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Abuse of Power – Corruption in the Office of the President Is His Most Recent Book
Contents 1. Preface 2. 1 “Evil has to be stopped” 3. 2 Marchuk, the arch-conspirator 4. 3 Kuchma fixes his re-election 5. 4 East & West celebrate Kuchma’s victory 6. 5 Kuchma and Putin share secrets 7. 6 Corruption 8. 7 Haunted by Lazarenko 9. 8 Bakai “the conman” 10. 9 “Yuliya must be destroyed” 11. 10 Prime minister’s wife “from the CIA”? 12. 11 Kidnapping Podolsky & killing Gongadze 13. 12 Covering up murder 14. 13 Marchuk’s “secret coordinating center” 15. 14 Kolchuga fails to oust Kuchma 16. 15 The Melnychenko-Kuchma pact 17. 16 “We can put anyone against the wall” 18. 17 Fixed election sparks Orange Revolution 19. 18 Yanukovych’s revenge 20. Bibliography 21. Acknowledgements 22. A note on the author 23. Books by JV Koshiw Artemia Press Ltd Published by Artemia Press Ltd, 2013 www.artemiabooks.com ISBN 978-0-9543764-3-7 Copyright © JV Koshiw, 2013 All rights reserved. Database right Artemia Press Ltd (maker) The photograph on the front cover It shows President Leonid Kuchma and Viktor Yushchenko clasping hands, while his rival Viktor Yanukovych looks on. Yushchenko’s pot marked face bears witness to the Dioxin poisoning inflicted on him a few weeks earlier during the 2004 presidential election campaign. Photo taken by Valeri Soloviov on Nov. 26, 2004, during the negotiations to end the Orange Revolution (Photo UNIAN). System of transliterations The study uses the Library of Congress system of transliteration for Ukrainian, with exceptions in order to make Ukrainian words easier to read in English. The letter є will be transcribed as ye and not ie. -
The Donbas As an Intentional Community
THIS IS A DRAFT PAPER From Exit to Take-Over: The Evolution of the Donbas as an Intentional Community VLAD MYKHNENKO* International Policy Fellow The Central European University & Open Society Institute E-mail: [email protected] Paper for Workshop No 20. The Politics of Utopia: Intentional Communities as Social Science Microcosms The European Consortium for Political Research Joint Sessions of Workshops 13-18 April 2004 Uppsala, Sweden ABSTRACT: The Donbas – a large old industrial region in the Ukrainian-Russian Cossack borderland – constitutes a particular intentional community. According to earlier positive accounts, it was a space, the open steppe, a frontier land, a fugitive’s paradise, where the notions of and desires for freedom and dignifying labour had been realised. According to its current negative associations, the Donbas is an allegedly realised utopia of an ‘anti-modern’ community, dominated by a ‘criminal-political nexus’ of terrorising mafia gangs and political clans. The purpose of this paper is to compare the Donbas community, the evolution of intentions of its founders and of the images produced in the process of its construction, in three very different points in time – under the Russian Empire, under the Bolshevik Rule and Stalin’s Great Terror, and during the post-communist transformation. * I would like to express my gratitude here to the International Policy Fellowships, affiliated with the Central European University and Open Society Institute – Budapest, for their generous help, which has allowed me, among many other things, to work on this paper. 2 In both a geographical and symbolic sense, the Donbas constitutes a particular community, just as a nation, city, or village does. -
Reykjavík Unesco City of Literature
Reykjavík unesco City of Literature Reykjavík unesco City of Literature Reykjavík unesco City of Literature Reykjavík City of Steering Committee Fridbjörg Ingimarsdóttir Submission writers: Literature submission Svanhildur Konrádsdóttir Director Audur Rán Thorgeirsdóttir, (Committee Chair) Hagthenkir – Kristín Vidarsdóttir Audur Rán Thorgeirsdóttir Director Association of Writers (point person) Reykjavík City of Non-Fiction and Literature Trail: Project Manager Department of Culture Educational Material Reykjavík City Library; Reykjavík City and Tourism Kristín Vidarsdóttir and Department of Culture Esther Ýr Thorvaldsdóttir Úlfhildur Dagsdóttir and Tourism Signý Pálsdóttir Executive Director Tel: (354) 590 1524 Head of Cultural Office Nýhil Publishing Project Coordinator: [email protected] Reykjavík City Svanhildur Konradsdóttir audur.ran.thorgeirsdottir Department of Culture Gudrún Dís Jónatansdóttir @reykjavík.is and Tourism Director Translator: Gerduberg Culture Centre Helga Soffía Einarsdóttir Kristín Vidarsdóttir Anna Torfadóttir (point person) City Librarian Gudrún Nordal Date of submission: Project Manager/Editor Reykjavík City Library Director January 2011 Reykjavík City The Árni Magnússon Institute Department of Culture and Audur Árný Stefánsdóttir for Icelandic Studies Photography: Tourism/Reykjavík City Library Head of Primary and Lower Cover and chapter dividers Tel: (354) 411 6123/ (354) 590 1524 Secondary Schools Halldór Gudmundsson Raphael Pinho [email protected] Reykjavík City Director [email protected] -
Why Did the Cod Wars Occur and Why Did Iceland Win Them? a Test of Four Theories
Why Did the Cod Wars Occur and Why Did Iceland Win Them? A Test of Four Theories Sverrir Steinsson MA Thesis in International Affairs School of Social Sciences June 2015 Why Did the Cod Wars Occur and Why Did Iceland Win Them? A Test of Four Theories Sverrir Steinsson MA Thesis in International Affairs Advisors: Silja Bára Ómarsdóttir and Guðni Th. Jóhannesson Faculty of Political Science School of Social Sciences University of Iceland June 2015 This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Affairs at the University of Iceland. This thesis cannot be reproduced without the author’s consent. © Sverrir Steinsson 2015 090390-3689 Reykjavík, Iceland 2015 Abstract Few attempts have been made to provide theoretical explanations for the occurrence and outcomes of the Cod Wars. In this thesis, I test hypotheses derived from four IR theories and perspectives on the Cod Wars: the Rationalist Explanations for War perspective, which sees information problems, commitment problems and issue indivisibility as drivers of conflict; Liberal IR theory, which expects democracy, commercial ties, and institutions as pacifying influences; Structural Realism, which expects states to pursue their security interests; and Neoclassical Realism, which expects statesmen’s pursuit of security interests to be distorted by domestic pressures. I find that Liberal and Structuralist Realist expectations were not met, that rational miscalculation and misinformation contributed to the occurrence of the disputes, and Neoclassical Realist expectations were fully met in all of the disputes. Following these tests, I provide a new, structurally informed explanation of the Cod Wars. -
Ukraine's Security Forces: Bloated, Incompetent and Still Neo-Soviet Taras Kuzio
Eurasia Daily Monitor -- Volume 10, Issue 22 Ukraine’s Security Forces: Bloated, Incompetent and Still Neo-Soviet Taras Kuzio More than 20 years after independence, Ukraine’s security forces are over-manned, incompetent and largely remain neo-Soviet in their operating culture. On January 18, the prosecutor’s office accused former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko of being in league with Pavlo Lazarenko (prime minister in 1996–1997) for the murder of Donetsk oligarch Yevhen Shcherban. Allegedly, she paid $2.329 million from her accounts, while Lazarenko paid another half a million dollars in cash for the murder (http://www.gp.gov.ua/ua/news.html?_m=publications&_t=rec&id=115177&fp=40). When asked why the prosecutor’s office had not initiated these criminal charges when he was in power, former Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma replied, “The Prosecutor-General [Mykhaylo] Potebenko, in his reports, said at the time there were no grounds for legal action [against Tymoshenko]. And that is it.” “And against Lazarenko, at that time, there were [grounds for opening a case],” Kuchma added (http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2013/01/24/6982168/). Interviewed on Russian television, Kuchma remains adamant that Tymoshenko had nothing to do with the murder of Shcherban (http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2013/02/3/6982753/). Under Presidents Kuchma and Viktor Yushchenko, Ukraine’s moribund security forces and prosecutor’s office were unable to find evidence linking Tymoshenko to the Shcherban murder. The new “information” against Tymoshenko is part of a concerted campaign to remove her forever from Ukrainian politics and “prove” to the West her case is allegedly not political. -
Tymoshenko's Lawyer Stripped of His National Deputy's Mandate
INSIDE: l Ukrainian dancemaster Chester Kuc dies – page 4 l Workshop on Holodomor held in Yonkers – page 7 l UKELODEON: activities in CT and NJ – pages 18-19 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXXI No. 10 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MARCH 10, 2013 $1/$2 in Ukraine Canadian PM Tymoshenko’s lawyer stripped establishes Office of his national deputy’s mandate of Religious Freedom by Zenon Zawada Special to The Ukrainian Weekly New ambassador has ties KYIV – With one hand, Ukrainian to Ukrainian Catholic Church President Viktor Yanykovych was shaking hands with European Union (EU) leaders in Brussels two weeks ago, pledging to commit to rule of law and equality before the law. With the other hand, he was direct- ing his administration, which has allegedly manipulated the mass media and arranged for national dep- uties to be kicked out of Parliament in recent weeks. These campaigns have upset European Union leaders, who have intensified their warnings that Frank Gunn/Canadian Press Ukraine’s Euro-integration efforts Prime Minister Stephen Harper of Canada with could be undermined. Ambassador Dr. Andrew Bennett of the Office of The incident drawing the most www.tymoshenko.ua Religious Freedom. attention is the March 6 court ruling Serhiy Vlasenko, the lead defense attorney for imprisoned opposition leader that stripped the parliamentary man- Yulia Tymoshenko, had his national deputy’s mandate removed by a Kyiv OTTAWA – Prime Minister Stephen Harper on date of National Deputy Serhiy February 19 announced the establishment of the court on March 6. -
Tymoshenko Suspected of Ordering Lawmaker's
Part 3 of THE YEAR IN REVIEW pages 5-13 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXXI No. 4 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 27, 2013 $1/$2 in Ukraine “Freedom in the World 2013”: Democratic breakthroughs in the balance Freedom House WASHINGTON – The emergence of popular movements for reform were the driving force behind major gains in the Middle East last year, according to “Freedom in the World 2013,” Freedom House’s annual report on the state of global freedom. However, a number of regions experienced setbacks due to a hardened and increasingly shrewd authoritarian response to these move- ments. While the number of countries ranked as free in 2012 was 90, a gain of three over the previous year, 27 countries showed significant declines, compared with 16 that showed notable gains. This is the seventh consecutive year that Freedom in the World has shown more declines than gains worldwide. Furthermore, the report data reflected a stepped-up campaign of persecution by dictators that specifically targeted civil society organizations and independent Freedom House’s “Map of Freedom 2013” shows Ukraine among partly free states. media. Among the most striking gains for free- Noteworthy declines were recorded tive presidential election and direct mili- leaders elsewhere in the Middle East, dom was that of Libya, which advanced for Kazakhstan, Kenya, Mali, Nigeria, tary rule came to an end, yet the elected with resulting setbacks for freedom in from not free to partly free and registered Russia, Turkey and Ukraine. Parliament was dissolved and President Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, one of the most substantial one-year The Middle East showed ambiguous Morsi pushed through a new Syria and the United Arab Emirates. -
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Ukraine Early Presidential Election, 25 May 2014
OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Election Observation Mission Ukraine Early Presidential Election, 25 May 2014 INTERIM REPORT No. 2 14 April–12 May 2014 14 May 2014 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The presidential election is taking place in a complex political, economic and security situation, which affects the legal framework, technical preparations and the election campaign. Continued unrest and violence in the east of Ukraine, where anti-government forces have taken over numerous administrative buildings, self-proclaimed local authorities controlling some cities, and the government’s conducting an anti-terrorist operation, seriously impact the election process there. Self-proclaimed local ‘authorities’ staged so-called local ‘referenda’ on autonomy/independence in some parts of Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts (regions) on 11 May. These were not observed by the OSCE/ODIHR EOM to any extent. • The electoral legal framework continued to be amended during the reporting period. Parliament passed a law on temporarily occupied territories on 15 April, which states that voting will not take place on the Crimean peninsula and that citizens from these territories may register to vote in other parts of Ukraine. Given a shortfall of nominations for Precinct Election Commission (PEC) members, parliament on 6 May amended the presidential election law to reduce the minimum number of PEC members from 12 to 9. • The Central Election Commission (CEC) continues to make preparations for the election and has demonstrated an efficient, independent and collegial manner of work. The CEC formed all 213 District Election Commissions (DECs) within the legal deadline. Candidates replaced a high proportion of their nominees, which affected many DECs’ functioning. -
English Version Is the Only Official Document
NATO Parliamentary Assembly Assemblée parlementaire de l’OTAN INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Ukraine — Early Presidential Election, 25 May 2014 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS Kyiv, 26 May 2014 – This Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions is the result of a common endeavour involving the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR), the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (OSCE PA), the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), the European Parliament (EP) and the NATO Parliamentary Assembly (NATO PA). João Soares (Portugal) was appointed by the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office as Special Coordinator to lead the short-term OSCE observer mission. Ilkka Kanerva (Finland) headed the OSCE PA delegation, Andreas Gross (Switzerland) led the PACE delegation, Göran Färm (Sweden) headed the EP delegation, and Karl A Lamers (Germany) led the NATO PA delegation. Tana de Zulueta (Italy) is the Head of the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission, deployed from 20 March 2014. The assessment was made to determine whether the election complied with OSCE commitments and Council of Europe standards, as well as international obligations and domestic legislation. This Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions is delivered prior to the completion of the election process. The final assessment of the election will depend, in part, on the conduct of the remaining stages of the election process, including the tabulation of results, the handling of possible post-election day complaints and appeals. The OSCE/ODIHR will issue a comprehensive final report, including recommendations for potential improvements, some eight weeks after the completion of the election process. The OSCE PA will deliver its report to the Standing Committee on 28 June. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 2013, No.42
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE: l Russia on a collision course with the European Union – page 2 l Books, music, TV as weapons in the culture war in Ukraine – page 4 l Exhibits at The Ukrainian Museum remember the Holodomor – page 11 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXXI No. 42 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, OCTOBER 20, 2013 $1/$2 in Ukraine Permanent exhibit on Canada’s ‘Contextualizing the Holodomor’ conference 1914-1920 internment marks genocide’s 80th anniversary operations opens in Banff by Oksana Zakydalsky TORONTO – Since the 1980s, when UCCLA the 50th anniversary of what was OTTAWA – Over two decades ago, Lubomyr Luciuk once called the Great Famine of 1932- of Kingston, Ontario, now a professor at the Royal 1933 in Ukraine was marked, the Military College, initiated a campaign aimed at recall- world has profoundly changed. The USSR no longer exists; archives in ing an unhappy episode in Canadian history. Between Ukraine and Russia have become 1914 and 1920 thousands of Ukrainians and other accessible; and the center of research Europeans were branded as “enemy aliens,” forced to for what is now widely known as the do heavy labor for the profit of their jailers, disen- Holodomor has shifted from North franchized and subjected to other state-sanctioned America to Ukraine. censures – not because of any wrong they had done, Although the literature on the but only because of who they were, where they had Holodomor is now far greater than it come from. was in the 1980s – according to Once described as “Germans, Austrians and Turks,” Ukrainian historian Stanislav most of the internees were actually civilians, including Kulchytsky, “the number of works women and children, some of them Canadian-born or devoted to the Ukrainian Holodomor naturalized British subjects. -
UCU Opens State-Of-The Art University Building LVIV – the Ukrainian Catholic University (UCU) Launched a Brand New Academic Building in Lviv on September 3
INSIDE: l Moscow seen as losing Ukraine, Belarus – page 3 l Svoboda celebrates its 120th anniversary – page 6 l Ukraine moves ahead in World Cup qualifiers – page 17 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXXI No. 37 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 2013 $1/$2 in Ukraine Media expose corruption with indirect links to Yatsenyuk by Zenon Zawada A tender to build the surgery building was won in February by two private companies – AMT Biznes and KYIV – Arseniy Yatsenyuk, the leader of the Kryvorizh indasterbud – both of which were without offic- Batkivshchyna parliamentary faction and chair of the par- es, telephone numbers, identifiable partners, or even legiti- ty’s political council, has been revealed by Ukrainian jour- mate sums of charter capital, the journalists’ report said. nalists to have indirect links to two corruption scandals. He All of these are signs of a “prokladka,” an intermediary denies any involvement in the schemes. individual or company set up to pad and distance the The first scandal involves Volodymyr Yatsenyuk, the sec- fraudulent entrepreneurs from the source of the corrup- ond cousin of Arseniy Yatsenyuk, who is allegedly involved tion, the report said. in a corrupt tender scandal in partnership with the The report revealed that prokladka firm AMT Biznes Yanukovych family that cost the state $125 million, the shares the same phone number as the Stailing law firm, Ukrayinska Pravda website reported on August 28. which controls Tantalit, the company which has registered The second scandal involves the TVi television network, the Mezhyhiria estate that allegedly has been illegally which became the target of a corporate raid in April that privatized by the Yanukovych family. -
How Ukraine Became a Market Economy and Democracy Chapter
ch04_16071_Peterson_Ukraine:ch04_16071_Peterson_Ukraine 8/28/09 5:50 PM Page 93 4 Kuchma’s Stagnation, 1996–99 By the summer of 1996 Leonid Kuchma’s strategic outlook was clouded. He had introduced elementary market economic reform and the national currency, the hryvnia. Although he desired to pursue more privatization, his reformist endeavors had to a large extent been accomplished. After long and hard work, a Ukrainian constitution was finally adopted in June 1996. National integrity seemed safer. But Ukraine’s foreign policy was not set- tled, and no great deed, such as membership of the European Union, was within reach. Kuchma started devoting a lot of time to foreign policy. Polit- ically, he was at his peak, but he had no real vision or major goals to accom- plish. His strategy seemed to have evaporated, and tactics took its place. As so often happens with politicians who have enjoyed early success, Kuchma focused on his own political survival, which took five expres- sions, best summarized as standard divide and rule with limited policy ambitions. First, he checked the power and ambitions of his prime minis- ter. Second, he devoted great efforts to both parliamentary and presiden- tial elections. Third, he played different business and regional groupings against one another. Fourth, he also played different branches of law en- forcement against each other. Fifth, the presidential administration in- creasingly disciplined and controlled media. These were tactics without strategy. This period was not pretty. In 1996– 97 Pavlo Lazarenko was prime minister but acted like a businessman. Deputy Prime Minister Viktor Pynzenyk undertook a brave but hopeless attempt at renewed economic reform for the sake of economic growth.