AUSTRALIAN BIOGRAPHY a Series That Profiles Some of the Most Extraordinary Australians of Our Time
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When Australia Said NO! Fifteen Years Ago, the Australian People Turned Down the Menzies Govt's Bid to Shackle Democracy
„ By ERNIE CAMPBELL When Australia said NO! Fifteen years ago, the Australian people turned down the Menzies Govt's bid to shackle democracy. gE PT E M B E R . 22 is the 15th Anniversary of the defeat of the Menzies Government’s attempt, by referendum, to obtain power to suppress the Communist Party. Suppression of communism is a long-standing plank in the platform of the Liberal Party. The election of the Menzies Government in December 1949 coincided with America’s stepping-up of the “Cold War”. the Communist Party an unlawful association, to dissolve it, Chairmanship of Senator Joseph McCarthy, was engaged in an orgy of red-baiting, blackmail and intimidation. This was the situation when Menzies, soon after taking office, visited the United States to negotiate a big dollar loan. On his return from America, Menzies dramatically proclaimed that Australia had to prepare for war “within three years”. T o forestall resistance to the burdens and dangers involved in this, and behead the people’s movement of militant leadership, Menzies, in April 1950, introduced a Communist Party Dis solution Bill in the Federal Parliament. T h e Bill commenced with a series o f recitals accusing the Communist Party of advocating seizure of power by a minority through violence, intimidation and fraudulent practices, of being engaged in espionage activities, of promoting strikes for pur poses of sabotage and the like. Had there been one atom of truth in these charges, the Government possessed ample powers under the Commonwealth Crimes Act to launch an action against the Communist Party. -
The Secret History of Australia's Nuclear Ambitions
Jim Walsh SURPRISE DOWN UNDER: THE SECRET HISTORY OF AUSTRALIAS NUCLEAR AMBITIONS by Jim Walsh Jim Walsh is a visiting scholar at the Center for Global Security Research at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. He is also a Ph.D. candidate in the Political Science program at MIT, where he is completing a dissertation analyzing comparative nuclear decisionmaking in Australia, the Middle East, and Europe. ustralia is widely considered tactical nuclear weapons. In 1961, of state behavior and the kinds of Ato be a world leader in ef- Australia proposed a secret agree- policies that are most likely to retard forts to halt and reverse the ment for the transfer of British the spread of nuclear weapons? 1 spread of nuclear weapons. The nuclear weapons, and, throughout This article attempts to answer Australian government created the the 1960s, Australia took actions in- some of these questions by examin- Canberra Commission, which called tended to keep its nuclear options ing two phases in Australian nuclear for the progressive abolition of open. It was not until 1973, when history: 1) the attempted procure- nuclear weapons. It led the fight at Australia ratified the NPT, that the ment phase (1956-1963); and 2) the the U.N. General Assembly to save country finally renounced the acqui- indigenous capability phase (1964- the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty sition of nuclear weapons. 1972). The historical reconstruction (CTBT), and the year before, played Over the course of four decades, of these events is made possible, in a major role in efforts to extend the Australia has gone from a country part, by newly released materials Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of that once sought nuclear weapons to from the Australian National Archive Nuclear Weapons (NPT) indefi- one that now supports their abolition. -
Commonwealth Responsibility and Cold War Solidarity Australia in Asia, 1944–74
COMMONWEALTH RESPONSIBILITY AND COLD WAR SOLIDARITY AUSTRALIA IN ASIA, 1944–74 COMMONWEALTH RESPONSIBILITY AND COLD WAR SOLIDARITY AUSTRALIA IN ASIA, 1944–74 DAN HALVORSON Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] Available to download for free at press.anu.edu.au ISBN (print): 9781760463236 ISBN (online): 9781760463243 WorldCat (print): 1126581099 WorldCat (online): 1126581312 DOI: 10.22459/CRCWS.2019 This title is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). The full licence terms are available at creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover image courtesy of the National Archives of Australia. NAA: A1775, RGM107. This edition © 2019 ANU Press Contents Acknowledgements . vii Abbreviations . ix 1 . Introduction . 1 2 . Region and regionalism in the immediate postwar period . 13 3 . Decolonisation and Commonwealth responsibility . 43 4 . The Cold War and non‑communist solidarity in East Asia . 71 5 . The winds of change . 103 6 . Outside the margins . 131 7 . Conclusion . 159 References . 167 Index . 185 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Cathy Moloney, Anja Mustafic, Jennifer Roberts and Lucy West for research assistance on this project. Thanks also to my colleagues Michael Heazle, Andrew O’Neil, Wes Widmaier, Ian Hall, Jason Sharman and Lucy West for reading and commenting on parts of the work. Additionally, I would like to express my gratitude to participants at the 15th International Conference of Australian Studies in China, held at Peking University, Beijing, 8–10 July 2016, and participants at the Seventh Annual Australia–Japan Dialogue, hosted by the Griffith Asia Institute and Japan Institute for International Affairs, held in Brisbane, 9 November 2017, for useful comments on earlier papers contributing to the manuscript. -
William Mcmahon: the First Treasurer with an Economics Degree
William McMahon: the first Treasurer with an economics degree John Hawkins1 William McMahon was Australia’s first treasurer formally trained in economics. He brought extraordinary energy to the role. The economy performed strongly during McMahon’s tenure, although there are no major reforms to his name, and arguably pressures were allowed to build which led to the subsequent inflation of the 1970s. Never popular with his cabinet colleagues, McMahon’s public reputation was tarnished by his subsequent unsuccessful period as prime minister. Source: National Library of Australia.2 1 The author formerly worked in the Domestic Economy Division, the Australian Treasury. This article has benefited from comments provided by Selwyn Cornish and Ian Hancock but responsibility lies with the author and the views are not necessarily those of Treasury. 83 William McMahon: the first treasurer with an economics degree Introduction Sir William McMahon is now recalled by the public, if at all, for accompanying his glamorous wife to the White House in a daringly revealing outfit (hers not his). Comparisons invariably place him as one of the weakest of the Australian prime ministers.3 Indeed, McMahon himself recalled it as ‘a time of total unpleasantness’.4 His reputation as treasurer is much better, being called ‘by common consent a remarkably good one’.5 The economy performed well during his tenure, but with the global economy strong and no major shocks, this was probably more good luck than good management.6 His 21 years and four months as a government minister, across a range of portfolios, was the third longest (and longest continuously serving) in Australian history.7 In his younger days he was something of a renaissance man; ‘a champion ballroom dancer, an amateur boxer and a good squash player — all of which require, like politics, being fast on his feet’.8 He suffered deafness until it was partly cured by some 2 ‘Portrait of William McMahon, Prime Minister of Australia from 1971-1972/Australian Information Service’, Bib ID: 2547524. -
Legislative Assembly Hansard 1966
Queensland Parliamentary Debates [Hansard] Legislative Assembly TUESDAY, 18 OCTOBER 1966 Electronic reproduction of original hardcopy Questions [18 OCTOBER] Questions 905 TUESDAY, 18 OCTOBER, 1966 (4) If there is a difference in the prices of the two adjoining allotments, what is the reason? Mr. SPEAKER (Hon. D. E. Nicholson, (5) What is the area of the adjoining Murrumba) read prayers and took the chair block? at 11 a.m. Answers: AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORT (1) "(a) The land is Crown land and PUBLIC ACCOUNTS had been previously held by the Brisbane City Council under a deed of trust. It Mr. SPEAKER announced the receipt from was subsequently set aside as a Reserve the Auditor-General of his report on the for Police purposes and truncation to a public accounts of the State for the year corner reduced the area from 2 roods 1965-66. 9 perches to 2 roods 7 · 7 perches. The Ordered to be printed. total cost incurred was $183.85, covering survey fees and incidental expenses. (b) COMMONWEALTH AID, FITZROY Nil. (c) 2 roods 7·7 perches." RIVER BASIN BRIGALOW DEVELOP (2) "Cost of land (survey fee, &c.). MENT SCHEME $183.85; cost of building and ground REPLY OF PRIME MINISTER improvements, $34,000." (3) "I have no information concerning Mr. SPEAKER: I have to inform the House that on 23 September I forwarded such transaction." to the Right Honourable the Prime Minister (4) "See Answer to 3." the resolution agreed to by the House on (5) "See Answer to 3." 22 September relating to the Fitzroy River Basin Brigalow Development Scheme, and that I have received from him the following RAISINGS UNDER CHARITABLE reply: COLLECTIONS ACT "Prime Minister, Mr. -
“Racism, Equality and Civil Liberties in a Multicultural Australia.”
Dr Sev Ozdowski OAM Director, Equity and Diversity at the University of Western Sydney and Hon. Professor in the Centre of Peace and Conflict Studies at Sydney University PO Box A959, Sydney South NSW 1235 Ph: 0413 474744 E-mail: [email protected] “Racism, Equality and Civil Liberties in a Multicultural Australia.” Paper delivered at the 5th International Conference on Human Rights Education, "Advancing UNiversal Human Rights Culture”, Washington DC, 4-6 December 2014 Summary Modern Australia began as a European settlement in a land inhabited by Indigenous people. The history of settlement was not always peaceful. The clash at the frontier between the Indigenous population and European settlers was often cruel, hateful and has had long lasting consequences. Other areas of conflict developed along ethnic and religious lines including between the Protestant English and Catholic Irish. It should also be noted that the racist “White Australia” policy remained unchallenged wisdom, adhered to by the vast majority until the late 1950s. Although European settlement espoused reasonably egalitarian principles (which initially did not include Indigenous Australians), the Australian Constitution was drafted without the inclusion of a bill of rights. Following mass post-WWII migration, today’s Australia is a well-functioning, multicultural society with well over 200 languages spoken at home. Chinese, Indian and Muslim settlers are amongst the largest communities. Governments are committed to multicultural policies which focus on equality and anti-racism measures, even if they are to the detriment of civil liberties such as a freedom of speech or expression. This paper will examine the linkages between the historical background and modern culture of human rights in Australia and in particular the evolution of the egalitarian concept of a “fair go”. -
Proportional Representation in Theory and Practice the Australian Experience
Proportional Representation in Theory and Practice The Australian Experience Glynn Evans Department of Politics and International Relations School of Social Sciences The University of Adelaide June 2019 Table of Contents Abstract ii Statement of Authorship iii Acknowledgements iv Preface vi 1. Introduction 1 2. District Magnitude, Proportionality and the Number of 30 Parties 3. District Magnitude and Partisan Advantage in the 57 Senate 4. District Magnitude and Partisan Advantage in Western 102 Australia 5. District Magnitude and Partisan Advantage in South Eastern Jurisdictions 132 6. Proportional Representation and Minor Parties: Some 170 Deviating Cases 7. Does Proportional Representation Favour 204 Independents? 8. Proportional Representation and Women – How Much 231 Help? 9. Conclusion 247 Bibliography 251 Appendices 260 i Abstract While all houses of Australian parliaments using proportional representation use the Single Transferable Vote arrangement, district magnitudes (the numbers of members elected per division) and requirements for casting a formal vote vary considerably. Early chapters of this thesis analyse election results in search for distinct patterns of proportionality, the numbers of effective parties and partisan advantage under different conditions. This thesis argues that while district magnitude remains the decisive factor in determining proportionality (the higher the magnitude, the more proportional the system), ballot paper numbering requirements play a more important role in determining the number of (especially) parliamentary parties. The general pattern is that, somewhat paradoxically, the more freedom voters have to choose their own preference allocations, or lack of them, the smaller the number of parliamentary parties. Even numbered magnitudes in general, and six member divisions in particular, provide some advantage to the Liberal and National Parties, while the Greens are disadvantaged in five member divisions as compared to six or seven member divisions. -
Ministerial Departures 1901-2017
RESEARCH PAPER SERIES, 2017–18 12 JULY 2017 That’s it—I’m leaving: ministerial departures 1901–2017 Janet Wilson and Margaret Healy Politics and Public Administration Section Contents Abbreviations .............................................................................................. 3 Introduction ................................................................................................ 4 Ministerial responsibility ............................................................................. 5 Barton Ministry (Protectionist) 1.1.1901 – 24.9.1903 .................................... 8 2nd Deakin Ministry (Protectionist) 5.7.1905 – 13.11.1908 ............................ 8 3rd Fisher Ministry (ALP) 17.9.1914 – 27.10.1915 .......................................... 9 1st Hughes Ministry (ALP) 27.10.1915 – 14.11.1916 ...................................... 9 3rd Hughes Ministry (Nationalist) 17.2.1917 – 10.1.1918 ............................. 10 4th Hughes Ministry (Nationalist) 10.1.1918 – 9.2.1923 ............................... 10 Bruce–Page Ministry (Nationalist–CP Coalition) 9.2.1923 – 22.10.1929 ......... 12 Scullin Ministry (ALP) 22.10.1929 – 6.1.1932 ................................................ 12 1st Lyons Ministry (UAP) 6.1.1932 – 9.11.1934; (UAP–CP Coalition) 9.11.1934 – 7.11.1938 ................................................................................. 13 2nd Lyons Ministry (UAP–CP Coalition) 7.11.1938 – 7.4.1939 ....................... 15 Page Ministry (CP–UAP Coalition) 7.4.1939 – 26.4.1939 .............................. -
Papers on Parliament Lectures in the Senate Occasional Lecture Series, and Other Papers
Papers on Parliament Lectures in the Senate Occasional Lecture Series, and other papers Number 68 December 2017 Published and printed by the Department of the Senate Parliament House, Canberra ISSN 1031–976X (online ISSN 2206–3579) Published by the Department of the Senate, 2017 ISSN 1031–976X (online ISSN 2206–3579) Papers on Parliament is edited and managed by the Procedure and Research Section, Department of the Senate. Edited by Ruth Barney All editorial inquiries should be made to: Assistant Director Procedure and Research Section Department of the Senate PO Box 6100 Parliament House CANBERRA ACT 2600 Telephone: (02) 6277 3078 Email: [email protected] To order copies of Papers on Parliament On publication, new issues of Papers on Parliament are sent free of charge to subscribers on our mailing list. If you wish to be included on that mailing list, please contact the Procedure and Research Section of the Department of the Senate at: Telephone: (02) 6277 3074 Email: [email protected] Printed copies of previous issues of Papers on Parliament may be provided on request if they are available. Past issues are available online at: www.aph.gov.au/pops Contents Small Parties, Big Changes: The Evolution of Minor Parties Elected to the Australian Senate 1 Zareh Ghazarian Government–Citizen Engagement in the Digital Age 23 David Fricker Indigenous Constitutional Recognition: The 1967 Referendum and Today 39 Russell Taylor The Defeated 1967 Nexus Referendum 69 Denis Strangman Parliament and National Security: Challenges and Opportunities 99 Anthony Bergin Between Law and Convention: Ministerial Advisers in the Australian System of Responsible Government 115 Yee-Fui Ng Trust, Parties and Leaders: Findings from the 1987–2016 Australian Election Study 131 Sarah Cameron and Ian McAllister iii Contributors Zareh Ghazarian is a lecturer in politics and international relations in the School of Social Sciences at Monash University. -
The Politics of Constitutional Amendment
INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND ADVICE FOR THE PARLIAMENT INFORMATION AND RESEARCH SERVICES Research Paper No. 11 2002–03 The Politics of Constitutional Amendment The process by which the Australian Constitution is amended is complex and probably little understood by the general community. This paper is an attempt to explain the politics involved in efforts to amend the Constitution. It concludes that more efforts are likely to fail than to succeed. Scott Bennett Politics and Public Administration Group 23 June 2003 DEPARTMENT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY ISSN 1328-7478 Copyright Commonwealth of Australia 2003 Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means including information storage and retrieval systems, without the prior written consent of the Department of the Parliamentary Library, other than by Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament in the course of their official duties. This paper has been prepared for general distribution to Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament. While great care is taken to ensure that the paper is accurate and balanced, the paper is written using information publicly available at the time of production. The views expressed are those of the author and should not be attributed to the Information and Research Services (IRS). Advice on legislation or legal policy issues contained in this paper is provided for use in parliamentary debate and for related parliamentary purposes. This paper is not professional legal opinion. Readers are reminded that the paper is not an official parliamentary or Australian government document. -
The Reforming, Transformative Howard Government?
The Reforming, Transformative Howard Government? Suzanne Grant Bachelor of Arts with Honours Class I in the field of Political Science 2011 Bachelor of Arts with Majors in History and Political Science 2010 A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2014 School of Political Science and International Studies Abstract Some commentators consider the Howard government saved Australia from the tide of progressive liberalism lead by Paul Keating, some see it as a kind of economic superhero while others portray it as the creator of a Brutopia. What links all of this commentary is an agreement that the Howard government radically transformed Australian politics and the nation. Previous research has not systematically identified how, where and when Howard changed the Australian policy agenda relative to the Labor governments that preceded and followed it. This research introduces empirical measurement to the predominately non-quantitative literature in order to identify how and to what extent the Howard government significantly changed Australia’s policy agenda. This research finds that the Howard government cannot be considered a major disruption to Australia’s policy agenda. It argues that all governments analysed here: Hawke, Keating, Howard, Rudd and Gillard are remarkably similar in their choice of policy issues given priority, and the issues chosen to be excluded from the policy agenda. While statistically significant differences are found between the Howard and the Labor governments, these differences are few. This research suggests that the Howard government is not the turning point in Australian politics that much of the literature claims it to be and that the period is more accurately characterised by policy agenda convergence and continuity. -
The Rudd/Gillard Government, Asylum Seekers, and the Politics of Norm
The Rudd/Gillard Government, Asylum Seekers, and the Politics of Norm Contestation Katja Cooper B Arts (International Relations)/B Laws (Hons) A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2019 School of Political Science and International Relations (POLSIS) i Abstract This thesis examines the important role that humanitarian arguments played in influencing the trajectory of Australia’s asylum seeker policy during the Prime Ministerships of Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard (2007 – 2013). In the leadup to the 2007 Federal Election, Rudd declared that Australia had a moral obligation to treat asylum seekers with compassion because the ‘biblical injunction to care for the stranger in our midst is clear.’ During his first year in office, Rudd largely fulfilled his promise to comply with the ‘letter and the spirit’ of the Refugee Convention by ending offshore detention on Nauru and Manus Island, abolishing Temporary Protection Visas (TPVs), and declaring that mandatory detention would only be used as a ‘last resort.’ However, by 2013, Labor’s humanitarian platform on Irregular Maritime Arrivals (IMAs) had been largely abandoned. Faced with a significant increase in boat arrivals, an overburdened immigration detention system and an increasingly hostile public, both Rudd and his successor Gillard responded by gradually reintroducing the punitive measures that had comprised the Howard Government’s Pacific Solution. In order to ascertain why Rudd’s attempt to take Australia’s asylum seeker policy in a more humanitarian direction was unable to be sustained, I will undertake a normative analysis of the language that both Labor and the Coalition used in order to legitimate their respective asylum seeker policies during the Rudd/Gillard era.