aparatouen el palaclo de la Aljaferla, a veynte y dos del mes de Setiembre deste afio. ( 1 3 4 8 ).85 This same Lope de Luna is used by Lope de Vega in h is plays on Bernardo de Cabrera. In the Adverse Fortuna he is wed to the sister of Pedro IVY This "sister" called by her proper name. Violent#, was of course In reality Pedro’s aunt. At the time of their wedding he is made Duke de Segorbe by Pedro, just as in history ho was awarded this title by Jaime II.86 It should bo noted in this connection that Don Lope da Cardona does not receive the rank of Duke de Segorbe through Ms own efforts, but through the efforts of his wife, Casandra. In other words, in this play Don Lope de Luna's story nas been borrowed in part for the protagonist, Don Lope do Cardona; and that of Violante, for Casandra, Cardona*s wife. Hot only is it possible to show that Lope de Vega had in mind Don Lope de Luna when he was w ritin g Don Lope de Cardona, because of the connection with the Duke of Segorbe, but also because in the play, as will be noted from the east of characters, there is a Captain Urrea. Juan XimSnez Urrea was made capit&n general of Pedro IV*s troops in the struggle with the Union at Valencia, at the same time that Lope de Luna was appointed to a similar position.8? Apparently they were at this time of equal rank, but later Urrea was subordinate to Luna.®® This is the relationship in which he appears in Don Lope de Cardona. With regard to Doha Casandra Gentellas, Don Lope de Cardona's wife in this play, it should perhaps be pointed out at this, time that apparently the only female member of the famous Centellas feuaily who contracted marriage with a member of the house of Cardona was Catalina. She was wife . $ o f Ra»6n de Cardona y Luna, tw elfth BarSnde B ellpuig (Volpuche), who died in 1457, as is shown In the genealog­ ical table accompanying this study. The Centellas family was no less famous than that of Cardona, and had a prom­ inent part in the affairs of the kingdom during the reigns of Alfonso IV and Pedro IV, as is shown by a perusal of the pages of Zurita or Carbonell. The connection of the house of Cardona with the County of Urgel has already been pointed out. it came about &o the result of the marriage of Hugo de Cardona to 89 Isabel, daughter of the Count of Urgel. The Cardona's did not hold this title, but they did have land holdings therein; and it is to be noted that in the play lope do Vega says nothing of the title being bestowed upon Don Lope* but says only ntodo el condado de Urgel.” parts of which were of course held by dower rights. From the genealogical table it will also be noted that Hugo Folch, fifteenth vis-r oount, elevated to the rank of Count by Pedro IV, in 1357, was first married to Blanca of Aragon, who held the title of Countess of Urgel, as did their daughter, Beatriz. To sum up, then, the points to be stressed with regard to the identity of Don Lope de Cardona as far as the CrSnicas are concerned: 1. Several of the exploits of members of the Cardona family have been used as partial basis for the action of the play: a. RamSn de Cardona, younger brother of Hugo Folch, first count de Cardona, and his activities in the struggle of Alfonso IV with the Genoese are some­ what parallel because of the similarity of the naval engagements to those described in the play. b. The revocation of privileges and land-holdings of RamSn de Cardona, a nephew of the tw e lfth Viscount -74-

tie Cardona# Ram6n Folch, during the reign of Jaime II,le strikingly parallel to the episodes in the play in shich Don Lope is ex iled and fu rth e r de­ prived of recognition because he is serving another liege lord, . c. The Cardonas had connections nith the County of Urgel and holdings therein,as is pointed out, and as will be further noted by reference to the genea­ logical table Included with this study, 2, Don Lope de Cardona may be partially identified as Don - Lope de. Luna: a, in that they, both the tltle *f Duke tic Segorbe, not through their own efforts, but because of their w ives. ' b, in that Cardona's relationship to Captain Urrea in the play corresponds in general Luna's historical relationship in that respect, 3« The projected duel between Don Lope do Cardona and his father, Don Bernardo, is probably only another of the many such duels injected into the literature of the period. It may have its origin in a romance on some actual member of the Cardona family, as has been sug­ gested by Grillparzer. (This appears quite plausible in view of the traditions related by viciana concerning members of the Cardona fa m ily .) On th e oth er hand i t is -75-

no t. Impossible that Lope 4® Vega was thinking of Peoro I ll’s famous challenge of Charles of Anjou, and the trickery attempted thereafter by the French. DON LOPE DE CARDONAI A DEFENSE OF THE DUKE DE SESSA

From the discussion of the problem of the identity of Don Lope de Cardona it has been observed that the dramatist seems to have had In mind not only the exploits and vicissi­ tudes of members of the house of Cardona, but also of the Aragonese royal family and of the counts de Segorbe, espe­ c ia lly Don Lope de Luna, The question now a ris e s as to whether he had in mind some purpose other than the writing of a play when he combined these miscellaneous historical traditions to form a fairly well-conceived whole. Bid he purposely seek to veil the identity of the protagonist of what is apparently on© of his genealogical dramas? If so, what was h is motive? It is possible to show that he had a quite plausible motive: namely the defense of his patron, the Duke de Sessa, whose full title was: Don Luis Fern&ndes de cSrdoba Cardona y AragSn, sexto Duque de Sessa, cuarto Duque de Soma yd® Baena, MarquSs de Poza, octavo Conde de Cabra, Conde de palamSa, Conde de Ollvito, Vlzeonde d® Izn&jar, Sefior de las Baronlas de Velpucbe,[i.e. Bellpuig), Vlfiola y Calongc, gran . ' 90 ■ : - . Almirante do Napoles, Sessa*s connection with the houses of Cardona and Aragon came about as is Indicated in the genealogical table provided with th is study. This table also shows the connee- -77-

tion of the family t?itb the holders of the title of the Duke de Segorbe, beginning w ith Don Lope do Luna and ending with the marriage which united the house of Cardona and the Cabra branch of the house of CSrdoba, for the second time. Lope's patron was, as a result, more than a full cousin of the Count de Cardona and Duke de Segorbe, Enrique Fern&ndez Folch de Cardona de AragSn y c6rdoba. From the foregoing it can well be seen how lope de Vega would probably be more than s lig h tly acquainted w ith the history of the house of Cardona, whose many prominent men and women are mentioned on almost every page of the chronicles of Catalonia and Aragon. It also is apparent that he would be all the more interested in the exploits of many of them because of their close relationship to the Duke de sessa who sought arid found in Lope, as La Barrera says, ...e l amigo, el consejero, el secretario Intimo que tan discretamente, con su fecundo y admirable Ingenio y su larga experiencia en los tratos de amor, podia complacerle y de el se servi6 con ilimitada confianza y amiatad por espacio de muchos aflos, correspond le n t e con el mas apasionado afccto a su rendido y humilde cariho, y recompens&ndole pr6digamente con todo gSnero dehonras, dSdlvas y favores.91 In a t le a s t two other plays Lope de Vega has made use of the Cardona name and family lore. Amar como se ha de de amar has the two characters, Don Pedro de Cardona and Don Juan de Cardona. 3he former Ms in reality Don Pedro III of Aragon (1276-1285), great-grandfather of Pedro IV, •78- .

r. Don Juan de Cardona, reputedly his brother, is perhaps one of the family of Don HamSn Folcb, Viscount de Cardona, so prominent in Pedro III*8 reign,®2 or even actually a member of the royal family. The play is scarcely historical, as cotarelo points out, in anything except its mention of certain events which make it possible to identify the main character as Pedro III®3 In Las Blzarrlas de Bellsa. which was possibly hie last play,®* Lope has included the character Don Juan de Cardona. Of this play Cotarelo in the new Academy edition, says: - Entre las nuchas observaciones sue sobre otros pudieron hacerse, n6tese que Lope dio al personaje Don Juan los apellidos do su gran amigo y protector el duque de Sessa, que acaso est6 representado en la noble fig u re del Conde Enrique:...9 5 The play itself identifies Don Juan de Cardona as follow s: Bellsa. . • ...... En fin, dijo desta suerte. To soy don Juan de Cardona, h ljo del sefior don Jorge de Cardona, aragonSs, y dofia Juana de Aponte; nacl segundo en mi caoa, y as! mi padre envlSme a Flandes, dozide he servldo dead© lo s ailos catorce hasta la edad en que eetoy...." (I, 441b.) -79-

And la te r : Laclnda...... Vino don Juan de Cardona de Zaragoza a.la Corte, C aballero do in insign® Casa que en sue armas pone plumas de pav6n por timbre. (II, 455b.) Lope is evidently referring to the pride of the house of Cardona, or has mistaken the thistles which adorn the original arms for the feathers of a peacock. No peacock feathers occur on any of the escutcheons so far seen by the present investigator, although Viciana, as quoted above, mentions an ostrich with a horseshoe in his beak. Among the other ancestors of the Duke de Sessa who appear in Lope's plays is of course the first to hold the title , Don Gonsalo Fern&ndez de Cordoba, el Gran Capltan, whose exploits and deeds form the chief sources of Las cuentas del Gran Capjt&n. and El cerco de Santa Fc. Thus, in writing a play in defense of his patron, Lope de Vega would most logically take advantage of his knowledge of the family history. He would attempt also to create a character who might represent the family tradition, at the same time veiling his identity in a maize of historical facts. Such a character is Don Lope de Cardona. In this play he stands as the personification of all that is good and worthy in the pkat history of the Cardona branch of the Duke de Seasa's family. The story of his trouble in the - -8 0-

servlce of his king, ending happily as it does, represents a clear.defense of the.Dyke de.Sessa, who had Inherited the family tradition.with his name. Through it the poet out­ lines a logical path of action on the part of the monarch who has banished his patron. In te rn a l evidences in Don Lope do Cardona show th a t the dram atist must have had in mind the defense of someone when he was writing the play. This is markedly apparent in the last speech of the play where the hero says to his wife, Caoandra: A tu lado muchos afios, con que acabe con la historia la injusth perseeuciSn de Don Lone do Cardona. ( I l l , 692b) In other words the poet says, now that the story of the unjust persecution has been told, let it proceed no further. This can mean nothing except that since the poet, through his actors, has exposed the Injustice of a given persecution it should come to an end, Don lope Is not speaking for himself, a stage character, he is speaking about the perse­ cution of someone whose Id e n tity i s apparent through the situations presented in the play, or through its character as a genealogical drama. This is not the only evidence that the purpose of the play is to present the case of someone who is being persecu­ ted by the king. In the third act where Don Lope de Cardona is brought before the king by the fishermen, Tebano, Lauro, Fausto, and Belardo, they are insistent that Belardo explain his presence in the court: A DON LOPE, atado y medio desnudo. - traigan los Don Lope> 4QuS afih no acabah de toner fin deadichas semejantes? Laaro. Habla tfi. Pawsto. To no sabrS. Belardo. Habl® R iselo. R laelo. Q u islera, s i e l Rey tenor no me d ie ra . Belardo. Hable Tebano• Tebano. m sS. Le-uro. Habla, Belardo, pues fuiste en Castilla palaciego.

Don Alonso. 4Qu8 es esto? Belardo. (Teeblando lle g o . Lauro. Perslnate. Belardo. Bien dijlste.) Supremo Rey de Aragdn, andando orilia del mar buscando algunos soldados aue se quedaron atrfis, o ste b allaao s, que nos plde que, habiSndiole de motor * 61 rnismo escoja su muert®. La llcencia ful piedad, pues dice que le arrojemos en el mar; pero al entrar en la barca con que al golfo todoa caminando van, vuelta la earn a Valencia tales cosas pudo hablar, que ett VexVde darle la muert# vlda tus ojos le dan. (68#) -82-'

Belardo, as always, is Lope de Vega, and ho is clearly presenting Don Lope, or the person whom he represents in real life, so that his case may be heard by the king. Furthermore, be speaks instead of Rlselot who says that he would do so, if he were not afraid. The name Riselo, sounds like an anagramatic pseudonym, and may probably rep resen t someone who would have been expected to defend the Duke, but feared to do so. The scene continues: Don Alonso, &Eres de S ic ilia ? Don Lope, m i mas cerca mi patria esta. Don Alonso. Dues 4de donde eres? Don Lone, ' < Be Espafla. Don Alonso. 4De Espafia? 4De quS lugar? Don Lope. Si a los reyes, gran sefior, se ha de declr la verdad, de Valencia soy; Valencia es mi patria natural. Don Alonso, Tres estados hay on ella; porque Caballeros hay, ciudadanos y plebeyoa, 4En qu6 Jcrarquia estEs? Don Lope. Un tiempo que envldias floras Luzbel me hicieron llamar, al lado del Rev me vl, mas sin soberbla Jamfts. Cal sin culpa a un Inflerno de ague, porque el fuego ya quedo en e l b ijo del Rey, que Amor tal nombre lo dan. LlevSme e sta agua a S ic ilia , de donde vuelvo a paear cate mar, y el de mis ojos, con nombre de general. No lo ful contra mi patria, corao envidiosos dir&n, quo antes por haeerla bien me ha venldo tanto real. Don Alonso. La mudanza del vcotido, y el rostro a un villano Igual, no me dejan conocerte por las sefias quo me das. iE res don Lope? Don Lope. To coy. Don Alonso* 4Don Lope? Don Lope* Puss iquiSn podrS sin ser yo parecer yo ni murlendo vivlr r.Ss? Don Alonso. Vlllano, infame enealgo, noble a tu Rey desleal, traidor a tu patrla misma, 4dSnde de osta suerte vas? 4Eo este el pago que el Rey . por qulen me dejas te da? 4Es este el laurel del trlunfo? Don Lope. Yo tengo a buena sefi&l de que me has de dar perdSn ver que infam&ndome estSs porque al fin qulen dice injurias cerca estfi de perdonar. T& mo dosterraste, Rey, sin culpa; el ague, del mar me ech6 a Sicilia; Rogerlo, contra mi amor y le a lta d , me di6 su bast6n, y mira si vine a hacerte pesar, puos ya que al Principe lleva no vuelvo a ser Capitin. Que el hallarme de esta suerte, ya de sentldo incapaz, fu6 porque el traidor me ha araerto a Casandra, a la mitad del alma.

Don Alonso &Qu# d ices? -84—

D®n Lope...... Dig© que viSndome p ertin az en no eor^ulstar Sus rcuros la ba Bandado d®^>llare Don Alonso. Deja, Cardona famoso* el llanto; no ores sifaz ni Casandra Sofonlsba; sl quiorcs hoy te darin Justa venganza los Cielos. De Castilla y Portugal espero presto socorro; con el voy a castigar al traidor Hey de Sicilia. Toma mi bastSn real; cobra mi hijo y tu padre, y aquel Angel celestial venga como noble espoao. Don Lope. Dame a mi padre y vcras de la manera que vuelvo. Don Alonso. Amigos, a prenda tal como don Lope, no sS que albricias os pueda dar. Repartid esa cadena. R iaelo. Una corona imperial ado me tus barras p re sto . Don Alonso. Ea, Lope, tieoble cl mar; slenta ©1 peso de tus fuerzas. Don Lope. De mis agravios dirts* Aguarda, ylllano fiero, Indio b&rbaro, animal sangrlento, carlbe, scita, monstruo del mundd.,.l Don Alonso. Ho m is; no digas in ju rie s Lope, a qulen vas a castigar, porque al fin qulen dice injuries cerca ostfi. do perdonar. (684a-685b.) From.this part of the scene it is further apparent that the poet is attempting to make clear that the play has more than dramatic purpose. After Belardo presents Don Lope, 85-

tke difficulties which separate the latter and the King are straightway cleared up. In other words the poet is saying that after he has spoken for the man he is defending, his troubles with the King will forthwith disappear. In the play, Alfonso sets the example by his easy pardon of a man whose father is guilty of treason. It is an example for the present king to follow, as is suggested by the repeti­ tion of the lines: ...a l fin quiSn dice injuries cerca estS de perdonar. In o th er words the ex ile welcomed back in the play is none other than the Duke d® dessa who in real life was banished fro® Madrid because of the displeasure of the throne.97 The banishment of the Duke occurred in 1611, early in June, and lasted until April of the following ycar.98 The exact cause of the king's action has not been discovered

■ ■ ' . ■ by the earlier biographers, of lope de Vega, that is LaBsrrera and Bennert. The biographies and collections of letters printed at the time of the tercentenary of his death have not been available for this study, so that their treatment of this subject cannot here be considered. Luis Cabrera in his nelaclones do las cosas sucedldaa en la Corte de Ksnafia deeds 1599 hasta 1614, as quoted by 99 La Barrera, says that the banishment was due to the be­ rating of an alKuacil one night when the Duke was out on his rounds. Cabrera also says that the date of the banish- •86-

eent was June 8, 1 6 1 1 . Cabrera does not mention any duel­ ing or brawl as a cause of the banishment, Rennert is wrong In quoting LaBarrera as saying that the banishment was due to a s tr e e t fig h t with the Duke do Maqueda in 1609. His confusion in the matter evidently is. due to the fact that the story of the duel of these two worthies and that of Sessa's departure for Valladolid and his country estates are printed one after another in the same series of ^ . n o te s .100 : Those excerpts quoted from Lope’s letters mention the "slight cause, or almost none, for such rigor," and hint that no one in the city knows the exact cause of the banish­ ment • Of course this would be the case. Lope could not openly discuss with his master what he knew of the matter, especially since there seems to have been, as mentioned several times in these letters, some suspicion that their messages would be interfered with along the way. It is only logical to assume, therefore, that the banishment came as the result of one of the many affaires d»amour in which Gessa was prone to indulge, or as the culmination of many of them. It would appear that the Duke was courting a woman who was a t the same time sought by someone c lo se r to the King than he, or even by a member of the King’s household, for in the play Don Lope's wife was the object of Prince Pedro's desires. •6 7 -

The problem of determining this is of course too great for solution at this late date, unless other evidence is unearthed. One is at best only guessing when he at­ tempts to separate all the fiction from the fact in the play. Just when Lope is romanticizing for his audience’s sake and when he is presenting his argument is hard to determine. Some suggestions along these lines have already been offered and more are to be considered as the discus­ sion progresses. In the passages already quoted there can be little doubt that Belardo1s speeph and the closing speech of Don Lope are definite evidences of the purpose of the play. In the dialogue which follows Belardo* s * speech there are evidences that the references are to the Duke do Sessa, who now speaks in his own defense. Most notable perhaps is the King’s remark: > La mudanza del vestldo y el rostro a tin vlllam) igual, no me dejen conocerte . por las seflas qua me das. .If the Duke de Sessa has been banished to his country es­ tates, near Valladolid, what is more logical than to con-

. older him no longer a gentleman, but a villano. one attach­ ed to the soil, who cannot obtain the King’s ear because he is not recognized in his present role? Lope’s letters hint at this. On the second of July he wrote: «*80 ~

Haga V. ox*, selior, por venlr a verlo (unos toroe), que creo que las cosas de acS. so van M eiendo blen; y dlgame V. ex*,qu6 pas6 a aquella gran persona visitando a mi sefiora la Duqueaa, pues alia lo habr&n e s o rito ; y sobre Lodo, cuenia con la moderaelSn de la s palabrati, que papele3r son las fleehas de los moros de Pelayo, que se vuelven contra los.duefk3s....2.P* On July 6, he wrote: To so habla en que volverS presto V. ex* aqul...; con todo eso me dixeron tuviese V. ex* cuenta con to que escribe...porque sitomaren carta de V. ex* vean qul poco sc acuerda de cosa que parezca agravio, pucs . aun no sab© la causa de su destlerro.102 . . LaBarrera does not quote further letters with regard to the banishment except the one which refers to the return of the Duke to Madrid the next April.*03 The question naturally arises, then, as to the prob­ able date of the writing of Don Lope de Cardona, it seems that it must have been during the summer of 1611, or not later than the early autumn. The reason for this is that the death of the Queen, Margarita of Austria, took place on October 3, a few days after she bad given birth to a son.*0* The Court was therefore in mourning for the rest of the year, and Lope's dramatic literary activities were forcibly c u rta ile d . It is clear from Lope's letter written on July 2 that letters or papers- were written against the Duke. There is a reference to ’this sort of thing in Don Lope do Cardona: Casandra. IBs poslble que no apeles, de tan injusta sentencia? 89-

Don Lope. Antes fue del Rey eleaencia sin examlnar papeleol . . Yo se cdso est'arS cscrita la informaciSn qa© se ha he©ho; ya los testlgos sospecho. Casandra, La inocencia ©1 temor quita. Don Lope* Hal sabes tfi que ae hsm tiendas de falsoa testigos, que, contra los Mas amigos, juran, perjuran y acusan; mal oabes tfl quees m dicto en un ligero eaerlblr, . y aquello de repetir ; el dicho y el sobredieho....(I, 661a.) This speech, and the others occurring throughout the play, on envy and corruption rampant in the court are true to the circumstances of Lope’s day rather than to the times of Alfonso IV and his son in Aragon. The entire story of the play seems, in fact, to; resemble more the downfall of the Duke de Osuna than the banishment of the Duke do Sessa. But the Osuna affair did not take place until 1616-21, mid the aprobacldn fo r the P arte X was given on November 7, 1617.105 Nor in point of time, is there possibility that the play was written In defense of the Count de Lemos, for the political downfall of the Duke de Lerma, and conse­ quently of the former, his nephew and son-in-law, took place in 1618.106 rvMlo the possibility that Lope wrote th is play in defense of someone other than the Duke de Sessa is under consideration,, it should be noted that he says in a letter to his patron, probably written during -. September, 1617: 90-

Ayer hallS al Conde de Saldafla en una calle aeaso? havla dlas que no la via; plorto aue es tin retrato de au padre: discreto, amoroso, cortes, dulce, afable y dignode particular conaideraciGn en esta cdad; dlxome de sus fiestas para Lenaa y me aandeva servirlo, Yo sirvo al Duque deSessa; no puedo ser de nadle sino de Dios, qu® guardo & V, ex# coao mi alma dessea y mis trabaxos han menester y el desconociaiehto del mundo. This makes i t appear th a t i t is not p lau sib le th a t Don Lope de Cardona was written in defense of any of those politically disgraced during the turbulent days of the reign of Felipe III, and It is most logical to assume that Lope was writing in defense of his patron. . How better could he serve him? In Don Lope de Cardona there occurs but one sonnet, at the point where Casandra, disguised as the Portuguese general, hears from Don Lope de Cardona*s own lips his anguish and grief over her supposed death. Following is the text with an English translation: La mGs altiva y prSspera victoria, del enemigo la mayor venganxa, descanso en tierra, y en la mar bonanza, el fin mSs dulce en la m&s triste hlstoria. El triunfo el arco, la opinlGn, la gloria que espatia, o pluaa, o buena dicha alcanza, la posesiSn del blen tras la esperanza, la mayor fame y la mayor memoria, la hermosa paz despuSs de loo enojos, el oro, el muro, el reino conquistado, las banderas, las areas, los despojos, no igualan al placer de Amor vongado que ve llorar unos ingratos ojos arrepentIdos dol deaden pasado. .9 1 -

Neither complete, o*@r*b#lming victory; nor hated foe engulfed In .blood, and fire; repos© on land; escape fro® tempest*s ire; the sw eetest end to d o lefu l h isto ry ; glory, triumph, repute, celebrity, in which sword, or pen, or fortune's wheel conspire to answer ancient hope with heart's desire; nor soaring fame, nor immortality,, nor flags, nor arms, nor spoils which oft supply the joy of men who conquer new domain; nor beauteous peace, which troubles long deny can match the pleasure love avenged; doth gain in watching as ungrateful eyes with ,sigh and sorrow weep, repenting past disdain. This speech on the part df a loving wife,whose entire effort is bent toward helping her husband out of the diffi­ culties into which he has fallen because of her, is inter­ esting. : It parallels the sudden change In the attitude of the King when he heard of the supposed death of Casandra. It adds still further to the argument that the Duke de Seasa is in part the character represented by Don Lope de Cardona. This sonnet serves in the play as Casandra'a ex­ pression of exultation when she is avenged of her husband after his false accusation of her virtue. But it also seems to indicate that eho represents at this point the woman who has caused the Duke's banishment, it seems to be the final culmination of the sub-plot of Sessa's trouble, which in its complete outline is then: 1. The Duke de Sessa, or some of his henchmen, were in a row over a woman, who was also sought by someone close to the King. This is represented in the play by Don Bernardo de Cardona's fight with Prince Pedro, •92-

2. The result, was banishment, for the guilty party, 1. e. in the play, Don Lope de Cardona and his father: in real life, the Duke de Sessa. ; 3. As long as the prince was with the king, the latter remained fixed in his resolve against Don Lope de Cardona. As soon as Don Lope, presented by Belardo could get his ear without the interference of others in order to tell the king that the woman in the case, Casandra, had been eliminated from the situation, he was forgiven and was returned to favor. In other words if in real life the king will listen to Lope de Vega as the king in the play listened to Belardo and will allow the Duke to present bis case, to show how baseless is the action against him, to x ' reveal the fact that the woman is of no importance, then a ll w ill be w ell. 4. Apparently, too, Lope wished to show that the wo­ man should share the blame for the trouble. He therefore brought in the sequence which closes with Casandra‘s sonnet- soliloquy. He made her action seen logical by having Don Lope accuse her falsely and by having her speak on the subject of love as a Portuguese. In the 17th century the Spaniards attributed to the Portuguese special abilities 107 along these lines. por vengeance the Portuguese were equally famous, as

, been noted in the discussion above with reference to Pedro's - 93-

vengeance after the assassination of DoHa Inis ds Castro. In the seen© preceding the sonnet, Don Lope de Cardona thinks that the Portuguese, Dlonis tie Alencastro, has been sen t as a special physical counterpart of his wife to make him suffer for Ms unjust accusation. He therefore says: DonLooe. IBs p o sib le, prenda mia? Casandra. 4Qu6 deals? Don Lope. No digo nada: fuese el alma transforeada al bien quo toner solia. Casandra. No es buena transforaaciSn que vuestra osposa me hagfiis: advertid que me enojfiis. Don Lope. Si los portugueses son por quien Amor ha tenldo la perfecciSn que sabemos, lc6mo hacSis de oirme extremes, hablSndolo vos nacido? Casandra. Insufrible est&is, Cardona. To os dejo. •" Don Lone. (iAmor vengativo, . muerto el bien, dejaste vivo su retratol) oye. . Casandra. perdona. Don Lope. Ya vuelvo en mi. Casandra. Y es raz6n. Don Lope. Ordena, Dlonis, tu gents, y irSmc yo donde intents foraar un nuevo escuadrSn: iSgriraas en la vanguarda, banderas tie Into en medio y ml muerte, sin remedlo, llevarfi. la retaguarda; que cuando me venza a lii, -94-

ren d id o ,1 a sub pioo d ire : "Caaandra, yo te mat#, toma venganza de mil" Vase Don Lope. Then follows Casandra's sonnet-soliloquy. This seen® is not needed for the action of the play, in fact, it is apparently introduced to present the idea that the v/oman in Sessa's case uas out for vengeance. It climaxes the action as far as Casandra and Don Lope de Cardona are concerned. Definitely it serves, in the sub­ plot concerning the Duque de Sessa, to shot? the vengeful nature of the woman who has caused his banishment, and to bring out the fact that she has satisfied her desires in that direction. When added to the general effect secured by the drama­ tization of a hypothetical case which involves the Cardona name, these phases which deal with a woman's part in the banishment seem clearly to indicate Lope's case for his patron. In fine, absence of a gracioso, usually present as an appeal to the crowd in the c o rra l, shows th a t the play was intended chiefly for royal consumption. In the defense

of the Duke de Sessa, an appeal to the common herd was omitted except through :.the. melodramatLc:.natura. of the. play. . -95-

VERSIFICATlOli AND DATE OF COMPOSITION The one sonnet which the play contains leads one to no conclusion as to the date of composition, despite the 108 work recently done along these lines. The rime scheme is that which is said to have become almost standard by 1610. It is abba:cdcdcd. the pure Italian form, but the handling of the content cannot be said to be in conform­ ity. with the true Italian style. Nor is the question of dating this play greatly help­ ed by a study of the versification. The percentages of each type of verse are: Reddndlllas...... 49.5 Q u in tllla a ...... 17.9 Romances...... 6 .2 OotavaaV...... 0.5 Sueltos - endecasilobos with occasional rimedcoupletsll.O D eclaas...... l .3 son e to o'...... one All others (endeohaa and heptaallaboa sueltos) ...... 0.7 These are distributed as follows: Acto Primer© qulntlllas...... 1-100 Romances (o -c )...... 101-200 Qulntlllas...... 201-255 Versos sueltos (endecasllabos with occasional rimed couplets)...... 256-306 R edondllias...... 307-493 Octaves reales...... 494-517 Redondllias...... 518-679 Versos sueltos (endecasllabos with occasional . rimed couplets)...... 680-739 Redondllias...... 740-872 fersos sueltos (endecasllabos with occasional rimed couplets)...... 8 7 3 -8 9 9 Redo n d llia s ...... 900-911 Versos sueltos (heptaallaboa, no rime)...... 912-984 Octavos reales...... 985-1008 Redondllias...... 1009-1073 ’96-

i ^ Acto aegttodo &s* * *.»»■••••• -• <•••>••••• *-*.*'* * • • • • ■».•.».• ,•.#,• z* .1074—1295 quint.nies7(contains some copies roaXe8*09y.„.4^ ...1296-1515 Declmas,...... ------...... 1516-1555 W eitantil la...... 1 5 5 6 -1 §60 Radonqillaa (written by combining new .verses .to. / rime with hemloticbs of romances) ...... 1561-1592 Homanbes (e -a )...... 1593-1652 Redondillas...... 1653-1664 Octavos reales...... 1665-1742 Hedondlllas...... 1743-1766 Versos sueltos (endecaallebos tilth occasional rimed \ couplets)...... 1767-1818 Ouintlllas (with occasional copies reales) ...... 1819-1969 fersossueltos (endecasllabos. no rimes)...... 1970-1989 : Isoond ilia s ...... 1990-2089 i>ctavas r s a le s ...... 2090-2105 Redondillaa...... 2106-2173 Acto tercero Rsdondillas...... 2174-2347 Endechas...... 2348-2426 :yoondiIlas...... 2427-2490 Versos sueltos (heptasllaboa.no rimes)•...... 2491-2602 Redondlllos (one defective quatrain* 2608-12).•.*..2603-2633 Romances (e -o )* ...... 2 6 3 4 -2 7 0 5 RedondXXlas...... 2706-2802 Octaves reales...... 2803-2826 Versos-sueltos (endacasllabos. rimed occasionally).2827-2850 . 2 8 5 1 —2962 Rone to ...... £963-2976 Isdondlllas...... 2977-3052 Versos sueltos (endacasllabos. no rime)...... 3053-3168 Romances (o -a )...... 3169-3192 Comparison of the above with Buchanan’s tablesHO does not bring satisfactory results in placing the play, in his chronology. Apparently, there, is ^>®e inaccuracy in his percentages, because the totals in several Instances are from 10 to 15 le s s than 100* Any attem pt a t s trik in g an average for the years, 1602-1617, from his tables, is there­ fore not successful. . The five plays, definitely listed as written in 1610, 1611, and 1612 are as follows,, with their percentages given: ...... La Buena Guarda - 1610: Redondlllas, 56; quintillas. 2; diclaas, ruoxie; octavas. 2; tercetos. 1; sueltos, 12; others, 9; TOTArfW. ' ' . '—“■ • K1 Caballero del Sacramento » 1610: Redondlllas. 36; Quintillas, 21; romances. 15r dlclaaa7 none; octavas,~~3; tercetos. 4; sueltos. 6; TOTAL,. 91. Barl&n y JosefS - 1611: Redondlllas. 50; quintillas. 4; . romances. 30; dlclmas. b; octavas, 3; tercetos. none; sueltos, 2; others, 3; T0lAL,96. El KeJor Mozo de Espafia - 1611; Redondlllas. 76; quintillas. "" none;' ro nancesV '"'Ig; sueltos. 4; sons tos. l; no others lis te d ; TWA1, 89. ■....: El Bastardo Mudarra - 1612; Redondlllas, 27; quintillas. 16; romances, 28; declroas, 3; octavas, 6; tercetos, 4; sueltos. i; sonetos. 2(7); 'iWM., 87...... , It will be noted that of these five plays, the percentages given for three are less than 100 by ,9, 11, and 13 respec­ tiv e ly , which i t must be admitted, is too great an error to make them accurate criteria by which to Judge# In general, however, Don Lope de Cardona, because of the small number of romances, would probably be classed in a period previous to 1611, and surely could not be much later. Furthermore, the presence of the dScimas would indicate a period not much e a r lie r . Until further research can show that it was written in defense of someone other than the Duque de Sessa, which seems improbable in face of present evidence, it is accurate to say that the drama, Don Lope de Cardona, must have been written between June and October, 1611. 96-

. INFLUENCE OH OTHER LITERATURES It is seldom that a play considered by critics of as little general worth as Don Loop ds Cardona, and so filled with evidences of rapid composition, can be said to have influenced writers in three other major literatures. It is therefore worthwhile to consider what has been done to date in the comparison of Don Lope do Cardona with its counter­ p a rts in German, E nglish, and French. 1. The German im ita tio n . With regard to the German play. Per Streit awischan Aragonien und,Sicilian, little seems to be known* In the Programm dee kOniglichen Gymnasiums in Rottw eil sum Schlusse des Schul.lahra 1894-95. II. "Hachrichten tlber des abgelaufone Gchuljahr von Rektor Dr. Elbe," are found the following remarks, most complete so far available for this investigation: , Noch sind einig® dsutsche Theaterstodee des 17. Jaiirhunderts zu erwEhnen, welche wenlgaten mit grosser Wahrscheinliohkeit auf Lope de Vega als original zurtick- zufttbren sind. 3 0 findet sich unter den Reper^irestttck- en des bereits erwdeheten Michael prey (Demonstratio actionum vora 8. Sept. 1666) much ein Stuck mit dem Tltel: tiDer Streit zwischen Aragonien und C icilien.M Die Grundlag® desselben l e t hOchst w ahrscheinlich Lope de Vegas, „Don Lope de Cardona.*112 . In Dr. Adam. Schneider's Spaniens Antell. an. der deutschm Lltteratur des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts.the play is listed under the general heading, "Schausplele der deutschen Wander- bUhne, deren Verfasser. nicht. bekannt sind. " ns "wchrschein- lich Bach der franzOslchen Bearbeltung Botroua Dorn Lope de • 99-

Cardoae (cic) (1650); spsniscja® Yorla^e: Vegas Don Lope de Cardona,...»113

Apparently-then, from these notices, the play is not even known to exist in the present day, and the only record of it is to be found in the mention by Drey of a play per- - ■ " - ■ ■ formed in the year 1666, September 0. 2. The English imitation. The English counterpart of Don Lope de Cardona is James Shirley's The Young Admiral. The two editions are of 1637 and 1833. The latter is: ; .

KOiV FJLR3 GIFFORD, ESj ./AiiD/ADDITIONAL MOTES, AhD SOME ACCOUNT OF SHIRLEY AMD HIS tVHiTIHGS /BY THE liEV. ALEXAIti)ER DYCK./ ------/IN SIX VOLUMES./VOL.Ill ./CONTAINING THE BALL./ THE YOUNG •ADMIRAL./THE GAMESTER./THE EXAMPLE./THE OPPORTUNITY./THE CORONATION./LONDON:/JOHN MURRAY. ALBEMARLE STREET./imCCCXXXIII. LOi’JDON:/PRINTED 'BY w.NICiiOL,CLEVELANDLRCS, ST.JAMES»S, The play was licensed for performance July 3, 1633, by Sir Henry Herbert, the master of the r e v e ls .114 On "tueday the 19th of November, being the king's birth-day, The Young Admlrall was acted at St. James by the queen's players, and llkt by the K. and Queen.*114 A. L. Stiefel has made a complete study of this play in its relation to Don Lope de Cardona: Die Nachahmung spanisch- or Komodien in England u n ter den e rste n S tu a rts. I l l , wh1ch is a continuation of a like study on Shirley's utilization of Tlrso'a El Castigo del Pens&que in the writing of his 100-

play, The O pportunity.115 Stiefel hag made a complete and careful study in his comparison of the two plays as to plot, characterization, dialogue, and other points of possible sim ilarity. He conslutiea: Fassen wir unsere Betrachtung ttber das Verbaltais zwIschen Shirley und Lope de Vega zusanmen, so steht vor allem fest, dasz jener Idee, Fabel, Konflikte sowie den Plan von Don Lope de Cardona im ganzen belbehalten hat. Fine Anzahl von Szenen und Szenenteilen hat er . kopiert, sich abor im Ausdruck mOglichst selbst&ndlg zu balten verstanden. Der Dialog lot fast ganz Eigentum des Englanders. Die Zahl der Stellcn die sich solchen in der span!schen Vorlage njgdiero, 1st klein, und dieae uenlgen slnd kelne bloszen Ubersetzungen.116 0 A short summary of the plot of The Young Admiral is easily available in Arthur Huntington Nason’s, James Shirley. Dramatist.117 This author also admits that the English writer has borrowed his plot and general plan from Lope de Vega. He contends, however, that Shirley’s play is superior in its presentation of various internal struggles of the characters, which struggles he says do not exist in the Spanish play. In this he shows too great enthusiasm for Shirley's work, and too little consideration of Lope’s method. He apparently is not well enough acquainted with the Spanish dramatist, and Spanish drama In general, to make him a just critic. Shirley's work Is good, but it was admittedly a stop-gap. He wrote it when he got into trouble with the censors for presenting too real a picture of the English life of his day. In Nason's own words "without 101

wholly abandoning the realistic style, he devoted himself primarily to romantic plays," That is to say, from 1624 to 1632 nearly everything he wrote was of a realistic character,

1 ■ . whereas from 1632 to 1636 over two-thirds of his plays were romantic and the other third "realistic, but moral," For the sources of his romantic plays he turned to the drama of Spain, but, his language never has that aweing sweep which typifies the Spanish* His characters sometimes express the ideas and emotions of his models, but by his very attempt to combine the foreign and the native, he creates a work which does not ring true. Like Lope*s plays dealing with the adventures of classic or foreign heroes, Shirley1s romantic dramas are not his best. Further, unlike the Spanish drama of the day, which remained Spanish even when the scene was laid in foreign lands, Shirley's work is neither foreign nor native. It is a hybrid, sometimes Awkward, often interesting, but not truly English in spirit. 3. Rotrou's Don Lope de Cardone Jean de Rotrou's last drama, written in 1650 and pub­ lished posthumously, is Don Lope de Cardone, Tragl-com$dle h cinq actes. The most available printing is that in OEUVRES DE JEAN RQTIiQH - TOME ClN-iUISHE - A P a ris , Chez Th. Desoer, Libra!re, Rue Christine - 1820 (Imprimerie de Fain, Place de L'OdSon). For purposes of comparison with Lope de Vega's play of the same name the historical and literary - 102-

notlce which appears in the above edition is here quote&jiiS 6 lio o , ooeur de don Lope do Cardone, e c t aim6e de Don P&dre, fils de Philippe, roi d*Aragon; mais elle ne - rSpend h cet amour que par 1’aversion la plus prononcSe, ne pouyant oublier que oe prince h tu6 en duel don Louis, son amant. Pendant que don P&dre se liv p e au desespoir qui lui font Sprouver lee rigueurs d'Elise, don Lope de Cardona e t Don Sanohe de Moneade, amis e t glnSraux des armies de Philippe, reviennent victor!eux, en attribuant I ’un & 11autre Ico avantages reeportSs aur l*enneml. you1ant rlcompenser leur valour, le roi s*engage h lour accordcr la preailre demand® qu'ils lui feront. Tous deux sont Spris de 1*infante, soour de don P&dre; mais els n'osent avouer leur amour, et lo roi charge sa fille de savoir d1eux-mlmes ce qui pent flatter le plus lours desirs. Le motif que les a emp€- chls de parler devant le roi ne les port© pas & s*ex- pliquer en prlsence de la princess®; mais lour embarras les Sclai're sur lours sentlmens rlciproques; et rivaux, quolque toujours amis, 11s secrolent.obliges de se couper la gorge. Dependant, d'apr&s des conseils fort sages, 11s consentent h in terro g e r * 1 * in fa n te , e t & . respecter la preference qu1elle accordera a i*un d'eux, Elle aime secr&tement don Lope de Cardone; mais doh P&dre esplrant obtenir la main d*Elisc ense faisant un mlrlte aupr&s d*olle d*avoir determini sa soeur en favour de dqii.Lopei supplic dc cacher encore ses sentlmens: sa rSpdSsiStant equivoque, les rivaux mettent leur combat i execution; don Sanche cat gri&venenS bless#. La princess®, sachant que le roi, instruit de lour dessein, leur avoit dlfendu le combat sous peine de la vie, ne pout s*emp#cher de aanifester le sentiment qu'ells iprouve pour Cardone? et Philippe pour satisfaire h tous ses devoirs, accords la main do sa fille & don Lope de Cardone, mais lui annonce qu'il portera apr&s sa tlte sur un echafaud. Le ro&, qui voyait avec re­ g re t 1*amour de Don P&dre pour E liso , av o it promls & ce prince de lui accorder une grace o‘il surmontolt cette funeste passion. Dgn P&dre vient armoncer & son p&re qu1!! renonce a E lioe, e t lu i demand# la v ie de Cardone. Elise, touche® de cette marque de gSnSro- sitS, consent & Ipouser don P&dre, et ce double hymen termine la tragSdl®. At. once upon, reading this synopsis it is seen that the French play Is quite different in plot from the - Spanish. The resemblances are chiefly that the prince is in love with 103-

a Tioaan who refuses to return that love because of Ms responsibility for the death of one close to her. In the Spanish play the woman is Clcnarda, princesa of Sicily* whose brother was killed by Pedro. In the French play the woman is Elise, sister of Don Lope de Cardcne, whose lover has been killed by Pedro. In both plays Cardona is a great general, and in both he is prevented from securing his re­ ward after victory is won because of complications in his own and the prince’s relations to the woman he loves. In the Spanish play Pedro is seeking Cardona’s wife, and in the French, Cardona is courting Pedro’s sister. In the one case the suit is of course dishonorable, but the outcome of both is a duel, carried to its conclusion in the French play, but not, in the Spanish. At the close of both plays Pedro and Cardona are made happy through the efforts of the women they love. . ■ / • L * . .. : It has already been pointed out that in several re­ spects the story of Don "Lope do- Carhona in Lope, de Vega’s ; play resembles some of the historical episodes in which Don Lope de Luna was prominent. R otrou’s play s t i l l fu rth e r resembles some of these events, but a new choice has been made to suit the purposes of one with a different point of ' ■ : ' " . view. Rotrou’s play quite strictly adheres, to the unities. It is five acts instead of three, and the entire sequence of scenes is laid in Zaragoza. The question of unity of time 104-

is side-stepped by the logical rusli of events. The action is relatively swift. There arc few very lengthy speeches. Versification, moreover, with no exception is Alexandrines. The cast of characters* with their identification as historical personages, has tentatively been made as follows: DOM PHILIPPE, ro i d'Aragon...Alfonso IV, Aragon ■ * had no king named P h ilip . pOH PEBRE, fils de don Philippe...... Pedro IV DON LOPE DE CAEDONE, gS nlral d♦armSe...... Hugo Folch, Count of Cardona, and probably, in part, Don Lope de Luna. ' DON SANC11E DE MONCaDE, gS n lral d’armSe.. . .Probably Don Pedro de'Moncada, Almirante de Aragdn. DON FERNAND DE MONCADE, pbre de don Sanche.Not yet id en tified THEODORE, infante d‘Aragon...... Blanca of Aragon, Pedro‘s cousin; in part also perhaps Violent#* Pedro * a aunt, wife of Don Lop© de Luna. ELISE DE CAHDONE, goeur de Don Lope...... Not yet.identified IjyClE, suivante dlElise de Cardona...... Unimportant OCTAVE, geniiIhomoe d© don P ldre...... Unimportant 1 Gardes. As related by both Zurita and Carbonell,120 i$ugo Folch, Count de Cardona, . Don Pedro de Honcada, and Don Lope de Luna were among the most important leaders of the Aragonese and Catalonian forces against Pedro I of Castile when he was at war with Aragon during the years 1557-69. Cardona, by land, and Moncada, by sea, were most prominent in d eliv erin g Valencia from the siege and occupation by the Castilian king. These victories are the mainspring of the action in Rotrou's play, as noted above. Cardona^was married to Blanca, Pedro’s sister, as has already been shown in the discussion of the identity of Don Lope d© Cardona in lope’s play. Don Lope de Luna was married to Violante, Pedro’s -105

aunV. He does not seem to enter Into the French plaj except possibly by contribution of the ’’Lope" part of tho prota#)- nlBt*8 name. Of course Alfonso IV (Bon Philippe) bed died 30 years before the struggle with Castile. For Rotrouts pur­ poses this made no great difference. It suggests that he may, however, have had in mind Don Lope de Luna as well as Hugo Folch, Count de Cardona, when he wrote the play. Such is a brief outline of the investigation to date, by the present writer, of the historical details of Rotrou's drama. Examination shows evidences of some borrowing from Lope, de Vega’s play. It is possible that Don Lope de Cardona is a contamination of the work of Lope and zurita’s history. Further study is necessary to determine this. The problem is further complicated by the question raised in Stiefel’s work on the origins of Don Lope de Cardona. He says that Rotrou used Balthasar Baro’s Lb prince fu eltlf.3-21 According to Stiefel, Le prlnco fugltif 1st eine freie Bearbeltung des ersten Tells des Romans von Apollonius von Tyrens mlt gehnderten Naaen. It was apparently not available to him, because he uses as proof that it is the source of Rotrou’s play only.:a synopsis of the argument printed in Volume II of the Bibl 1 othbque du Theatre franyo 1 r, itfven by the Parfalet Brothers, and published in Dresden in . :' L. 1876.122 The poem itself was written about 1648. It has not been available for this investigation. The synopsis given by -106-

SSlefel, as quoted from the Parfalct Brother a, is as folio vis: #Le Prince Pliiloxandre, dont on a envahi leo fitats, se refugie dans le Royaume do Gyrene, od 11 vit incog­ nito. II devient amoureaux ot est aime d'Architraste, fill® du Roy, Deux autres Princes, Orphise et Alceste, sent ses rivaux. Le Rol osmont, voisin el eiwemi d» Rol de Gyrene, arrive avec one gross® armS®, pour s'emparer de ses Etats. Le Roi sort d. la-teto de soo troupes pour s l i e r au-devant d*Osmont, e t d6clare que celu i deo Princes, qui, dans la bataille, lui rendre de plus grands services, sera I ’epoux de sa fillo, II choisit Pliiloxandre, pour veiller h la defense de la ville et . de la Princess©. Quelque flat6 que soit 1‘amoureux Philoxandre, qu’Architraste soit confice a sco soine; 11 sent cependant, quo s 'll rest® dans Gyrene, ii ne peut prStendre au prix destine par le Roi h celui qui se sera le plus distinguS. II confie ses inquietudes h la Princess©, qui lui ordonne do voler au secours de son pfere. II obfiit avec joio. Pis qu'il est arrlvS sur le champ de bataille, la victolre se decide blentdt pour le Roi de Gyrene, et le Rol Osmont est tue dans le combat par un incormu. orphise et Alceste vantene leurs exploits au Roi; et chacun d'eux croit devoir obtenir la preference. Le Rol lour repond qu’ils doivent s’en rapporter h la Princess®; et que e'est b. e lle & decider 1equal des deux elle veut pour son Spoux: II donna ses tablettes & Philoxandre, pour les porter & Afchitraste, et pour lui dire qu'elle ecrive dessus le nom de celui qu'eile veut rendre heureux. 11 les rapport# bientot; et le Roi y lit, que e'est Philoxandre qu'elle c h o is it. Ce Monarque e s t aussi fache que su rp rls de c@ choix. II cache cependant son rassentim®n%, ot annonee que e’est Alceste quo la Princess© a nomme. ll charge en meme temps Philoxandre^de 1’en. alier avertir, qui, , sans paroitre aucunemeht emu, part pour* ®x8cuter cet ordre. Le Rol, 6tonne de sa tranquillity, le rapelle; ct 2t force de questions, 11 tire enfln 11 aveu de sa passion por la Princesse. Le Rol paroit fort irritS de sa tem6rit6. Philoxandre sort et reparcit bientot apr&s, revetu des memos armes qu'il portoit lors de la bataille. on le reconnoit pour le vainqueurd*Osmont. II jette I'epee de cet ennemi au pieds du Roi, lui dScouvre sa naisnance, et obtient la Princess® en marlage.^23 It is apparent at once that this story is not the same as that of Rotrou's play, but it is also apparent that there is sufficient resemblance to make further study necessary. -107*

Steffens in hia Hotrou-Studlen I. njean de Hotrou als Haebabmer Lope de Vegafs,z* has .considered a number of Ro^ trow's imitations or borrowings from the Spanish, but he r merely mentions the likeness In names of the two Cardona plays, studies have been made in the University of Southern C alifo rn ia on a number o f these, but to date no one has done a study on-Don Lope de Cardone.3-%4 The above remarks will serve as a resume of the w riter’s work to date on Rotrou’s play and its relation, if any, to Lope’s. He is continuing his study. Before it can be complete, however, not only Baro’s poemv but also perhaps some of the .versions of the Apollonius story in old French, and moot certainly the historical or seal-historical works of Zurita, Carbone!1, Paolo Gidvlo, and others will have to be exam? Ined. : ■ : - - •

THE END -108

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES

H*B. In the notes which follow the abbreviations herewith listed have been used to refer to works quoted In the body of this study: IH GENERAL: Unless otherwise Indicated number# refer to pages of works cited,*

MM. * Ohms?-de de Lone de Vega, published by the Real Academia Espafloia under the editorship of M arcellno Mendndez y P elayo. R eferences to volume and to acts, as well as to pages, MS ” Blblloteoa de Autores Ennafioles. Rlvadaneyra, ed.; by volume and page, acts of plays also being Indicated. Oarbonell - Chrgnlaues de Esnanva. References are to f o l i o s . Espasa — Enelolonedin. universal -t itiatTnrtn) safizifiaas# Espasa Oalpe, S. A. References are to volume and page. LaBarrera - Bueva Blograffq de Lone de Vega, which is Vol.fol* I of tnethe Obras de Lone de Vt published by e Real Academia Espafiola. H.Ao^ Ia — Obras de Lope de Vi___ published 4______by the___ Real Aoademia Espahola,"Bueva Edieidn, under the editorship of lello Cotarelo y Mori. References are to volumes and pages, with act numbers usually as w ell. KBAR - Hueva Blblloteoa de Autores EsoaRoles. by volum and page, with act usually indicated as ' W ell. _ Muntaner - Crbnioa. seeBibllography for fu ll note. References are to pages mid to chapters (c a p .K * - Rennert y Castro - Vida de Lone de Vega. 1563-1635. Zurita — Analeseg de la Corona de Aragdn. by volume and folio number, and also, at times to book (lib .) and chapter (cap.). 109-

1. MS. Ho. 17417 - 32 pages In 4°. 2. See Qbras de Looe de Vega, publicadas por la Real Aeademla HspaRola (Nueva Edlcidn), “Obras Drmadtioas,* IV, xxvl; 6 6 5 -9 2 .) ; 3* Orllloarzer. Studlen Turn spanlsohen Theater. 169, Vol. 17 of h is S a a tg lo S e Werke. ] 4. Schaok, Hlstorla de la llteratura v del arte draradtloo en Esoafla. IIlI 123. Y2$T 6. Arohlv ______fur das Studlma udl ______der neueren_ _ tu r e n ^ QXoIIX. Band, (der neueren Ser

6. Yuma (Arizona) Sun. March 15, 1936* 7. Rennert, The Spanish Stage. 117-23, . , 8. H, Acad.. IV, 655a. 9. LaFuente, Matorla Keneral de Esoatla, V, 27. ; 10. Ordenaoions fetes per le molt Alt Senyor En Pere Ter?, rey Daragd sobra 16 regiment de tots los officials de la sua port. See LaFuente. op. cit.. V. 71 et sea. 11. Vol. I, “The Kiddle Ages.* 385. 12. This statement is borne

16. See Espasa. article on Cronloas.' ' '19. In this study, Volume II, printed in 1585, containing hooks VI-X, has been used, see Bibliography^ 189-, See Volumes VII-XII of the Academy edition of . the works «f Lope de Vega, which contain many of the coaedlas

of Meniades y Pelayo form praotioally the only studies of this kind so far attempted. lBfr.0P. o lti. 331; Ohaytor, A History of Aragon and Catalonia. 165, See Brooks, John, ed., El Mayor Itanoeible of Lone de Vega Oarolo. note to w . 201, 244-48. 21.11, folio 103; 2B. Folio oxiili. See LaFuaate, IV, 358-39, in this regard. 23. For a similar episode involving the} drawing o f & .

to the last scene of Don Lope de Oardonai 81 alguna len^ia traidora te ha dlcho que yo la he-nmerto, la mano a la espada ponga, que, aunque no sea ml igual, hoy le igualo a ml persona. 24. Don Lone do Cardona. II, 684-85* 36. Marita, II, folio 119 r°. 36. Ib id : 27. Ib id . 28; See Herriwm, on. cit.. genealogioal table, I, 311.

■ - . -111-

29. Stlefel, ot>. olti. 320, 30. For ft short resu®4 of Me reign see Ohaytor, os, o lt.. or LaFuente, on. olt, 31. I I , fo lio 188 r ° i 32; I I , fo lio 333 r° ; 33. See PrdloKos bv C o ta re lo y Mori to Vol. I l l and IX of the new Academy ed itio n . 34. Based on Herrlmn, Vol. I. For a very complete series of genealogical- tables on Portugal, Castile and Leon, and Aragon and dependencies, see that work. 36. The usual story io that Dofia Indp was killed, not hy the king, but by two of the nobles of his court. See discussion on this point where the entire legend is discussed below; 36. Refers to Jerdniao Bensddes* s draasa of th is name. See below in the discussion of the Doha Inis da Castro legends and) dramas. , , 37. BAE.XLVI. 433 and note; 38. See Avala1b Chronicle, or any good history of the period 39. BAS. XLVI, 405b; 40. Kgpasa, XXVII, 406-7. 41. Romancero General. Vol. 1, BAR. XVI, 28-32; 43. The holder of the title in 1930, when the last Quia Ofiolal deKeoafia was published, was the Duque de Valenoia, Don Josd Maria Harvdes y Pdres de Qnim&n e l Bueno, Marquds 3e Ovleco; Oondejde CaBada A lta; y Hsoonde de Aliatar. who assimed the title in. 1917. Thus has this famous surname^Seen kept alive down to the modern age, as one of the proudest t i t l e s of Spanish grandeeshlp. See page 309 of the Quia; 43. Espasa, XXVIII, l a p a rte , 1390-91. 44. Espasa, XLII, 1339. • _ • - • ■ 45*. Braga. Canoionelro Geral Portumie?, Ill, 573-79; Menendes P ldal, Antolbgia. X, 304; XII, 234; - 112-

46b. BAK. I , 383 ct 8 co.. and XLV, x lii| Menindez Pidal, - iscijsii--

46. 8 X i O m * 47. OoRoa. Tegoro del teatro esoafiol. Tomo I, ,,Oz£geneefl» 315-33. -■ . ■ ,

48. Dob Reraedloe, A Castro de Antonio Ferreira, xxi-xxxyil} Fltznaurloe Kelly, 340; 49. Dog Remedlos. op. c lt.. vil-xiii. 50. ibid., vii. 51. Ibid, and Bell. HlBtogT of VoTtumene Literature. 165. * • . ^ - * - - 52v op^' - olt%Z' looV . citV - ga>..Qp. o lt...' xxatyili: ; 54a. ibid., xxx. ■ 54b. See Bell, on. o it,. nassiia. for reference# to the other hand££ng0 _of theetory; 55. On. olt;. II. 465.

57; On. clt.. III. 615. Buchanan, The Chronology of Lone de Venra1 s Plavs. 13 et . MM.* ■ ‘ . ~ 8S. De^,^llnfdhrung In die GaBQhlohte der altcatalaniecfim

60. LaFuente. on. c lt.. Vr 71, 2 1 0 - 1 1 . 61. Ibid. 62* Lope1e sojourn# in Valencia were doubtless responsible for some of him realistic presentation of ouetons in that city and in Catalonia. In the very first scene of Don hone de Cardona there is a reference to the famm# -113-

earaos of Valencia* itien Don lope sayst So digo yo qae la gala de sue damaa. en ®u eala, me hloiem fiesta y sarao; pero que d lle r a e l Grao . "Aqui eeto y 1 con una b a la . ( I , 655b.}

But the Valenoian habit of dancing was widely known in Spain, and other writers also frequently refer to it* as it is pointed out by Herr©ro Garcia in his Ideas de Xos esnanoles d el siRlo XVIll Tha^ see® to ooneider the sarao so widely known a form of entertainment or celebration that they use it with no explanation, (309-10), Lope mentions it in his Adveraa Fortuna de Don Bernardo de Oabrerat

; Hex. ' " ' V.;' : ' ; Pnrasolemnidad del oasamiento d el hoabre que mzls quiero en ea te mundo, que es don Bemardo de Cabrera/se hEiga, .sin las fiestas del reino y oortesanos, adsoaras y SEuraos, cafiaa,. tbrneos,..(I,69be) 63. 8mm Anibal, Hlra dc Amesom, 146-53, 64. For this fact I am indebted to Dr, J, P. W, Crawford, head of the Department of Romance Languages and Literatures, and Curatorofthe Rennert Library at the University of Pennsylvania. 65. Grillparzer, on, clt,. 169, 66. IX, 269-60. 67. Ibid.. 260-74; 68; Ram6n Foloh, son of Fulodn (Julian), Count of Anjou, wed to . Argenoia, Bister of Charlemagne, was the progenitor of this line. (Garcia Caraffa, Unoiolonedia Herdldloa v Qenealdgioa. XXIII. 173:) 69. In 1491 the possessions of the house of Cardona in­ cluded 30 towns, 25 castles, 4 seaports, 272 small villages (lugares), and 3300 ^hcaises*. (Espasa, IX, 876;) 70. For an illustration of these arms see Espasa, loc. cit.

■ : ■; . .. ‘ ■ ■ ■; , ■ • . ■- 71. In the investigation for this study, the writer has. made -114-

pages of notes on the 'various member# of the Cardona family whom he has found mentioned in the few chronicles and histories available to Mm. The more he reads the more difficult the possibility of finding the counter­ part of Don Lope de Cardona seems to become. The Garcia Caraffa heraldic encyclopedia already cited has the most accessible genealogical outline of the family* but it is not entirely accurate. This is in Volume XXIII, 172- 200- 72: H, Aoad., Ill, xlli-xlv. TSm Chavtor. on. d t.. 99-124 nasslm.

74b. This Ramdn de Cardona was the nephew, not the cousin, of the viscount* and Ramomet and Guillem were hie brothers, not his sons, according to the Garcia Caraffa Enotolopedla. 175-76. See the genealogical table on the Duke de Sessa, House of Cardona, Dukes de Segorbe, at the front. 1^. Ohaytor, on. cit.. 99. to. Espasa, XI, 879; Burita, II, 24-68 nasslm. 77. On. b i t . . 320. to. This story is graphically told in Pedro*s own Chronicle. chapters XXVIII to XXXIII, nasslm: in Zurita, Y, lib . Iv, nasslm: and in lluntaner, caps. LXXII-XO, passim. Pedro*s Ohronlcle is easily available in Dr. Critchlow* s ex~ cellent translation as already pointed out. These epi­ sodes are in Yol. XI, 87-122. 79.. Muntaner, cap. LXII, 120-21 of the 1844 Stuttgart edition 8 0 . Espasa, LIV, 1463. 81. Ib id . 82. Burita, II# fo. 77 v°, 104 r°. 83. Ibid. 2 Esnasa. LIV, 1463; 84. See Spirit a, II, fo. 77 v° - 228 v° passim: Carbon ell, . fo. cx-alxii, nasslm.. -1 1 5

" Znv-vCi*-) _ , 85. II, fo. 239 v°.

^ . - : ■ ■ ■ 86. If. Acad.. I I I . 99b. 87. 3urita,_H> fo. 215. % ■■ ■. " 88. Id.. 215-224. Tmmlm*

89. Garda Carnffa. o p , olt». XXIII, 174. 90. : La Barrera, I41nv' (1)V 91. Id.. 142-43. ■ - . . ; 92. See Das olot, Chronicle of Pedro III of Aragon, pnsaim. 93. See Obras de Lone de Vega. Hueva Edioldn, Real Academia EepafSola, III, zill-zlv,llB l-813. 94. Rennert, 398; LaBariere, 460, 520, 585. 95. XI, zvilt.

96. Schack. o p . cit.. III. 53-61. 97. LaBarrera, 165? Rannert f Oaetro, Vida de Lone de Vega. 200. 98. Reraiart y Castro, 2CM3-12. 99. LaBarrera, 143n. 100a. Rennert y Castro, 200; LaBarrera, 143-43n. 100b. 165-189. passim. 101. La Barrera, 166i 102. I b id . 103. Id.. 189* 104. Id .. .173-75; LaFuente, XI, 158. ■ ^ ...... - - — • mmmmmmtm : < ^ , v - • • - ' - - - f- ’ * f — ? ■ - • * 105. LaFuente, XI, » Fiohter, "Recent Research on Lope . , de Vega* a Sonnetsw. Hispanic Review. VI. 33, 1938, 106. LaBarrera, 282n. 1QV. In the Oomedla de Kfroslna. a Portuguese Imitation of La Celestlna. written by Jorge Ferreira and translated into Spanisiv by Fernando de Ballesteros Isr a good discussion of this Ideas — 116-

Solo el portuguSa, timbre de loe eepaiioles y arbltrio de todas las naclones, como discrete, gal In y noble, Incluye en si todos los efectos del amor puro, estlma a su dama, nosufre el verse ausenta della, soliclta de noche y de dla ocasioneo dSnde y como la pueda ver, quorrla ester siempre en su presencla, los culdados y fatigas lo enflaqmeden, rauda toda mala condlcion en buena, abrasase Interior- mente en pensaolentos, que represents htsslld® son lagrlmas y susplros, aeflales de verdadero dolor; tlene su voluntad regresada en la de qulen blen qulere; es constante en su fei doflende a su daaa de qulen la pretend® ofender; si la aloanza, no se aparta della hasta la muertc, y as! aeomete atrevido todos los pe- llgros, no plerde su meoorla aun durmlendo, antes on eso se delelta, detemlnado de vlvlr or morlr con ella; si desespera de alcanzarla o&tase o ham e x tre - mos mortales. Todo esto y muoho mas so halla por natu­ ral constelacldn en el portuguSs, verdadero enamorado, como lo fuS el Hey Bon Pedro que aun despues de muerta su amada Dofia Inos qulso conflrmar su aficiSn con efectos pfXbllcos de ella. (NBAE, XIV, 139a; also Herrero Garcia, Ideas de los espafioles del slglo XVI1. 157-58.) 108. gee richter, op. c lt., which Is a review of JOrder, O tt, Die Formen des'S onotts be! Lope de Vega. Bei- hefte zur Zeltschrlft far romanIsoh® Phllologle, Heft 86., Eax Nlemeyer Verlag, Halle (Saalc), 1936, xll-372 pages; and Delano, Katbrpi Luclle, A C ritic a l Index of the^Sonnets In the Plays of Lope de_Vega. University of Toronto Press", Toronto, 1935, 70 pages. Neither of these studies has been available for this investigation. 109. See Buchanan. "Chronology of Lope de Vega's plays," 6-9, and Qn. This form of dbclma is rimed ababaccddc as opposed to the usual dlclma or esplnela with abba:accddc. The copla real"is usually considered as a pair of qulntillas. . Both it and the qulntllla became less popular with Lopo as time went on.

110. Op . c l t , 111. A. Hamel's study, 11 Ghronologls^ie Ordnung der Batier- baren Corned!as von Lope de Vega," in Studlen zu Lope de Vegas Jugenddramen. 57-67, has not been available, nor have other works than Buchanan's along this line. 112. 56. Part I of the same pamphlet is Professor Engelbert -117-

Gttnther*s ♦’Studien zu Lope de Vega*" 113. 302, 308. 114. Note from the Office Book of Sir Henry Herbert, quoted on page 95 of the above. 115. The first part of the study appeared in the Rowanlsche yorsclmngen. V. Band, 1890; the third, in Archlv far 4ag-3.luqlui.-der-Ji.Quar-en-Sprachen und .Lltoraturenr CXIX, 1907, as stated above in note 5. 116. 246-47. 117. 247-49. 118. Id.. 240; 253. 119. 493-95. 120. II, folios 281-334, passim; Chrbniques. clxvii-cxci. 121. Balthasar Sarofs*L© prince fugitif" und die Entsteh- un g szeit von Rotrqu»s «Don Lope de CardoEw”, Z e its c h rift _fhr _ franadsisehe _ _ _ _ Sprache und Liftteratur.------Band XXXII.

122. 14*, 263. The P a rfa lc t Frferes* work was w ritte n in the years, 1745-49, and contains 15 volumes. See Lanson, Manuel B ibliographlque. no. 65, 123. 264. 124. Letter of Dr. Lawrence Riddle, Department of French, University of Southern California, Jan. 28, 1937.

The following are sources for the Genealogical Table at the front of this work: Garcia Caraffa, Enciclopedia, XXIII, 172-200; Albornoz y Portocarrero, Hlstorja de la Ciudad de Cabra, LaBarrera, 1 4 ln .; Madoz, D iccionario geogra^lco, f , 559a";" Viclana, Chronyca deyalehd.a, II, 124-26; Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabeila. i l . 253,5X0: FernSn pSrez GuzaSn, Generaclones y Semblanzas, 77; Dspasa, X, 197; XXI, 129; XXIV, 248-9; XI, 876^78; LIV, 1463; LXV, 1435; LV, 697; LVII, £50-51; Carbonell and zurita, passim; Cr&nica del Gran Caplt&m,passim. o 118-

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Tr&a4& # WM TSatr art el Teafvm*

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