VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY KLAIPDA UNIVERSITY

Kstutis RAŠKAUSKAS

REVOLUTIONARY CULTURE EXPERIMENT IN LITHUANIA (1927-1935)

Summary of Doctoral Dissertation Humanities, History (05H)

Kaunas, 2014

This PhD thesis is defended according an external examiner procedure

Scientific supervisor: prof. dr. Egidijus Aleksandraviius (Vytautas Magnus University Lithuanian Emigration Institute, Humanities, History – 05H).

The PhD thesis is defended at Vytautas Magnus University at the Council of Scientific Field of history of Vytautas Magnus University and Klaipda University.

Chairman: doc. dr. Vygantas Vareikis (Klaipda University, Humanities, History – 05H)

Members: dr. Giedrius Janauskas (Vytautas Magnus University, Humanities, History – 05H) dr. Mindaugas Kvietkauskas (Institute of Lithuanian Literature and Folklore, Humanities, philology - 04H) dr. eslovas Laurinaviius (Institute of Lithuanian History, Humanities, History – 05H) dr. Dangiras Maiulis (Institute of Lithuanian History, Humanities, History – 05H)

The official defense of the PhD thesis will be held on January 31, 2014 at a public sitting of the Examining Committee in the Small Hall of Vytautas Magnus University (28 S. Daukanto st., Kaunas).

Summary of PhD thesis was sent out in December 27, 2013.

This PhD thesis is available at the National M. Mažvydas Library, Library of Vytautas Magnus University and Library Klaipda University.

VYTAUTO DIDŽIOJO UNIVERSITETAS KLAIPDOS UNIVERSITETAS

Kstutis RAŠKAUSKAS

REVOLIUCINS KULTROS EKSPERIMENTAS LIETUVOJE (1927–1935 m.)

Daktaro disertacijos santrauka Humanitariniai mokslai, istorija (05 H)

Kaunas, 2014

Disertacija ginama eksternu

Mokslinis konsultantas prof. habil. dr. Egidijus Aleksandraviius (VDU Lietuvi išeivijos institutas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija - 05 H)

Disertacija bus ginama Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto ir Klaipdos universiteto Humanitarini moksl srities istorijos krypties taryboje

Pirmininkas: doc. dr. Vygantas Vareikis (Klaipdos universitetas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija – 05H).

Nariai: dr. Giedrius Janauskas (Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija – 05H) dr. Mindaugas Kvietkauskas (Lietuvos literatros ir tautosakos institutas, humanitariniai mokslai, filologija– 04H) dr. eslovas Laurinaviius (Lietuvos istorijos institutas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija – 05H) dr. Dangiras Maiulis (Lietuvos istorijos institutas, humanitariniai mokslai, istorija – 05H)

Disertacija bus ginama viešajame Humanitarini moksl srities istorijos krypties tarybos posdyje, kuris vyks 2014 m. sausio 31 d., 14 val. Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto Mažojoje salje, S. Daukanto g. 28, Kaunas.

Adresas: K. Donelaiio g. 52, LT–44244 Kaunas, Lietuva Tel.: (8 37) 32 78 36

Disertacijos santrauka išsiuntinta 2013 m. gruodžio 27 d. Disertacij galima peržirti Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto, Lietuvos nacionalinje M. Mažvydo ir Klaipdos universiteto bibliotekose.

Revolutionary culture experiment in Lithuania (1927-1935)

Due to the flush of leftist ideas in the journal, “Treias Frontas” (The Third Front, 1930-1931) even in the eyes of its contemporaries became a unique and controversial Lithuanian cultural phenomenon. One decade later, since the “Treias Frontas” group emerged in the Lithuanian literary panorama, some of the key members of the collective had already been given the power of literary life’s formation and control by soviet authorities. For this and other aspects the “Treias Frontas” or individual works of members of the group are seen as multi-layered, complex and interesting subject of study. Untapped archival material and its abundance enabled me to enrich the existing historical narrative of the “Treias Frontas” and the group with new facts, characters, wider contexts, different perspectives and fresh analysis of their activities. Roughly, the axis of this PhD research is the activity of the “Treias Frontas” group. However, the introduction of new heroes and the expansive nature of the topic determined broader frames and the creative vision of the research. On the other hand, the study reveals the complication of the “Treias Frontas” group’s contact with the leftist ideas and those, who represent them. Heretofore, this dimension has not been developed in the historiography. Thus, the aim of the thesis is to analyse how the “Treias Frontas” group and artists or theatre actors connected with the collective grew more and more radical. Also, to show the complexity of their revolutionary creative campagne and its contact with the left-forces as an integral part between 1924 and 1935. These three segments are inextricably intertwined with each other and are treated as a whole. The main objectives of the study are: To reconstrate and compare biographies of the “Treias Frontas” group members and fellow artists; reveal their communication network. To recreate activity forms of the writers who were nonmarxist socialism (Socialist-revolutionaries-maximalist) supporters 1924-1935. To reveal the contribution of particular individuals when analysing the evolution of ideas published in the “Treias Frontas” journal and other press publications.

5 To reconstruct the complexity of revolutionary writers, artists and theatre actors’ activities in the period of 1931-1935. To reconstruct mutually opposing Lithuanian Communist Party (LCP) leaders Vincas Kapsukas and Zigmas Angarietis opinions of fellow-travellers between 1926 and 1935. To reconstruct the lower-ranking Communist Party leaders attitude towards fellow-travellers and occurrences of their encounter. The primary sources: - Published and unpublished autobiographical texts (memoirs, autobiographies, correspondence, diaries), the originals of which are mainly kept in the archive of The Institute of Lithuanian Language and Literature. Some literary works were also used as sources for the research. - Social and cultural periodicals of the period. - Array of documentation of Lithuanian Communist Party which is kept in The Lithuanian Special Archive under Communist Party documents section. This source is rich with information about Lithuanian leftist intellectuals or better known communist personalities in the light of Communist Party interests. - Surveillance files kept by political police now stored in Lithuanian Central State Archive. Researches ranging over the “Treias Frontas” as a group or collective and analysis of its member’s creative works can be dated back to 1970. It was the literary domain. Some of the names worth mentioning are Vytautas Kubilius and his wife Janina Žkait, Leonas Gudaitis, Dalia Striogait and Bronius Vaškelis. The topic about artists connected with the “Treias Frontas” group members, who performed Communist Party orders, has been lightly touched by art historians. Furthermore, during the soviet times historians could not freely work on the searches related to the “Treias Frontas” group and LCP interrelationships. Only few years ago Mindaugas Tamošaitis published his works on the subject and in my thesis his conclusions and prejudices I address to debate. In the meantime, nonmarxist socialist tradition which embraces some of my heroes in the study as a research objective has not yet broken through the initial stage.

6
Participants of the revolutionary culture experiment followed the idea of the culture creators’ activism which rudiments go back to prior World War I Germany. The essence of it was the belief that all trends in art can and should play part in consciousness and social change. Just after the war such experiments arose in those countries with the avant-garde cultural traditions and burst into blaze in Russia because of the government’s support. In Lithuania the “Keturvjininkai” group (The Four Winds Group) advocated expressionism and futurism without the ambition to revolutionary transform the society. Around 1925 new members of the “Keturvjininkai” group Kazys Boruta (1905-1965) and Antanas Venclova (1906-197) were the first to utter the activist avant-garde demand. They nurtured this idea as if it were to take a lead of Lithuanian modernism. Unsatisfied, they left the “Keturvjininkai” group. Simultaneously, taking the broader context into the consideration, 1925 marks the time when peers artists in Europe underwent a second wave of public devotions, whereas the first wave abated when it became obvious that proletarians could not understand “new art for masses” and Communist Party leadership demanded questionable allegiance to their politics. Towards revolutionary self-devotions K. Boruta and A. Venclova had beaten different paths. In January of 1924, when Boruta was about to graduate from Marijampols Teacher Training Seminary, he experienced a conversion to socialism and chose to confess nonmarxist socialism trend which was also preached by youth association “Aušrin” (The Dawn). This association was under Lithuanian Esers influence. K. Boruta started to publish his articles in the journal “Aušrin” and soon became its editor. Straight after indulging in leftist public activity, K. Boruta was confronted with Christian Democratic government’s disaffection towards leftist ideas. Seminary graduate and freshman in the University of Lithuania he was still a member of the “Aušrin” youth association and subsequently had a brush with the repressive structures. November of 1925 was a breaking point for K. Boruta, when due to taking part in student riots his name was taken off the university books and together with his study fellows he was sent to prison for a month. Out of prison went through a nervous crisis (recurrent later on) and decided not to go back to university. In January 1926 he went off to study at the University of Vienna. Being there joined the heresy of Lithuanian Esers called Socialist-revolutionary-maximalist union, established that spring in 1926. After Coup d’état in the December 1926, Kazys Boruta momentarily

7 became one of the main activists of the union and pronounced himself The Delegation of Foreign Secretariat of Maximalists. Shortly European socialist press was buried under its protests. Most likely the Lithuanian political police could not identify him as author. As a result, in the summer of 1927 K. Boruta returned at ease back to Lithuania and managed to combine his underground activities and family commitments. His wife Ona Kazanskait (1893-1947) was activist of the Esers and later Maximalist groups. Nonetheless, after September 1927 unsuccessful putsch performed by socialists, K. Boruta was accidentally arrested, spend few weeks in jail and after his release emigrated to Riga. Only then he became well known to Lithuanian political police as leftist political activist. His sharply anti-governmental poetry book “Kryži Lietuva” (Lithuania of Crosses) and satirical novella “Namas Nr. 13” (House No.13) were banned but increased his popularity. After intense political and editorial activity in autumn 1928 Kazys Boruta emigrated to Vienna and in spring 1930 – to Berlin. In both cases it was a consequence of his nervous breakdowns. Antanas Venclova tried to avoid public commitments which had any political touch in their nature and so when entered the University of Lithuania in autumn 1925 he gradually immersed himself in bohemian lifestyle which was alien to Boruta. Both friends were linked by the belief in the transformative power of arts and by sympathies to Russian and German avant-garde trends. They both tirelessly rushed to design and establish young writers groups, publishing houses and almanacs. Because of Boruta’s emigration and persona non grata status in the eyes of Lithuanian government their effort was fruitless. Vytautas Montvila (1902-1941) friendship with Boruta and Venclova began in Marijampol. Having had a long period of indecision he finally joined the ranks of “Aušrininkai” (The Dawn group), was repressed and in autumn 1925 he decided to leave Marijampol and moved to more the liberal Teachers Training Seminary of Kdainiai. Here he found himself in a close company of communists and communist youth. The latter perceived “Aušrininkai” as dangerous competitors and so they tried to recruit members of “Aušrininkai” group to their own illegal cells. Likewise, communist youth put a lot of effort to infiltrate themselves in “Aušrininkai” commanding bodies and disorganise their activities from inside. After the change of political climate, in autumn 1926 Montvila returned to Marijampol to finish his studies and under the

8
influence of Laurynas Kapoius (1906-?) he became a typical double agent; as an undisclosed member of communist youth he also participated in “Aušrininkai” activities even though he questioned such tactics of Communists from ethical point of view. By the way, during their times at gymnasium and university, Boruta and Venclova were mates with fellow communists Vytautas Viedrinaitis (1904-1937) and Pijus Glovackas (1902-1941), however they did not experience formative influences from them. In 1927 Lithuanian political police disintegrated Marijampols communist youth activities and Montvila caught this opportunity to distance from them. During the school year of 1928-1929 he studied in the University of Lithuania and became friends with member of the Maximalist union Kazys Jakubnas (1908-1950). They were united by imperative to create on behalf working class, also opposition to bohemian way of life and avant- garde stylistic. The base of integrated revolutionary culture action was the formation of friends circle in 1926-1929. In 1926 Petras Cvirka (1909-1947) arrived to study at the Art School of Kaunas and settled in student dormitory “Žiburlis” (Little Lighthouse). Here he became friends with A. Venclova. There is no reliable evidence that P. Cvirka had any public and political opinions at this time. In autumn 1927 ex “Aušrininkas” and actual communist youth member Bronys Raila (1909-1997) started studies at the University of Lithuania. Due to big ambitions to play significant part inside Kaunas communist community he was excluded from the communist youth organisation next year. Sympathies towards avant-garde and taste for bohemian lifestyle brought friendship with Antanas Venclova not to mention the fact that they both rented rooms in the same building. In autumn 1927 member of paramilitary and patriotic “Šauliai” organisation Jonas Šimkus (1906- 1965) became a new roommate of P. Cvirka at “Žiburlis” dormitory. He took lessons at adult evening school and failed to join university. He shared tough experience of poverty with P. Cvirka and this was the cause why his patriotic feelings vanished. Friendship with A. Venclova convicted him to adapt avant-garde stylistic in his poetry. Šimkus began correspondence with Kostas Korsakas (1909-1986) who in 1927 found himself as a marxist literary critic and member of communist youth. Their correspondence became more intense from summer 1928, when Korsakas ended up in

9 jail for two years. This was the only channel which led Korsakas into the forthcoming “treiafrontininkai” group. In the end of 1929 the core of “Treias Frontas” founders consisted of Antanas Venclova and Bronys Raila (who lived together), Jonas Šimkus and Petras Cvirka (roommates in “Žiburlis”), Kazys Boruta (in emigration) and Kostas Korsakas (imprisoned). After Korsakas proposal, above mentioned fellows started to treat themselves as a nucleus or more precisely – collective. This formation was surrounded by accidental writers who were called associates. Worth mentioning of them is Pranas Morknas (1900-1941), who at the time lived next door to Raila and Venclova. The collective’s creative works suitability as to be published in the journal “Treias Frontas” was always judged by common agreement, making sure that Boruta and Korsakas had sent their written agreement. Collectivists ineffectively tried to implement non- cooperation with “bourgeois” periodicals and gutter-press rule. Nonetheless, P. Cvirka and J. Šimkus were too poor to follow this rule sent their texts to wide range of different periodicals. Collective was open to new members. In autumn 1930, marxist ideology sympathiser Valys Drazdauskas (1906-1981) joined their ranks. In April of 1931 existential fracture undergoing Salomja Nris (1904-1945) complemented the group. However, they expected literary scandal. They saw her debut as a blow to “bourgeois” literature and a good occasion to increase their popularity. Associates did not rush to publish their texts in the “Treias Frontas” journal; their works only made 4-5 % of the total content. Kazys Boruta efforts to incorporate Vytautas Montvila and Kazys Jakubnas in to the collective or even associates were fruitless. Them being in the jail from spring of 1929 complicated things but more importantly Venclova and Raila had not forgotten open criticism coming out of Montvila and Jakubnas almanac “Raketa” (The Rocket) towards young poets’ bohemianism. From the ideological pint of view, in 1930 the “Treias Frontas” journal was under imprisoned Kostas Korsakas and political emigrant Kazys Boruta influence. In the pages of the first issues of the journal, collectivists called themselves “bernai” – rebel creators who dedicated their creative works to other “bernai” – students, workers and farmers with social service instincts. “Bernas” metaphor first appeared in Kazys Boruta poetry in 1926 and was adapted by Bronys Raila and Jonas Šimkus. Distinction

10
was that Boruta’s “bernas” grew his ideals in village and nature environment whereas Raila and Šimkus’ “bernas” is a bohemian rebel envisioning industrialised Lithuania. Boruta’s poetical visions were influenced by Esers’ social utopias in which future society flourishes as Swiss type village communes. Kostas Korsakas contributed to the Kaunas “treiafrontininkai” and in the pages of the “Treias Frontas” journal favourably analysed “bernas” ideologeme even though he did not agree to them himself. He was a marxist and expected his brotherhood to create in a “healthy” proletarian style. This also meant clarity and concreteness of ideas. He also believed that creative works of the “treiafrontininkai” group, despite their opinions, express interests of proletariat and not those of “bernai”. In the winter of 1930-1931 when Valys Drazdauskas joined the collective and strengthened marxist “wing”, the vision of Korsakas was finally accepted. Drazdauskas pushed his fellows towards tangible actions on behalf of proletariat. He influenced the “treiafrontininkai” group to become fellow-travellers of Communist Party. Kostas Korsakas, who in autumn 1930 was given amnesty and then spend a year in his homeland, supported such evolution and theoretically endorsed this turn in the pages of the “Kultra” (The Culture) journal where he worked as an editor of the literary section. LCP leaders saw Korsakas as a traitor because he accepted communist fellow-travellers’ rules once but later on declined them after deeper consideration. He disagreed with the rule not to publish in any “bourgeois” press and as a result was eliminated from the communist youth ranks. One of the conditions to be part of fellow-travellers was a significant involvement on behalf of working class. The “treiafrontininkai” group saw this involvement as complex art action. As far as 1926-1927, Antanas Venclova and Petras Cvirka made contacts with students of Art School. Since then few of them figured in Venclova and Boruta’s creative projects. Contacts evolved between the “Treias Frontas” group and Balys Sruoga’s theatre seminar students. In May 1931 the “treiafrontininkai” made an agreement with workers sport club “Viltis” (The Hope) leader Juozas Mozelis (1904- 1943?). It was decided that writers, artists and theatre actors will begin cultural activities in the club and that the “Treias Frontas” editorial office will be in “Viltis” headquarters. In autumn 1931 the complex action became reality. Petras Cvirka and Bronys Raila were the educators of young workers with literary ambitions (one of them was Juozas Baltušis). Pranas Morknas created library, Valys Drazdauskas edited wall

11 newspaper “Jaunasis Proletaras” (The Young Proletarian). Theatre actors Juozas Grybauskas (1903-1964) and Romualdas Jukneviius (1906-1963) created theatrical troupe whereas graphics Stepas Žukas (1904-1946) and Petras Tarabilda (1905-1977) formatted artistic scenery of the club. Only one show was performed for public. Since then communist presence in the club became more perceptible because of Valys Drazdauskas who made efforts to join Communist Party at this time. In October same year, election to the Workers Health Fund committee took place and Communist Party decided to take part in this under cover as some of the leftist trade-unions. In this election campaign the “Treias Frontas” group and the “Viltis” backed them up. Writers and graphics created proclamations and posters as well as theatrical troupe performed couplets (rus. ). Kostas Korsakas who joined Vytautas Great University remained sceptical. He spent a lot of time in the company of workers in the jail and did not believe that collectivists cam become as proletarian as to be accepted in their working class milieu. I decided to date Lithuanian Communist Party’s affair with possible fellow- travellers back to 1926, when Vincas Mickeviius-Kapsukas (1880-1935) and Zigmas Aleksa-Angarietis (1882-1940) blocked Butk Juzs‘(1893-1947) efforts to write USA Lithuanian Communist Press. Maybe then communist leaders straightened strategy how to deal with Lithuanian fellow-travellers. At the beginning they did not perceive the “treiafrontininkai“ group as leftists. Z. Angarietis obliged communist literary critic Bonaventra Pauliukeviius (1896-1938) to deal with the first issue of the “Treias Frontas“ journal and silence took over LCP press. The “Treias Frontas“ drew constant and sharp attention of the Lithuanian communist leadership and literary critics in the spring of 1931; they noted that the journal became more and more marxist. The fact that in the ranks of “treiafrontininkai“ were Kostas Korsakas and anti-communist Kazys Boruta was enough to treat this journal as inadequate to fellow-travellers. The main demand of Comintern and International Association of Revolutionary Writers on fellow-travellers was a complete retreat from the field of legal literary productions and contentment with communist periodicals and publishing houses. Actually, this tendency is characteristic when talking about other sectarian leftist units. Some of the maximalists required same from Kazys Boruta and were irritated because of his texts in the pages of the “Treias Frontas” journal. In the spring of 1931 the

12
“treiafrontininkai” group decided to accept conditions to become part of the International Association of Revolutionary Writers. Kazys Boruta felt this turn and silently left the “Treias Frontas” group. Following summer collectivists tried to improve their marxist education and held reading about Georgij Plechanov. They chose him as a popularisator but ironically at the same time he was thrown out from marxist education cannon in Moscow. In July 1931 Salomja Nris made contact with one of the LCP leaders in Kaunas Kazimieras Sprindis (1903-?); due to his recommendation Angarietis bracketed his hostility towards intelligentsia and welcomed poetess texts into the communist press. In autumn 1931 “self-purification” happened inside the “treiafrontininkai” group. Kostas Korsakas and Jonas Šimkus had to leave the collective. Last-mentioned resisted leaving his work at “bourgeois” press. Most likely, the “treiafrontininkai” group officially asked to accept them as members of International Association of Revolutionary Writers. Nevertheless, in November censor stopped 6/7 issue of the “Treias Frontas” journal from publishing and political police arrested leadership of the “Viltis” club and closed it down. Lacking the political crime evidence, V. Drazdauskas, S. Žukas, P. Morknas ir P. Tarabilda were sentenced to standart in such cases three months imprisonment. At this very moment Lithuanian Communist Party’s Politbureau did not have undivided opinion. Some of them in Kaunas sympathetically saw the “treiafrontininkai” group in “Viltis” club activities and shared this attitude with Vincas Kapsukas. He was a curator of the “Priekalas” (The Stithy) literary journal, the first issue of which was published in the spring of 1931. From the very beginning literary staff of this journal began to “educate” the “treiafrontininkai” group but because of distribution problems the journal did not reach them on time. Still and all, the “treiafrontininkai” were unable to understand hidden meaning of “Priekalas” criticism. On the other hand, Zigmas Angarietis never trusted intelligentsia (in particular “Treias Frontas” group) and was looking out for any signs of faithlessness. Kapsukas and Angarietis tactics were different but it looks like their official strategy was to not accept “treiafrontininkai” in corpore as fellows-travellers but divide this group and select most appropriate ones. Another matter is that Angarietis did not really believe in chances of success. In the late 1931, main candidacy belonged to

13 Salomja Nris and Valys Drazdauskas, who, despite Angarietis distrust in him, skipped standard check-up procedures and became a communist. After clearing out “non-suitable” members, the “treiafrontininkai” group had neither time nor ideas what to do next. Communist leaders in Moscow expected to publicly dissociate from “bourgeois” past. Instead of this in November 1931 in pages of “bourgeois” press all “treiafrontininkai” protested against actions of censorship and appealed to eminent cultural personas sending them letters. Communist leaders took it as a sign of the low proletarian consciousness of the “treiafrontininkai” group. It followed thence that the doors were shut to international proletarian writers associations. Aleksandras Guzeviius (1908–1981) who was a secretary to Zigmas Angarietis and a friend of Jonas Šimkus took personal initiative to help them. He created a plan how to get all “treiafrontininkai” group into the International Association of Revolutionary Writers. He also tried to ensure them subsistence funded by Lithuanian communists in USA. A. Guzeviius was undercover sent to Lithuania where in December 1931 he met with the “treiafrontininkai” group and discussed the details of possible entrance to the Association. Needless to say, at that time Juozas Grybauskas was in Moscow where he made a successful contact with International Workers’ Theatre Association. By the time news about ex secretary’s actions reached Zigmas Angarietis, he instantly pressurised leaders of International Association of Revolutionary Writers to withdraw affiliation plans. The official Association’s statement followed shortly, in which was announced that the “treiafrontininkai” group is not suitable for proletarian writer’s status. Same statement was repeated in Comintern Political Commission’s plenum in May 1932. On the eve of 1932 A. Guzeviius ended up in jail, for more than half a year delayed to accept his fault and only after numerous Angarietis letters to communist leaders in Kaunas, Aleksandras finally gave up only when the news about the “treiafrontininkai” group’s ultimate disintegration reached him. In March 1932, Valys Drazdauskas and Stepas Žukas were realeased from the jail and so one or two meetings of revolutionary culture sympathisers happened. Namely then the final split among them happened. Antanas Venclova, Jonas Šimkus, Kostas Korsakas and Bronys Raila chose creative freedom to fellow-travellers rules. Some of

14
them preserved sympathies to leftist ideas. For instance, Venclova took part in one of Boruta‘s creative projects while Korsakas developed marxist criticism tradition in Lithuanian literature and in the pages of “Kultra” journal glorified cultural achievements of the Soviet Union. However, in 1932 he bitterly attacked Lithuanian Communist Party‘s (but not Comintern‘s) policy towards fellow-travellers. On the contrary, in the summer of 1932 Bronys Raila manifested himself as a publicist in the nationalistic spirit and even was employed as press referent in political police for a short time. His mates never forgave him this radical betrayal of ideals. Valys Drazdauskas, Salomja Nris, Stepas Žukas and Juozas Grybauskas committed themselves to cultivate revolutionary culture. In line with the strict fellow- travelling interpretation, S. Nris was unfit for this duty because using a pseudonym she worked in the Catholic publishing house as an interpreter of the sentimental novels. Nonetheless, her literary capital and personal charm could have influenced Drazdauskas to overlook her latter unprofitable occupation. Cvirka’s friend Pulgis Andriušis (1907- 1970) belonged to this company for half-year. Petras Cvirka himself in June 1932, after more than six months studies in Paris, returned to Kaunas and joined this group, in which, as a matter of fact, Valys Drazdauskas leadership was unquestioned. This group aimed to bring back to life the “Treias Frontas” journal’s successor called “Išvakars” (On The Threshold [of Revolution]). Unfortunately, due to the lack of funds the idea slowly died. Group worked on behalf of communists but never were a cell in the communist structure and only V. Drazdauskas was a member of LCP. They also were trusted amongst Kaunas communist leadership and had a high level of autonomy. Interestingly, this was in contradiction with common Lithuanian communist practice and was barely tolerated by Moscow leadership. Founders of the workers theatre troupe Romualdas Jukneviius and Juozas Grybauskas rehearsed with former “Viltis” actors. This troupe was legalised in June 1932 as the “Ms scena” (Our Scene) association. At the same time, graphics Stepas Žukas, Petras Tarabilda and Petras Vaivada (1906-1989) established the “Linija” (The Line) group. Going into autumn in 1932, V. Drazdauskas group prepared for “Ms scena” needs and published a set of revolutionary songs. He himself in March 1932 took leadership over student communist’s bureau which coordinated activities of 3-6 communist cells in Vytautas Magnus University. Student’s corporation “Aurora”

15 consisting of 60 members was an undercover organization of communist activities in university. In April 1932 members of Drazdauskas group displayed in university’s corridor a provocative “Aurora’s” stand and corporation was shut down. Reason of this suicidal action remains unclear. Zigmas Angarietis qualified it as a provocative and harmful action of Drazdauskas. Students communists saw it as a successful occasion to expose “reactionary” spirit of university’s rectorship. Valys Drazdauskas was sent to perform propagandist tasks among workers and communist leaders in Kaunas were contended with results. Vincas Kapsukas let his anonymous debut in the pages of “Priekalas” journal. Drazdauskas in turn successfully recommended to editors S. Nris verses. These debuts were rather easy and successful because of Angarietis lack of power to control “Priekalas” editing. Personal Kazys Boruta’s initiatives were reborn at the same time. He returned to Kaunas in July 1931 and somehow legalised himself. Boruta had left “Treias Frontas” collective by the time and began to dream about new literary journal. Main associates were Antanas Venclova, Vytautas Montvila (amnestied in January 1931) and Kazys Jakubnas (amnestied in December 1931). Montvila moved to Kaunas and found a shelter in “Žiburlis” dormitory. Jakubnas settled in the house rented by Boruta and immersed himself in maximalist activities. He edited the illegal “Jaunasis Maksimalistas” (The Young Maximalist) journal and tried to create armed maximalists’ cells in Kaunas. The main ideologist of maximalists was Vladas Karosa (1896-1933) who also found a room in Boruta’s house. Therefore it became the headquarters of resurgent maximalist union and griped attention of political police. Kazys Boruta made a distinction between literary activity and underground political engagement. Nevertheless political police and even maximalists’ literary almanac “Darbas” (Work), which was published under his editorship in November 1932, saw as a propaganda tool. Thereupon, 2nd number was banned in the beginning of 1933. Valys Drazdauskas group’s activities were same intense after 1932 summer holidays as before, but therefore Zigmas Angarietis grip became more visible. The “Ms scena” and “Linija” opened possibility for communists to put their feet in theatre and art milieu. Valys Drazdauskas initiated the idea of Revolutionary culture avant- garde bureau. This body was seen as a tool to expand and control communist influence in these new territories. This initiative was backed (possibly) by communist

16
functionaries in Kaunas but Zigmas Angarietis gave orders to suspend it. He construed bureau as Drazdauskas’ ambition to put hand on fellow-travellers recruitment action. Valys Drazdauskas abandoned law studies in Vytautas Magnus university but still held membership in student communist cell. Student communist bureau began an edition of illegal “Aurora” journal in December 1932 under his supervision. At the same time LCP Politbureau decided to disband student communist bureau. Communist number in the university dropped in this particular moment and atop-cell structure became unnecessary. That decision was coincident with Angarietis endeavours to limit Drazdauskas influence among students. In September 1932 Kaunas literary world was shocked and delighted by the news concerning Petras Cvirka’s plagiarism affair. He got himself into the debts and took a risk in order to get easy money by cribbing Konrad Berkovici’s novel. Failure of this affair overshadowed all members of ex-“treiafrontininkai” group and raised tensions between them. On the other hand, it threatened to discredit Valys Drazdauskas in the eyes of top Lithuanian communist leaders because of his friendship with Cvirka. Drazdauskas and Cvirka backed up by some communist leaders in Kaunas decided to act. In October 1932 Petras Cvirka wrote a “penitential” letter addressed to Lithuanian communist party leadership and sent three verses to “Priekalas” editorial office. One more Cvirka’s verse was published in “Aurora”. At the same time Valys Drazdauskas sent a pleading letter (under pseudonym) on behalf of stumbled proletarian poet and enclosed new verse by Salomja Nris. Nevertheless, Drazdauskas’ purifying action was blocked immediately. In November 1932 Zigmas Angarietis had written an article about Cvirka and Nris’ attempts to become fellow-travellers and qualified them as Lithuanian political police agents. Angarietis was a chief editor of the communist journal “Balsas” (The Voice) and placed numerous own articles there. Journal’s co- editor in Berlin Juozas Bulavas (1909-1995), who one year back was a leader of Vytautas Magnus university’s student communist bureau and chairman of “Aurora” association. He belonged to the wing of those who did not approve of Angarietis’ policy towards intelligentsia. This publication was a threat against successful Drazdauskas group activities. Therefore Bulavas used his power to stop Angarietis article from publishing; he wrote a protest to Politbureau in Moscow and forwarded Angarietis’ article on to Kaunas communist leaders were it ended up in Drazdauskas and Cvirka

17 hands. There was an opinion amongst local communists that Cvirka should be granted a right to defend himself. So in January 1933 new Cvirka’s letter was delivered to Moscow via secret Party channel. It was followed by sharp Drazdauskas’ article as an opposition to Angarietis. Once Petras Cvirka letter reached Politbureau, even Kapsukas agreed that support given to Cvirka by Lithuanian Communist leaders is scandalous and evidence their “rotten liberalism”. In turn, Zigmas Angarietis demanded on Lithuanian communists to break any connections with Cvirka and to make sure that he will be isolated from all leftist associations which were significantly influenced by communists. Requirement to eliminate Drazdauskas from Party ranks was claimed by Angarietis in the LCP Politbureau hearing in February 1933. Kapsukas expressed his approval concerning exposure of Cvirka but disagreed with proposal to eliminate Drazdauskas. He was also against the idea to expose Salomja Nris as a fellow-traveller. All in all, Angarietis had to comply and in March of the same year only Petras Cvirka was denounced as a provocateur. During this conflict, communist leaders in Kaunas completely disagreed with Angarietis position. Drazdauskas was required to terminate his ties with Cvirka but even though he refused, it did not have any consequences. Moreover, in spring 1933 Petras Cvirka had been distributing communist press in villages around Vilkija. In the meantime, Valys Drazdauskas initiatives gave new results. By the end of 1932 in the Art school new fellow-travellers group came into life consisting of Boleslovas Motuza (1910–1991), Bronius Žekonis (1911–1944), Vytautas Mackeviius (1911–1991) and Vaclovas Kosciuška (1911–1984). Once Stepas Žukas and Valys Drazdauskas joined the group, it was formalized as communist cell. Boleslovas Motuza took responsibility to direct the cell. Drazdauskas and Žukas shared a house and used it as a place for meetings of the new group. Immediately, young enthusiasts created posters, portraits and slogans, all made to orders. In Kaunas city communist structures there had always been a functionary responsible for controlling intelligentsia cells. Naturally he began to control Art school group but shared this responsibility with Valys Drazdauskas. The “Ms scena” troupe grew up to 80 actors and in February 1933 together with “Linija” performed a sole show for audience of mainly Jewish workers. Due to an episode shown that evening in which the Pope was sneered down, both associations

18
were closed in March. Despite this, repetitions continued. Jukneviius and Grybauskas planned to legalise troupe under another name. Troupe members dispersed when directors abandoned them in the summer of 1933. Jukneviius and Grybauskas worked in the State theatre and were among young actors who left this theatre and founded The Youth theatre in August. This professional body functioned like an artist’s commune. Lessons were held in the mornings and repetitions in the evenings. Actors ought to resign from another jobs and activities. Grybauskas and Jukneviius caught an opportunity to participate in the professional theatre’s activity as key figures and “deserted” from activities for communist’s good. Whereas, “Linija” disappearance was not a big damage for communist propaganda. This association was replaced by more effective Art school communist cell. In the meantime, Gestapo delivered the maximalist archive from Konigsberg to Lithuanian state security service. Immediately, in April 1933 Kazys Boruta and his wife Ona, Kazys Jakubnas and Vladas Karosa were arrested. Authorship of international protests came into the light and Kazys Boruta gradually arose as one of the major indictees in forthcoming law case. Karosa died in custody, Ona Borutien was released because of her pregnancy and also large deposit paid by Kazys fathers. Investigation was rather long, case hearings were postponed a few times and finally in August 1934 Kazys Boruta was sentenced to 4 years of prison; Kazys Jakubnas got quit off for 6 months. From the beginning, public opinion pressurized investigators and higher court institutions to release writers and do not punish them for the past transgressions. However, one of the main obstacles was Boruta’s rough behaviour in prison. Family matters forced him to be more submissive and in June 1935, after a slightly ironically written parole to the President, Kazys Boruta was released. He worked a lot on translations in prison and claimed in private letters to have been recovered from “party- spirit disease”. Valys Drazdauskas group activities gradually pined away in the autumn and winter of 1933. Petras Cvirka stopped himself from pushing through the closed door. He began to write the novel “Frank Kruk”, announced this publically and returned to legal literature field. In the beginning of 1934, Salomja Nris translated some works of Russian émigré poets, unacceptable in Soviet Union and stopped to practice bespoken poetry. Valys Drazdauskas in summer or autumn 1933 continued polemic with Zigmas

19 Angarietis. He sent to “Priekalas” journal office a sardonic article about Angarietis’ policy towards intelligentsia. There were some remarks about Communist Party’s policies toward fellow-travellers in comparative perspective. The article was not published but only part of it had been passed to Angarietis hands. In December 1933 Art school communist cell decided to produce (underground, of course) a satirical periodical journal called “Šluota” (The Broom). Valys Drazdauskas became ideological curator, i.e. redactor. The first “Šluota’s” issue was overspread in the eve of Independence day in February 1934. At the same time, in the ranks of Kaunas communist leadership suspicion arouse related to Vytautas Magnus student communist cells. There were rumours about political police infiltration amongst them. All cells were disbanded and the screening began. All students (Drazdauskas among them) were suspended in their activities. Zigmas Angarietis caught the opportunity and gave orders to some of the communist leaders in Kaunas to rigorously investigate Drazdauskas activities. Latter did not pay much attention to procedural requirements and operated in Art school communist cell. Hereupon, this cell took control over the board of school’s corporation “Trys tulps” (Three tulips). They began to use corporation as undercover structure. Initial action was to prepare leftist art almanac “Žingsnis” (The Step); dozen Art school students expressed a wish to provide their works for this almanac. Liuda Vaineikyt (1908–1997) and Irena Treiokait (1909–1985) were the most active members of reformed “Trys tulps” corporation board. Both acted on behalf of communists from 1931 but outside the communist cell. Valys Drazdauskas helped them to step inside fellow-travellers ranks and same as couple of few years before and after, in June 1934, wrote an editorial to “Žingsnis” almanac. About this time another Drazdauskas’ article was published in “Priekalas” journal; maybe Vincas Kapsukas showed support to him in such a way. After “Žingsnis” publication Liuda Vaineikyt was recruited to work in the top-secret Comintern radio contact group in Lithuania under Juozas Bulavas command. Without any explanation to colleagues she left her duties in “Trys tulps” corporation; that was the main reason why communist influence was withdrawn from it. At the same time some materials were collected during verification process regarding negative Valys Drazdauskas attitude towards party discipline and ethics. They were enough “sufficient” to justify his exclusion from LCP. He was disconnected from

20
all contacts within Communist Party in July 1934 without explanation. It was published in communist press only in October. Stasys Žukas was expelled from Art school communist cell because of his close friendship with Drazdauskas. Ironically, he was arrested in November 1934 as the main suspect, who purportedly stood behind “Šluota” edition. Žukas spend three months in jail. In Valys Drazdauskas case irony was sharper. He was jailed for month in February 1935 because of apparent anti-governmental activities; the main evidence of Drazdauskas’ suspiciousness was Kazys Boruta’s novel “Namas nr. 13” found in his room. Drazdauskas and Žukas’ disappearance from Art school communist cell did not disintegrate edition of the “Šluota” journal. Boleslovas Motuza organized process and conspiracy exceptionally skilfully. He had efficient contact with Kaunas intelligentsia group supervisor Aleksandras Šimanas (1906-?) and this smooth collaboration lasted about two years. He was replaced by Giršas Joff (1905-1948) in January 1935. Latter heaped cell with additional propaganda tasks and this disintegrated “Šluota” edition process. Giršas became discontent about Motuza’s effort to create communist cell in one bakery. He disliked Motuza’s personal features such as tendency to dominate, vapour or how he glistened with book-learning erudition. Communist leadership in Kaunas had another opinion about Motuza and he was selected as a candidate in one of the communist high schools in Moscow. Motuza in June 1935 transmitted leadership duty to Vytautas Mackeviius, crossed SSSR – Latvia border and was arrested by NKVD; passwords were faked. At the same time G. Joff accused him of being an agent to Lithuanian security services. Zigmas Angarietis had suspicion about Joff’s connection with these services too, but did not reject Motuza’s “candidacy” as well. Boleslovas Motuza was sentenced and spent 12 years in lager. Giršas Joff received invitation to Moscow and ended in the same labour camp. This unexpected turn momentarily ruined Art school communist cell. Communists simply stopped communicate with them. I have stopped building plot lines of this story when it reached summer 1935. All heroes lost taste for political activity (even lost faith in leftist ideas), were forcedly removed from communist ranks or stopped their attempts to be fellow-travellers. Most of them found new ways to engage in fellow-travellers experiences in 1936 but from the perspective of 1935 such possibilities barely existed. Doors were unlocked in the

21 summer of 1935, when 7th Comintern Congress exposed new ways to seduce leftist intelligentsia and LCP leaders slowly began to implement these practices. But this is another story. In historiographical context, the main achievement of this study may be seen as exposition of complexity of interwar intelligentsia’s ways toward leftist ideas and practices. I would like to accentuate a few elements (non-finite) which may have contributed to this research. All heroes of this story were attached to social or political duty. Their creativity directions were intertwined with critical views toward their society. They gropingly looked for alternative visions and tried to find meaning in revolutionary (in communist or socialist versions) movements. That was their uniqueness in the context of Lithuanian cultural life at this time. Some young writers and artists wanted to discipline their rebellion. Therefore, they felt attraction towards hard-and-fast systems. Some chose more relaxed versions. The foundation of these collective engagements was companionship. It emerged outside such factors as social background, material situation, ideological experiences of adolescence and juvenescence, sympathies or antipathies to avant-garde styles. Friendship was forged when they studied in Marijampol gymnasiums, Lithuanian university or Art school, lived in “Žiburlis” dormitory or shared a house and spent time in bohemian atmosphere as well. Those of them who desired to choose fellow-travelling with communist party path did not have common attitude toward this engagement. Everyone had highly individual experience during this process. It is enough to mention the complicated Kostas Korsakas and Valys Drazdauskas stories. Some of the “treiafrontininkai” efforts to work on behalf of communists twisted with parallel artists and actors efforts. This phenomenon enabled to construct a vision of complex revolutionary efforts in 1931-1933, which is generally overlooked by historians. A few of heroes engaged themselves in creation of non-marxist socialist society. First of all, this is about radical anti-communist Kazys Boruta. Researchers are undertaking to explore this kind of socialism in Lithuanian sole or in emigration. My efforts tended to complicate one-linear vision of leftism processes in interwar period.

22
The big part of this research is about Lithuanian Communist Party’s leadership in Moscow and Kaunas strategies and tactics towards fellow-travellers in 1926-1935. Story ends with the vision of complete fellow-travelling failure in 1935. Zigmas Angarietis emerged in dense cloud of details as a strongman successfully fighting with this phenomenon; his college and adversary Vincas Kapsukas’ positions and action style unfolds as well. Those enthusiasts of revolutionary culture who succeeded to join Communist Party (Valys Drazdauskas and Boleslovas Motuza) prolifically shined among underground professionals with independent thinking and initiatives. Finals of their activities expose mentality of Communist Party leaders and inability or unwillingness to integrate non-standard personalities in strict work routine. Political engagement complexities expose effects of fellow-travelling. It was exclusion from normative literary field, stranglehold of creativity, underground life and personal catastrophes. All the heroes in this narrative had their own pathways to take in public and political fields and this is why I feel that attempt to strain the contexts in order to explain or summarise their stories would be unacceptable. It was most valuable for me to be able to reconstruct biographies of my heroes taking into the careful consideration their choices and other human factors. I am neither able to propose wider generalisation nor original going left model. The collective biography of my chosen heroes at this stage and with the results given by my research cannot be seen as a reflection of full-scale phenomenon and is best seen as an alternative to well-established narratives. And finally, this is a revisionist attempt which should be treated as an open-ended invite for discussion.

23 Revoliucins kultros eksperimentas Lietuvoje (1927-1935 m.)

„Treio fronto“ (1930–1931 m.) puslapius persmelks kairuoliškumas dar amžinink akyse pavert j išskirtiniu bei kontroversišku lietuvi kultros reiškiniu. Išskirtinumo aura tapo ryškesn dl to, jog, prajus dešimtmeiui po treiafrontinink blyksteljimo literatrinje panoramoje, okupacin valdžia kai kuriems iš j patikjo literatrinio gyvenimo formavimo ir kontrols vaidmenis. Dl to „Treias frontas“ ar asmenin treiafrontinink kryba susilauk daugybs vertinani ar analizuojani ištarmi, bet jos neišsemia galim tyrim perspektyv. Iki šiol tyrintoj nepanaudotos archyvins medžiagos gausa leido papildyti „Treio fronto“ ir treiafrontinink istorijas naujais faktais, vesti nauj personaž, išplsti kontekstus bei silyti naujus j veiklos vertinimus. Disertacinio tyrimo ašis yra treiafrontinink grups veikla, bet jo pltimasis temos pakrašius ir nauj heroj vedimas leido konstruoti plai krybins akcijos vizij, kuriai „Treio fronto“ rmai tapo per siauri ir prašsi platesnio vardijimo. Kita vertus, šiame tyrime atskleidžiamas treiafrontinink slyio su kairiosiomis idjomis ir toms idjoms atstovaujaniais žmonmis sudtingumas, kuris iki šiol istoriografijoje nebuvo pltotas.
Taigi tyrimo tikslas yra išanalizuoti treiafrontinink ir su jais susijusi meninink bei teatral kairjimo pavidalus, kompleksin revoliucins krybos akcij ir nuo jos neatsiejam slyt su kairiosiomis politinmis jgomis 1924–1935 m. Šie trys segmentai neatsiejamai susipyn ir traktuotini kaip visuma.
Išskirtini šie uždaviniai: - treiafrontinink bei meninink biografijas rekonstruoti lyginamojoje perspektyvoje ir atskleisti j bendravimo tinklo pavidal.
- Rekonstruoti nemarksistinio socializmo (socialist-revoliucionieri- maksimalist) šalinink literat veiklos pavidalus 1924–1935 m.
- Atskleidžiant konkrei asmen naš, išanalizuoti treiafrontinink visuomenini idj, išreikšt „Treio fronto“ puslapiuose ir kitoje spaudoje, raid.
- Rekonstruoti kompleksin revoliucini rašytoj, meninink ir teatral veikl 1931–1935 m.
- Rekonstruoti viena kitai prieštaringas Lietuvos kompartijos vadov Vinco Kapsuko ir Zigmo Angarieio pozicijas pakeleivi atžvilgiu 1926–1935 m.

24
- Rekonstruoti žemesnio rango kompartijos vadov požir pakeleivius ir slyio su jais atvejus.
Pagrindiniai šaltiniai yra: - publikuoti ir nepublikuoti autobiografiniai tekstai (atsiminimai, autobiografijos, laiškai, dienorašiai), kuri original dauguma saugoma Lietuvi kalbos ir literatros instituto archyve. Taip pat šaltiniais tapo kai kurie literatriniai kriniai.
- Aptariamo laikotarpio visuomenin ir kultrin periodika.
- Lietuvos komunist partijos (LKP) dokumentacijos masyvas, šiuo metu saugomas Lietuvos ypatingojo archyvo Komunist partijos dokument skyriuje. Šioje dokumentacijoje atsiskleidžia kiekvieno to meto Lietuvos kairiojo inteligento ar žymesnio komunisto personalijos, matomos per kompartijos interes prizm.
- Valstybs saugumo departamento vestos stebjimo bylos, saugomos Lietuvos centriniame valstybiniame archyve.
Treiafrontinink kaip grups ar atskir jos nari krybos tyrimai prasidjo 1970- j pradžioje. Tai buvo literatrolog domenas. Iš j išskirtini Vytautas Kubilius, jo žmona Janina Žkait, Leonas Gudaitis, Dalia Striogait ir Bronius Vaškelis. Menotyrininkai šiek tiek raš apie komunist partijos užsakymus vykdžiusi meninink grup, kuri asmeniniais ryšiais buvo susijusi su kai kuriais treiafrontininkais. Teatrologai iki šiol nra pastebj poros teatral prokomunistinio veikimo epizod. Istorikai sovietmeiu negaljo laisvai tirti treiafrontinink ir komunist partijos slyio. Tik prieš kelet met pasirod Mindaugo Tamošaiio studijos šia tema, su kuri išvadomis bei išankstinmis nuostatomis šiame tyrime imuosi polemizuoti. Tuo tarpu nemarksistinio socializmo tradicijos, kuriai priklaus keletas mano tyrimo heroj, tyrimai iki šiol Lietuvoje tik pradti, j tra užuomazgos.
Revoliucins kultros eksperimento dalyviai laiksi prieš I pasaulin kar Vokietijoje užsimezgusios kultros krj aktyvizmo idjos, kurios esm buvo sitikinimas, jog visos meno šakos gali prisidti prie smons, o drauge ir prie visuomens, kaitos. Tokie eksperimentai tuoj po karo plyksteljo tose šalyse, kurios turjo avangardistins kultros tradicijas. Ypa jie buvo stiprs Rusijoje, remiami valdžios. Lietuvoje keturvjinink propaguotas ekspresionizmas ir futurizmas nebuvo nukreiptas revoliucin visuomens transformacij. Apie 1925 m. keturvjinink kompanij priimti Kazys Boruta (1905–1965) ir Antanas Venclova (1906–1971) buvo pirmieji, prabil apie aktyvistinio avangardizmo poreik ir pradj puoselti tokio

25 judjimo, turinio atsidurti lietuviško modernizmo priešakyje, idj. Treiafrontinink ir meninink akcija rašytina platesn kontekst – kaip tik apie 1925 m. Europoje prasidjo antroji j bendraamži meninink visuomeninio užsiangažavimo banga; pirmoji nuslgo dalyviams neapsikentus su kompartij diktato praktika ar nusivylus darbininkijos gebjimu priimti j labui kuriam men.
Link šio užsiangažavimo K. Boruta ir A. Venclova jo skirtingais keliais. Boruta 1924 m. saus, bebaigdamas Marijampols mokytoj seminarij, patyr atsivertim socializm ir pasirinko išpažinti nemarksistinio socializmo krypt, kuri propagavo jaunimo draugija „Aušrin“. Ši draugij veik lietuvi eserai. Jis pradjo rašyti šios draugijos organ „Aušrin“ ir greitai tapo žurnalo redaktoriumi. sitrauks kairij visuomenin veikl, Kazys Boruta iš karto susidr su krikšioni demokrat valdžios neprielankumu kairiosioms idjoms. Jis vos baig Marijampols mokytoj seminarij, o stojs Lietuvos universitet ir toliau dalyvaudamas aušrinink veikloje turjo reikal su represinmis struktromis. Lemtingas lžis vyko 1925 m. lapkrit, kuomet K. Boruta už dalyvavim riaušse universitete buvo laikinai iš jo pašalintas ir su bendramini kompanija kalintas mnesiui. Išjs iš kaljimo išgyveno nervin kriz (kurios vliau dažnai kartosis), nepanoro gržti universitet ir 1926 m. saus išvyko studijuoti Vienos universitet. Ten bdamas prisijung prie 1926 m. pavasar susikrusios lietuvi eser erezijos – socialist-revoliucionieri-maksimalist sjungos. 1926 m. gruodžio perversmas pavert Kaz Borut vienu pagrindini šios sjungos veikj – jis apsiskelb maksimalist Užsienio sekretoriato Delegatra ir užvert Europos socialist spaud protestais. Tikriausiai Lietuvos saugumas negaljo nustatyti protest autorysts, nes 1927 m. vasar K. Boruta laisvai gržo Lietuv ir, neužmesdamas pogrindins veiklos, pradjo rpintis neseniai sukurtos šeimos reikalais. Visgi po 1927 m. rugsjo puo jis atsitiktinai buvo areštuotas ir paleistas išvažiavo Ryg, o ten tuoj pat tapo Lietuvos saugumui žinomu aktyviu politiniu emigrantu. Tuomet pasirods Borutos eilraši rinkinys Kryži Lietuva ir satyrin apysaka Namas nr. 13 Lietuvoje buvo uždrausti. 1928 m. ruden Kazys Boruta išvažiavo Vien, o 1930 m. pavasar – Berlyn. Gyvenamsias vietas keisti j stm nervini krizi protrkiai. Antanas Venclova veng visuomenini užsiangažavim ir stojs Lietuvos universitet palaipsniui sitrauk bohemišk gyvenim, kuris buvo svetimas Borutai. Abu draugus visgi siejo tikjimas visuomen transformuojania meno galia bei žavjimasis rusišku ir vokišku avangardizmu. Progai pasitaikius jie abu puldavo

26
projektuoti ir steigti „jaunj“ literat grupi, leidykl ir almanach. Dl Borutos emigracijos šios pastangos nedav apiuopiam rezultat. Vytauto Montvilos (1902–1941) biiulyst su Boruta ir Venclova užsimezg Marijampolje. Ilgai svyravs, jis prisijung prie aušrinink gret, buvo represuotas ir 1925 m. ruden turjo persikelti iš Marijampols liberalesn Kdaini mokytoj seminarij, o ten suartjo su komjaunuoliais ir komunistais. Pastarieji aušrininkus žirjo kaip pavojingus konkurentus, tad stengsi juos perverbuoti savo gretas ir užsimaskav skverbsi j kuop vadovybes tam, kad dezorganizuot j veikl. Montvila, 1926 m. sugržs baigti moksl Marijampol, Lauryno Kapoiaus (1906–?) veikiamas tapo tipišku „dvigubu agentu“ – bdamas komjaunuolis dalyvavo aušrinink veikloje, nors abejojo tokios komunist taktikos etiškumu. Beje, gimnazijoje bei universitete Boruta ir Venclova taip pat turjo slyt su bendramoksliais komunistais Vytautu Viedrinaiiu (1904–1937) ir Pijumi Glovacku (1902–1941), bet šie nepadar jiems jokios idjins takos. Poperversminm represijom išderinus Marijampols komjaunimo veikl, Montvila pasinaudojo proga nuo jo nutolti. 1928–1929 mokslo metus jis praleido Lietuvos universitete, kur susibiiuliavo su maksimalist veikiamu Kaziu Jakubnu (1908–1950). Juos sujung imperatyvas kurti darbo liaudžiai bei opozicija bohemiškumui ir avangardizmui. Kompleksins revoliucins kultros akcijos pamatas buvo biiuli ir draug kompanijos susiformavimas 1926–1929 metais. Kauno „Žiburlio“ bendrabutyje 1926 m. ruden sikrs Petras Cvirka (1909–1947) pradjo studijuoti Meno mokykloje ir susibiiuliavo su A. Venclova; nra patikim pdsak, jog tuo metu jis bt turjs ryškesnes visuomenines ar politines pažiras. 1927 m. ruden Kauno universitete studijuoti pradjo buvs aušrininkas ir tuo metu komjaunuolis Bronys Raila (1909– 1997); dl veržimosi vadovaujamuosius postus buvo pašalintas iš komjaunimo. Simpatijos avangardizmo stilistikai bei polinkis bohemišk gyvensen suartino j su Antanu Venclova. Tuo paiu metu „Žiburlyje“ apsigyveno Šauli sjungos narys patriotini užsiangažavim nestokojs Jonas Šimkus (1906–1965) – jis stojo vakarin suaugusij gimnazij. Staiga užklupusi skurdo patirtis galutinai ištryn jau anksiau pradjusias irti pažiras. Pažintis su Venclova takojo poetinio stiliaus kait. Šimkus pradjo susirašinti su 1927 m. pabaigoje savo krybin „savitum“ atradusiu Kostu Korsaku (1909–1986), kuris tuo metu moksi Šiauli gimnazijoje ir atsidr komjaunimo gretose. J korespondencija išsipltojo nuo 1928 m. vasaros, kuomet

27 Korsakas pateko kaljim, ir buvo vienintelis ryšio kanalas, atveds Korsak bsim treiafrontinink kompanij.
1929 m. pabaigoje „Treio fronto“ steigj branduol sudar Antanas Venclova ir Bronys Raila (gyveno kartu), Jonas Šimkus ir Petras Cvirka (gyveno viename kambaryje „Žiburlyje“), Kazys Boruta (emigracijoje) ir Kostas Korsakas (kaljime). Ši kompanija, Korsakui pasilius, susivok esanti branduolys, arba kolektyvas, kur supo bendradarbi status turintys krjai. Iš j svarbiausias buvo Pranas Morknas (1900– 1941), gyvens už keleto nam nuo Railos ir Venclovos. Kolektyvo nari ar bendradarbi krybos tinkamumas žurnalui bdavo aptariamas kolektyviai, laiškais atsiklausiant Borutos ir Korsako nuomoni. Kolektyvistai nelabai skmingai stengsi diegti nebendradarbiavimo ne tik dešiniojoje, bet ir bulvarinje spaudoje norm. Kolektyvas buvo atviras naujiems nariams. 1930 m. ruden jo gretas siliejo marksizmo simpatikas Valys Drazdauskas (1906–1981), o 1931 m. pavasar – egzistencialistin lž išgyvenanti Salomja Nris (1904–1945). Jos debiut vis skandalingesniame ir vis labiau visuomeniškai radikaljaniame „Treiame fronte“ kolektyvistai vertino kaip smg „buržuazinei“ literatrai ir priemon dar labiau padidinti savo populiarum. Bendradarbi nebuvo daug ir j kryba užimdavo ne daugiau kaip 4–5 % vietos kiekviename žurnalo numeryje. Kazys Boruta neskmingai stengsi pritraukti Vytaut Montvil ir Kaz Jakubn, kurie nuo 1929 m. pavasario sdjo kaljime. Venclova ir Raila, matyt, nepamiršo 1929 m. pradžioje j išleisto „Raketos“ almanacho puslapiuose nuskambjusios bohemišk poet kritikos ir neišgirdo šio silymo.
„Treias frontas“ 1930 m. idjiškai buvo veikiamas kalinio Kosto Korsako ir politinio emigranto Kazio Borutos. Pirmuose numeriuose treiafrontininkai skelbsi „bernais“ – krjais, o savo kryb jie skyr kitiems „bernams“ – visuomeniškam kaimo jaunimui, visiems darbininkams ir visuomeniškiems inteligentams. „Berno“ metafora, kuri savo kryboje Kazys Boruta vartojo nuo 1926 m., prigijo Bronio Railos bei Jono Šimkaus eilrašiuose. Skirtumas tas, jog borutiško „berno“ ateities idealai skleidsi kaimo ir gamtos erdvje, o Railos bei Šimkaus „bernas“ yra bohemiškas miesto maištininkas, ateit mats industrializuotoje Lietuvoje. Borutos poetines vizijas galjo veikti eseriškos utopijos, kuriose ateities visuomen funkcionuoja kaimišk komun pavidalais. Kostas Korsakas atidav duokl Kauno treiafrontininkams ir žurnalo puslapiuose teoriškai analizavo „berniškumo ideologij“, nors pats jai nepritar.

28
Jis buvo marksizmo šalininkas ir reikalavo iš idjos broli, jog j kryba atitikt „sveik“ darbininkijos skon ir bt konkreti, aiški, net susiliejusi su publicistika. Jis tikjo, jog treiafrontinink kryba, nesvarbu, k jie patys galvot, objektyviai išreiškia proletariato, o ne „bern“ interesus. Kauno treiafrontininkai prim Korsako vizij 1930–1931 m. sandroje, kuomet prie j prisijung Valys Drazdauskas. Jis siek konkretizuoti treiafrontinink veikl proletariato labui. Drazdausko veikiamame treiafrontinink kolektyve subrendo mintis tapti komunist partijos pakeleiviais. Kostas Korsakas, 1930 m. ruden išjs laisv ir metus gyvens gimtinje, pritar tokiai evoliucijai ir teoriškai j grind „Kultros“ puslapiuose. Jis pats suvok, jog asmeniškai negals pakeleiviauti – sddamas kaljime 1928–1929 m. pasidav komunist vilionms rašyti tik j spaud ir jokiu pavidalu nebendradarbiauti „buržuazinje“ spaudoje, bet galiausiai neapsikent su tokiu krybins veiklos susiaurinimu ir buvo pašalintas iš komjaunimo. Vienas iš pakeleiviavimo element buvo apiuopiama veikla, nukreipta darbininkij ir jos labui. Ši veikla projektuota kaip kompleksin men akcija. Dar 1926– 1927 m. Antanas Venclova ir Petras Cvirka užmezg ryšius su Meno mokyklos studentais ir nuo tada kai kurie iš j figravo Venclovos ir Borutos krybini akcij projektuose. Universitete užsimezg ryšiai tarp „Treio fronto“ literat ir Balio Sruogos teatro seminaro dalyvi. 1931 m. geguž treiafrontininkai susitar su darbininkiško sporto klubo „Viltis“ vadovu Juozu Mozeliu (1904-1943?), jog rašytojai, menininkai ir teatralai prads jame pltoti kultrin veikl. 1931 m. ruden klube imtasi kompleksins akcijos: Petras Cvirka ir Bronys Raila ugd jos nari literatrinius gdžius, Valys Drazdauskas leido sienlaikrašt, Pranas Morknas kr bibliotek, teatralai Juozas Grybauskas (1903–1964) ir Romualdas Jukneviius (1906–1963) steig teatro trup, o dailininkai Stepas Žukas (1904–1946) ir Petras Tarabilda (1905–1977) apipavidalindavo klubo menin raišk. Klube m jaustis komunist taka, o Kauno kompartijos vadovai šiuos aktyvistus trauk spal vykstani rinkim kampanij Ligoni kasas – rašytojai ir grafikai kr atsišaukimus ir plakatus, o teatro trup kr ir vaidino darbinink mgstamas dažnutes. Tuo metu Kaune sikrs Kostas Korsakas liko skeptiškas – kaljime praleids daug laiko su darbininkais, jis netikjo, jog šie aktyvistai gali taip suproletarti, kad tapt savi tarp darbinink.
Siekdami labiau integruotis Soviet Sjungoje kuriam proletarin kultr, rašytojai stengsi tapti Tarptautinio revoliucini rašytoj susivienijimo, teatralai –

29 Tarptautinio revoliucini teatr susivienijimo, o dailininkai – Tarptautinio revoliucini dailinink biuro nariais. Šios pastangos klostsi skirtingai: dailininkams nepavyko užmegzti kontakto, teatralai ryšius užmezg ir gaudavo prašomos literatros bei propagandins medžiagos, rašytojai atsidr ant primimo slenksio, bet, Lietuvos kompartijos vadovybei sikišus, nariais netapo. Lietuvos kompartijos slyio su galimais pakeleiviais istorij pradedu nuo 1926 m., kuomet Vincas Mickeviius-Kapsukas (1880–1935) ir Zigmas Aleksa- Angarietis (1882–1940) užblokavo Butk Juzs (1893–1947) bendradarbiavim JAV lietuvi komunist spaudoje. Iš pradži kompartijos literatai nemat treiafrontinink kaip kairiosios pakraipos grups. Su pirmuoju „Treio fronto“ numeriu „susidorojo“ marijampolieius treiafrontininkus gerai pažinojs Bonaventra Pauliukeviius (1896– 1938) ir komunist spaudoje sivyravo tyla. Nuolatin dmes j kritikai atkreip tik 1931 m. pavasar, kai žurnalo puslapiuose vis labiau pradjo skambti marksistins gaidos. J atsargum treiafrontinink atžvilgiu kurst Kostas Korsakas, kuris nuo tada komunist akyse tapo renegatu, taip pat bekompromisis komunist priešininkas Kazys Boruta.
Esminis komunist partij ir Tarptautinio revoliucini rašytoj susivienijimo reikalavimas pakeleiviams buvo visiškai pasitraukti iš legalios literatros lauko ir rašyti tik komunist spaud. Beje, tai buvo bdinga ir kitoms sektantiškoms kairiosioms grupms – kai kurie maksimalistai to paties reikalavo iš Kazio Borutos ir piktinosi dl jo rašini „Trei front“. Treiafrontininkai 1931 m. pavasar apsisprend priimti bendradarbiavimo su komunistais slygas; nujausdamas š pokyt, iš kolektyvo tyliai prasitrauk Kazys Boruta. Vasar kolektyvas stengsi apsišviesti marksizmo temomis ir daugiausia skait Georgij Plechanov; vliau pasirod, jog pasirinko besiformuojaniai stalinistinei ortodoksijai netinkam autoritet. Tuo paiu metu Salomja Nris užmezg ryšius su vienu iš LKP vadov Kaune Kazimieru Sprindžiu (1903–?); po pastarojo rekomendacijos Angarietis trumpam susvyravo ir leido poetei spausdintis komunist spaudoje. 1931 m. ruden vykdytas „apsivalymas“ nuo šiam žingsniui netinkam kolektyvo nari – pasitrauk Kostas Korsakas ir Jonas Šimkus (kuris nepanoro mesti darbo „buržuazinje“ spaudoje). Tuo metu treiafrontininkai tikriausiai pasipraš Tarptautinio revoliucini rašytoj susivienijimo gretas. Visgi lapkrit cenzoriai užblokavo „Treio fronto“ leidim, o saugumieiai areštavo „Vilties“ klubo vadovyb,

30
pat klub uždar. Neradus apiuopiamesnio nusikaltimo sudties, V. Drazdauskas, S. Žukas, P. Morknas ir P. Tarabilda buvo nuteisti trims mnesiams kaljimo.
Šiuo momentu Lietuvos kompartijos vadovyb neturjo bendros nuomons. Dalis vadov Kaune, stebdami treiafrontinink veikl „Viltyje“, jiems simpatizavo ir dalijosi š palankum su Vincu Kapsuku. Šis kuravo 1931 m. pradjus eiti „Priekalo“ žurnal, kuriame imtasi treiafrontinink „aukljimo“ akcijos. Tuomet žurnalas nepasiek suinteresuotj, o kai pasiek, šie vargiai buvo pajgs suprasti paslpt triuškinanios kritikos prasm. Savo ruožtu Zigmas Angarietis niekada treiafrontininkais ir apskritai inteligentais nepasitikjo ir ieškojo menkiausi j nepatikimumo požymi. LKP vadov oficialiai paviešinta strategija buvo nepriimti viso treiafrontinink kolektyvo – suskaldyti j ir atrinkti tinkamiausius. Pagrindiniais kandidatais tapo Salomja Nris ir nuo pat pradži Angarieio nemgstamas Valys Drazdauskas. Pastarasis, apeinant standartin patikrinimo procedr, vienintelis iš treiafrontinink 1931 m. ruden tapo komunistu.
Iš savo gret pašalin „netinkamus“ narius treiafrontininkai neturjo nei laiko, nei nuovokos k daryti toliau. Maskvoje buvo tikimasi, jog jie spaudoje atsiribos nuo savo „buržuazins“ praeities, t.y. prieš žengdami komunistins spaudos puslapius atliks apsivalymo ritual. Vietoj to jie po protestais dl „Treio fronto“ sustabdymo 1931 m. lapkrit leido pasirašinti pašalintiesiems iš kolektyvo. Komunist vadovams tai buvo ženklas, jog treiafrontinink naujojo smoningumo lygis yra per žemas priklausyti tarptautinms proletarini rašytoj struktroms. Zigmo Angarieio sekretorius ir Jono Šimkaus paauglysts draugas Aleksandras Guzeviius (1908–1981) 1931 m. ruden msi asmenins iniciatyvos jiems padti. Jis sukr plan, kaip priimti vis treiafrontinink kolektyv Tarptautin revoliucini rašytoj susivienijim, bei mgino užtikrinti jiems pragyvenim iš JAV komunist lietuvi lš. A. Guzeviius, slaptai pasistas Lietuv, 1931 m. gruod susitikinjo su treiafrontininkais ir tarsi su jais dl narysts susivienijime detali. Beje, Juozas Grybauskas tuo metu buvo išvažiavs Maskv, kur skmingai užmezg bendradarbiavim su Tarptautiniu revoliucini teatr susivienijimu. Kuomet žinios apie buvusio sekretoriaus veiksmus pasiek Zigm Angariet, šis tuoj pat panaudojo savo gali ir privert Tarptautinio revoliucini rašytoj susivienijimo vadovyb atsisakyti idjos priimti savo gretas treiafrontininkus. Iškart pasirod oficialus susivienijimo raštas, kuriame skelbiama, jog treiafrontininkai, kaip grup, neatitinka proletarini

31 rašytoj statuso. Tokio paties turinio, bet autoritetingesns Kominterno Politins komisijos ištarm pasirod tik 1932 m. geguž. Guzeviius, nauj 1932 met išvakarse atsidrs kaljime, daugiau nei pusmet atsisakinjo priimti Angarieio spaudim „atgailauti“ dl savo veiksm ir sutiko š ritual atlikti tik tuomet, kai paaiškjo, jog treiafrontinink grup galutinai suiro. Tuo tarpu 1932 m. kovo mn., kuomet iš kaljimo išjo Valys Drazdauskas ir Stepas Žukas, vyko vienas (ar pora) revoliucins kultros šalinink grups susirinkimas. Jame (ar juose) buvs bendramini kolektyvas galutinai suskilo. Krybos ir asmenins laisvs pakeleiviavimo vardan nepanoro aukoti Antanas Venclova, Jonas Šimkus, Kostas Korsakas ir Bronys Raila. Kai kurie išlaik simpatijas kairiajai idjai. Pvz., Venclova vliau bendradarbiavo Borutos krybiniame projekte, o Korsakas pltojo „Kultros“ puslapiuose marksistin kritik ir savo iniciatyva užsim SSSR pasiekim propaganda. Visgi 1932 m. spaudoje jis aštriai užsipuol Lietuvos kompartijos (bet ne Kominterno) politik pakeleivi atžvilgiu. Bronys Raila priešingai – 1932 m. vasar pasireišk kaip tautininkiškos dvasios publicistas ir trumpam net sidarbino spaudos referentu saugume. Tokios radikalios ideal „išdavysts“ jam buv bendraminiai niekada neatleido.
Valys Drazdauskas, Salomja Nris, Stepas Žukas ir Juozas Grybauskas apsisprend toliau pltoti revoliucin kultr. Nris pagal griežt pakeleiviavimo interpretacij netiko ši kompanij, nes prisidengusi slapyvardžiu katalikiškoje leidykloje dirbo roman vertja; visgi jos literatrin pozicija ir galbt asmeninis patrauklumas lm, jog Drazdauskas to nepais. Prie j pusmeiui prisijung Cvirkos biiulis Pulgis Andriušis (1907–1970), o 1932 m. biržel – daugiau nei pusmet Paryžiuje studijavs Petras Cvirka. Ši grup planavo atgaivinti žurnalo, turinio vadintis „Išvakars“, leidim, bet dl lš stokos sumanymas žlugo. Šioje grupelje Valio Drazdausko lyderiavimas nebuvo kvestionuojamas; jau vien todl, kad jis vienintelis buvo komunistas. Grupel niekada nesiformino kaip komunist kuopa, bet Kauno komunist vadovyb ja pasitikjo ir leido veikti autonomiškai. Angarietis vliau toki jos laikysen vadins „supuvusiu liberalizmu“. Darbininkiško teatro krjai Romualdas Jukneviius ir Juozas Grybauskas repetavo su buvusios „Vilties“ trups nariais. Ši trup 1932 m. biržel buvo legalizuota kaip „Ms scenos“ draugija. Grafikai Stepas Žukas ir Petras Tarabilda su prisijungusiu Petru Vaivada (1906–1989) steig „Linijos“ draugij. V. Drazdausko grup 1932 m.

32
rudeniop pareng ir išspausdino „Ms scenai“ revoliucini dain rinkin. Jis pats 1932 m. kovo mn. pradjo vadovauti student komunist biurui, jungusiam kelet nedideli kuopeli Vytauto Didžiojo universitete. Biuro politika reišksi per student marksist draugij „Aurora“, turini apie 60 nari. Dl neaiški priežasi Drazdausko grupel baland pareng provokatyv draugijos stend, dl kurio „Aurora“ buvo uždaryta. Zigmas Angarietis tai kvalifikavo kaip biuro vadovo provokacij, o studentai komunistai – kaip nusisekusi prog pailiustruoti universiteto vadovybs reakcingum. Kauno komunist vadovybs akyse Valio Drazdausko autoritetas tuomet išaugo dl skmingos veiklos darbinink tarpe. Be to, Vincas Kapsukas jam leido anonimiškai debiutuoti „Priekalo“ puslapiuose. Savo ruožtu Drazdauskas „Priekalo“ redakcijai skmingai rekomendavo Nries poezij. Šie debiutai aiškintini tuo, jog Angarietis neturjo takos „Priekalo“ leidybai.
Tuo pat metu atgijo asmenins Kazio Borutos iniciatyvos. 1931 m. liep jis gržo Kaun, legalizavosi ir stengsi pragyventi iš vertim. Tuo metu jis jau buvo atsišliejs nuo „Treio fronto“ ir pradjo svajoti apie savo žurnal. Kaip pagrindinius bendradarbius jis mat Antan Venclov, Vytaut Montvil, kuris po malons prašymo 1931 m. saus išjo iš kaljimo, bei Kaz Jakubn, kuris buvo amnestuotas 1931 m. gruod. Montvila apsigyveno „Žiburlio“ bendrabutyje, o Jakubnas – pas Borutas. Jis tuoj pat metsi kurti ginkluot maksimalist kuopeli ir pradjo leisti „Jaunj maksimalist“, turint maksimalist gretas vilioti jaunim. Borutos taip pat priglaud sergant maksimalist ideolog Vlad Karos (1896–1933), tad j nuomojamas namas tapo atgyjani maksimalist veiklos centru. Pats Kazys Boruta stengsi savo krybini sumanym nesuplakti su pogrindine politine veikla, bet saugumas ir galbt ir patys maksimalistai 1932 m. lapkrit pasirodžius jo redaguot almanach „Darbas“ mat kaip propagandins veiklos element. Dl to antras leidinio numeris 1933 m. pradžioje buvo sustabdytas.
Po skmingo starto Valio Drazdausko grups veikla po 1932 m. vasaros atostog skleidsi prieštaringoje atmosferoje. „Ms scenos“ ir „Linijos“ steigimas atvr komunistams perspektyv legaliomis priemonmis skverbtis teatro ir dails sferas. Siekiant iš aukšiau kontroliuoti ir skatinti komunist takos pltr šiose naujose teritorijose V. Drazdausko iniciatyva buvo sudarytas Revoliucins kultros avangardo biuras Lietuvoj. Matyt, ši iniciatyva turjo Kauno komunist vadovybs pritarim, bet Zigmas Angarietis tuoj pat uždraud jos taip ir nepradt veikl. Ryškjanios

33 Drazdausko ambicijos vystyti vos ne asmenišk inteligentijos verbavimo akcij jam atrod pavojingos.
Drazdauskas tuo metu jau nestudijavo universitete, bet vis tiek priklaus vienai iš komunist kuopeli jame ir buvo dažnas sveias universiteto koridoriuose. Jis buvo vienas pagrindini pogrindinio universiteto komunist žurnalo „Aurora“, kurio pirmas numeris pasirod 1932 m. gruod, krj. Tuo pat metu kompratijos vadovyb Maskvoje nurod likviduoti jo vadovaujam student komunist biur, nes universitete sumažjo komunist ir kuopeles apjungianti struktra tapo nereikalinga. Tai sutapo su Angarieio lkesiais apriboti Valio Drazdausko tak tarp komunist student. 1932 m. rugsj Kauno literat pasaul sukrt Petro Cvirkos plagiato skandalas, mets šešl ant vis buvusi treiafrontinink etins laikysenos. Viena Cvirkos apysaka, kuri jis nuplagijavo nuo Konrado Berkovici, rugpiio pabaigoje (tiesa, paslpta po pseudinimu) buvo išspausdinta tautinink ofiziozo „Lietuvos aido“ puslapiuose; mažame Kauno literat pasaullyje plagiatoriaus tapatyb greitai buvo išaiškinta. Komunist vadovyb Kaune Cvirkai simpatizavo ir leido pasinaudoti savo ryšio kanalais – Cvirka, prižirimas Drazdausko, spal paraš atgailos laišk Lietuvos kompartijos vadovybei ir nusiunt „Priekalo“ redakcij tris „proletarinius“ eilrašius. Tuo paiu Drazdauskas išsiunt slapyvardžiu pasirašyt užtarimo laišk ir vien Salomjos Nries eilrašt. Cvirkos eilraštis pasirod ir pirmajame „Auroros“ numeryje. Valys Drazdauskas su savo biiulio „apvalymo“ akcija apsiskaiiavo – Zigmas Angarietis lapkrit paraš straipsn, kuriame atskleid Nries ir Cvirkos mginim šlietis prie kompartijos, ir nusiunt j komunistinio žurnalo „Balsas“ redakcij Berlyne. Jis buvo pagrindinis šio leidinio redaktorius, bet Berlyne j taip pat redagavo ankstesnis „Auroros“ ir student komunist biuro vadovas Juozas Bulavas (1909–1995). Jis priklaus tam Kauno komunist sparnui, kuris kreivai žirjo Angarieio pozicij inteligentijos atžvilgiu. Ši publikacija grs sužlugdyti Drazdausko brelio veikl, tad Bulavas paraš protest Maskv bei persiunt Angarieio straipsn Kaun; ia tekstas greitai pateko Drazdausko ir Cvirkos rankas. Tenykšiai komunist vadovai man, jog P. Cvirka turi teis gintis, ir 1933 m. saus slaptais kanalais vl Maskv nukeliavo Cvirkos laiškas, o š palydjo aštrus Drazdausko straipsnis, nukreiptas prieš Angarieio pozicij. Maskvoje pasirodžius Petro Cvirkos laiškui, net Kapsukas pritar, jog šie laiškai yra skandalas, atskleidžiantis kompartijos vadov Kaune „supuvus liberalizm“. Zigmas Angarietis pareikalavo iš Lietuvos komunist,

34
jog šie nutraukt bet kokius ryšius su Cvirka ir prižirt, kad šis bt pašalintas iš vis kairij draugij, kurios yra kompartijos takos zonoje. LKP Politinio biuro posdyje 1933 m. vasar Angarietis pareikalavo pašalinti iš kompartijos ir Drazdausk. Kapsukas pritar Angarieiui dl Cvirkos demaskavimo, bet vetavo silym šalinti Drazdausk. Jis taip pat buvo prieš Salomjos Nries, kaip komunist spaudos bendradarbs, išviešinim. Angarieiui teko nusileisti ir kovo mn. „Balse“ kaip provokatorius buvo vardytas tik Petras Cvirka. Šioje istorijoje komunist vadovai Kaune nepritar Angarieio laikysenai net dl Cvirkos ir nesiklaus dažnus jo perspjimus spaudoje bti budriems susidrus su tokiomis „bohemos prostitutmis“. Iš Drazdausko buvo pareikalauta nutraukti ryšius su Cvirka, bet šis tai padaryti atsisak ir sprendimas n kiek nepaveik jo padties. Dar daugiau – 1933 m. pavasar Petras Cvirka platino komunist spaud Vilkijos apylinkse, kur kuriam laikui apsigyveno stengdamasis pabgti nuo apkalb.
Tuo tarpu Valio Drazdausko iniciatyvumas dav nauj rezultat. 1932 m. pabaigoje Meno mokykloje susiformavo brelis, susidedantis iš Boleslovo Motuzos (1910–1991), Broniaus Žekonio (1911–1944), Vytauto Mackeviiaus (1911–1991) ir Vaclovo Kosciuškos (1911–1984). Kaip slapta komunist kuopel jis siformino kartu su Stepu Žuku ir Valiu Drazdausku. Kuopels vadovu iš pradži tapo Mackeviius, bet vliau j pakeit Motuza. Drazdauskas ir Žukas nuomojo vien nam ir kuopels susibrimai kur laik vykdavo ten. Jaunieji entuziastai tuoj pat pagal užsakymus pradjo piešti plakatus, lozungus bei portretus. Drazdauskas tapo kuopels ryšininku su vadovaujaniomis kompratijos struktromis. Šalia buvo kita priežiros linija – Kauno miesto komunist vadovyb paskirdavo žmog, prižirint vis miesto inteligent kuopeli veikl. Šiais prievaizdais tapo Vinickis Jankelis (1904–1981), o nuo 1933 m. pavasario -Aleksandras Šimanas (1906-?).
1933 m. pradžioje „Ms scena“ išaugo iki 80 nari, o vasar kartu su „Linija“ sureng pirm ir paskutin pasirodym daugiausia žyd darbinink auditorijai. Dl to, jog šio vakaro metu buvo pasityiota iš popiežiaus, abi draugijos kovo mn. buvo uždraustos. Zigmas Angarietis tokiu poskiu turjo bti patenkintas. Matyt, Jukneviiaus ir Grybausko vadovaujama darbinink teatro trup planavo legalizuotis kitu vardu, nes 1933 m. pavasar dar bta repeticij. Ji išsivaikšiojo tuomet, kai rugpjt iš Valstybs teatro išj keliasdešimt jaun aktori steig Jaunj teatr. Jukneviius su Grybausku tapo vienais pagrindini jo veikj. Teatras veik kaip

35 meninink komuna – rytais vykdavo pamokos, o vakarais ir naktjant – repeticijos. Aktoriai privaljo atsisakyti kit darb ir uždarbi, tad Grybauskui bei Jukneviiui neliko nieko kita, kaip „dezertyruoti“ iš veiklos kompartijos labui. Tuo tarpu susikrus Meno mokyklos komunist grupelei, reanimuoti „Linijos“ nebuvo poreikio.
Tuo tarpu gestapas Lietuvos saugumui pardav Karaliauiuje kaupt maksimalist archyv. 1933 m. balandžio mn. Kazys Boruta su žmona, Kazys Jakubnas ir Vladas Karosa buvo suimti. Formuojamoje byloje Boruta tapo vienu pagrindini kaltinamj, nes paaiškjo tarptautini protest dl 1926 m. gruodžio 17 d. perversmo autoryst. Be to, jis buvo identifikuotas kaip vienas iš maksimalist organo „Revoliucionierius“ autori. Jo žmona už didel užstat paleista ir nebuvo kaltinama. Tyrimas truko ilgai – tik 1934 m. rugpjt Kazys Boruta nuteistas 4 metams kaljimo; Kazys Jakubnas atsipirko 6 mnesi bausme. Visuomens nuomon nuo pat bylos pradžios dar spaudim galios struktroms paleisti rašytojus. Pagrindin išlaisvinimo klitis buvo atžagarus kalintj elgesys su prižirtojais. Kazys Boruta po antrojo malons prašymo buvo išlaisvintas 1935 m. biržel. Kaljime jis daug vert ir teig pasveiks nuo „partins ligos“.
Valio Drazdausko grupels veikla 1933 m. ruden ir žiem palaipsniui nunyko. Petras Cvirka nustojo veržtis pro uždarytas duris ir pasitrauk nuo prokomunistins veiklos, nors asmenini santyki su komunist pogrindininkais nenutrauk. Jis pradjo rašyti Frank Kruk, o tai reišk apsisprendim sugržti Lietuvos literatros lauk. Salomja Nris 1934 m. pradžioje vert rus emigrant rašytojus, kas liudija prokomunistinio rašytojo apynasrio atmetim. Paskutinis jos eilraštis pogrindinje spaudoje pasirod 1934 m. vasar – „Auroroje“. Valys Drazdauskas 1933 m. vasar ar ruden ts polemik su Zigmu Angarieiu. Jis „Priekalo“ redakcij nusiunt pašaipiai Angarieio laikysen inteligentijos ir konkreiai treiafrontinink atžvilgiu kritikuojant straipsn. Draudimas prokomunistiniams rašytojams publikuotis buržuazinje spaudoje vertintas kaip paralyžiuojs kairij rašytoj krybin veikl. Natralu, jog jis nebuvo išspausdintas, bet taip pat nebuvo perduotas Angarieiui.
1933 m. gruodyje Meno mokyklos kuopel pradjo ruošti periodin satyrin leidin „Šluota“. Drazdauskas tapo idjiniu jos prižirtoju, t. y. redaktoriumi. Pirmas numeris pasirod Vasario 16-os išvakarse. Tuo paiu metu, kilus tarim, jog tarp VDU student komunist yra saugumo agentas, jo kuopels buvo paleistos, o vis nari patikimumas pradtas tirti. Zigmas Angarietis pasinaudojo šia proga ir spusteljo sau

36
asmeniškai ištikimus komunist vadovybs Kaune žmones, kad Drazdausko veikla bt ištirta detaliau. Drazdauskas nesiskait su veiklos suspendavimo bsena ir toliau veik Meno mokyklos kuopelje. Ši kaip tik perm mokyklos korporacijos „Trys tulps“ valdyb savo rankas ir po korporacijos priedanga pradjo rengti vienkartin brang menin almanach Žingsnis, kuriame savo kryb paskelb kairieji mokyklos moksleiviai. Naujoje valdyboje aktyviai veik Liuda Vaineikyt (1908–1997) ir Irena Treiokait (1909–1985), prie kuri politins edukacijos ir traukimo prokomunistin veikl dar 1931-1932 m. prisidjo Valys Drazdauskas. Jis paraš 1934 m. biržel pasirodžiusiam Žingsniui vad. Kapsuko prižirimame „Priekale“ taip pat buvo paskelbtas Drazdausko straipsnis, tai galima traktuoti kaip paramos ženkl kritikui. Pasirodžius almanachui L. Vaineikyt buvo traukta Juozo Bulavo vadovaujam žvalgybin Kominterno radijo ryši grup ir be joki paaiškinim kolegoms pasitrauk iš „Trij tulpi“ korporacijos valdybos ir kitos veiklos. Tai lm, jog kuopels veikla korporacijoje neišsipltojo.
Surinkta medžiaga apie Valio Drazdausko nesiskaitym su partine etika ir drausme leido pagrsti jo pašalinimo iš kompartijos btinyb. Pašalinimas buvo standartinis – tiesiog 1934 m. biržel nutraukti ryšiai apie tai nepranešus. Iš komunistins veiklos turjo išnykti ir jo draugai, tad Meno mokyklos kuopelei buvo nurodyta nutraukti ryšius su Stepu Žuku. Likimo ironija, bet jis 1934 m. lapkrit buvo suimtas kaip pagrindinis tariamasis „Šluotos“ leidjas; trkstant kali, nuteistas trims mnesiams kaljimo. 1935 m. vasar kaljime už aktyvi prokomunistin veikl praleido ir Valys Drazdauskas; pagrindinis kaltis – uždraustos idjinio priešo Kazio Borutos apysakos Namas nr. 13 turjimas.
Tuo tarpu „Šluotos“ leidyba, kuopels vadovui Boleslovui Motuzai gebant gerai slaptinti ir sustyguoti darb, vyko be joki klii. 1935 m. saus kuopels prižirtoju taps Giršas Joff (1905–1948) aprov j papildomu propagandiniu darbu ir atitrauk nuo žurnalo leidybos. Be to, jis pradjo konfliktuotu su B. Motuza, kuris rod per didel aktyvum – savo iniciatyva msi steigti komunist kuopel vienoje kepykloje. Taip pat erzino prievaizd asmeninmis savybmis – mgo dominuoti, girtis, perdti, blizgdavo apsiskaitymu. Motuzos iniciatyvumas visgi buvo pastebtas ir jis numatytas kandidatu mokytis Maskvos partinse mokyklose. 1935 m. biržel jis perdav kuopels vadovavim V. Mackeviiui, perjo Latvijos ir SSSR sien ir tuoj pat atsidr NKVD kaljime. Joff tuo metu apkaltino j esant saugumo agent. Angarietis pat Joff tar

37 dirbant Lietuvos saugumui, bet neatmet ir Motuzos kandidatros. Motuza dvylikai met atsidr lageriuose, o Maskv išviliotas Joff pasek paskui j. Šie vykiai lm staigi Meno mokyklos kuopels veiklos pabaig – komunistai tiesiog nutrauk su ja ryšius.
Galima reziumuoti, jog apie 1934–1935 m. šio pasakojimo herojai nusivyl politine veikla, nustojo šlietis prie kompartijos, buvo pašalinti iš jos (kai kas net atsidr lageriuose) ar atmet buvusius sitikinimus. Daugumos j politini ir visuomenini angažuoi istorijos nesibaig, o 1936 m. perjo nauj etap, kurio pabaiga laikytina pirmosios sovietins okupacijos pradžia. Šiam naujam etapui pradži atvr 1935 m. vasar vyks VII Kominterno kongresas, kuris nustat naujas kairiosios inteligentijos priviliojimo gaires.
Bene pagrindin šio tyrimo naš istoriografij matau kaip tarpukario inteligentijos kairjimo proceso sudtingumo atskleidim. Išskiriau kelet (toli gražu nebaigtini) šio tyrimo našo element.
Lietuvos kultrinio gyvenimo kontekste aptariam heroj istorijos unikalios tuo, jog krybiniai ieškojimai ypa buvo susipyn su socialinmis bei politinmis aktualijomis. Jie atkakliai apgraibomis siek siprasminti revoliucini (komunistinio ar socialistini) judjim fone. Savo maišt kai kurie jaunieji literatai ir menininkai norjo disciplinuoti ir kuo griežtesn atrod sistema, kurioje to maišto tikslai neva buvo gyvendinami, tuo ji buvo patrauklesn. Kai kurie priešingai – nenorjo susikaustyti veiksm ir mstymo drausme.
Ši užsiangažavim pamatas – biiuli ir draug kompanijos susiformavimas. Kilm, materialin padtis, paauglysts ar jaunysts patirtys, simpatijos ar abejingumas avangardistiniams stiliams neturjo takos jos tapsmui. Daugum jos nari susiejo studijos Marijampols gimnazijose, Lietuvos universitete ar Meno mokykloje; taip pat lankymasis pradedanij literat sueigose, gyvenimas „Žiburlio“ bendrabutyje, sikrimai viename name ar bohemiško stiliaus laiko leidimo erdvs.
Treiafrontinink gretose bta plaios pažir tapim kompartijos pakeleiviais vairovs. Jau vien Kosto Korsako prieštaringo santykio su Lietuvos kompartija bei Valio Drazdausko takos kolektyvui rekonstrukcija liudija proceso sudtingum.
Kai kuri treiafrontinink pastangos tapti kompartijos pakeleiviais susipina su analogiškais dailinink bei teatral veiksmais ir leidžia aptarti iki šiol menkai istorik pastebt kompleksin veikim 1931–1933 m., išsiskleidus keliose draugijose.

38
Inteligentijos kairjimo procese bta ne tik mginim tapti kompartijos pakeleiviais, bet ir pastang kurti nemarksistin socialistin visuomen. Pirmiausia tai K. Borutos pastangos, kurios buvo radikaliai antikomunistins. Šios tyrintoj iki šiol menkai paliestos temos išpltojimas sugriauna nusistovjus kairjimo proceso, kuris tapatinamas tik su simpatijomis komunizmui, vaizdin.
Tyrime pirm kart išanalizuotos 1926–1935 m. laikotarpio Lietuvos kompartijos vadov Maskvoje bei Kaune strategijos ir taktikos komunist kompanij besiprašani pakeleivi atžvilgiu. Daugybje detali atsiskleidžia neskminga pakeleiviavimo proceso pradžia, kaip komunist vadov nesutarimai šiais klausimais. Taip pat išryškja išskirtinis Zigmo Angarieio vaidmuo atstumiant visus be išimties pakeleivius.
kompartijos gretas prisibeld Lietuvos kultros revoliucionizavimo entuziastai (pirmiausia Valys Drazdauskas ir Boleslovas Motuza) išsiskyr savarankišku mstymu ir iniciatyvumu. J veiklos finalai atskleidžia kompartijos vadov nenor ir nesugebjim integruoti j nusistovjusias veiklos schemas.
Politini užsiangažavim peripetij sekimas liudija krybingum dusinant ir iš literatros lauko išstumiant pakeleiviavimo efekt. Veikla kitokio socializmo krimo labui rašytojus taip pat stm pogrindžio žmoni bkl ir griov asmeninius gyvenimus.
Visi pasakojimo herojai visuomenini bei politini angažuoi lauke judjo savo keliais, kuri apibendrinimas ar mginimas paaiškinti pritempiant kontekstus man atrodo nepriimtinas. Teksto visum perkrovusi j pasirinkim ir biografini linij rekonstrukcija, vos ne detektyvin atkrimo pastanga išniro kaip vertyb pati savaime. Negaliu silyti platesni apibendrinim ar juolab originalaus kairjimo proceso modelio. Pasirinkt heroj kolektyvin biografija, bent jau tokiame etape, kurio rezultatai užfiksuoti šiame tekste, nesileidžia paveriama platesni reiškini veidrodžiu. Gaut rezultat matau kaip alternatyv nusistovjusiems naratyvams. Tai revizionistinis bandymas, kur galima traktuoti kaip neužbaigt ir besišaukiant aptarimo, tsinio ar pagilinimo.

39

Kstutis RAŠKAUSKAS

REVOLUTIONARY CULTURE EXPERIMENT IN LITHUANIA (1927-1935)

Summary of Doctoral Dissertation

Išleido ir spausdino – Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto leidykla (S. Daukanto g. 27, LT-44249 Kaunas) Užsakymo Nr. K13-131. Tiražas 40 egz. 2013 12 12. Nemokamai.