Syria's Political Opposition
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Women and Participation in the Arab Uprisings: a Struggle for Justice
Distr. LIMITED E/ESCWA/SDD/2013/Technical Paper.13 26 December 2013 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMISSION FOR WESTERN ASIA (ESCWA) WOMEN AND PARTICIPATION IN THE ARAB UPRISINGS: A STRUGGLE FOR JUSTICE New York, 2013 13-0381 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This paper constitutes part of the research conducted by the Social Participatory Development Section within the Social Development Division to advocate the principles of social justice, participation and citizenship. Specifically, the paper discusses the pivotal role of women in the democratic movements that swept the region three years ago and the challenges they faced in the process. The paper argues that the increased participation of women and their commendable struggle against gender-based injustices have not yet translated into greater freedoms or increased political participation. More critically, in a region dominated by a patriarchal mindset, violence against women has become a means to an end and a tool to exercise control over society. If the demands for bread, freedom and social justice are not linked to discourses aimed at achieving gender justice, the goals of the Arab revolutions will remain elusive. This paper was co-authored by Ms. Dina Tannir, Social Affairs Officer, and Ms. Vivienne Badaan, Research Assistant, and has benefited from the overall guidance and comments of Ms. Maha Yahya, Chief, Social Participatory Development Section. iii iv CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................... iii Chapter I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. GENDERING ARAB REVOLUTIONS: WHAT WOMEN WANT ......................... 2 A. The centrality of gender to Arab revolutions............................................................ 2 B. Participation par excellence: Activism among Arab women.................................... 3 III. CHANGING LANES: THE STRUGGLE OVER WOMEN’S BODIES ................. -
Country of Origin Information Report Syria June 2021
Country of origin information report Syria June 2021 Page 1 of 102 Country of origin information report Syria | June 2021 Publication details City The Hague Assembled by Country of Origin Information Reports Section (DAF/AB) Disclaimer: The Dutch version of this report is leading. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands cannot be held accountable for misinterpretations based on the English version of the report. Page 2 of 102 Country of origin information report Syria | June 2021 Table of contents Publication details ............................................................................................2 Table of contents ..........................................................................................3 Introduction ....................................................................................................5 1 Political and security situation .................................................................... 6 1.1 Political and administrative developments ...........................................................6 1.1.1 Government-held areas ....................................................................................6 1.1.2 Areas not under government control. ............................................................... 11 1.1.3 COVID-19 ..................................................................................................... 13 1.2 Armed groups ............................................................................................... 13 1.2.1 Government forces ....................................................................................... -
Engaging Syria? US Constraints and Opportunities
ENGAGING SYRIA? U.S. CONSTRAINTS AND OPPORTUNITIES Middle East Report N°83 – 11 February 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS.................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION: CYCLES OF ENGAGEMENT AND CONFRONTATION........ 1 II. THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION: A BALANCE SHEET ........................................... 5 A. ECONOMIC SANCTIONS ................................................................................................................5 1. SALSA legislation .......................................................................................................................5 2. Sanctioning the Commercial Bank of Syria.................................................................................8 3. Asset seizures...............................................................................................................................9 B. MULTILATERAL PRESSURE .........................................................................................................10 1. UN resolutions ...........................................................................................................................10 2. The international tribunal...........................................................................................................12 3. Support for March 14.................................................................................................................14 4. Diplomatic boycott.....................................................................................................................16 -
Key Actors and Abbreviations
Key actors and abbreviations The Assad regime and its allies ‘The regime’ Bashar al-Assad, Syrian President 2000– Hafez al-Assad, Syrian President 1971–2000 Asma al-Assad (née Akhras), Syria’s First Lady 2000– Maher al-Assad, brother of Bashar al-Assad, Commander of Republican Guard and 4th Armoured Division Anisa Makhlouf, mother of Bashar al-Assad Assif Shawkat, brother-in-law of Bashar al-Assad, head of military intelligence 2005–9, deputy minister of defence 2011–12 Rami Makhlouf, cousin of Bashar al-Assad, wealthy businessman Manaf Tlass, Republican Guard General, defected 2012 Farouk al-Sharaa, First Vice President of Syria 2006– Walid al-Muallem, Foreign Minister 2006– Bouthaina Shabaan, political and media adviser to the Syrian President 2008– Ba’ath – Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party, the ruling party of Syria since 1963 Mukhabarat – Set of notorious regime intelligence agencies Shabiha – Gangs of irregular pro-regime thugs NDF – National Defence Force, formed 2013 Russia Vladimir Putin, Russian President 2000–8, 2012–, Russian Prime Minister 2008–12 Dmitri Medvedev, Russian President 2008–12, Russian Prime Minister 2012–20 Sergei Lavrov, Foreign Minister 2004– Mikhail Bogdanov, Deputy Foreign Minister 2011– Iran Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Supreme Leader of Iran 1989– xii 5146.indd xii 19/06/20 5:00 PM KEY ACTORS AND ABBREVIATIONS xiii Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Iranian President 2005–13 Hassan Rouhani, Iranian President 2013– Ali Akbar Salehi, Foreign Minister 2010–13 Mohammad Javad Zarif, Foreign Minister 2013– Qassem Suleimani, Commander -
The Syrian National Council: a Victorious Opposition?
THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES IMES CAPSTONE PAPER SERIES THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? JARED MARKLAND KRITTIKA LALWANEY MAY 2012 THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES THE ELLIOTT SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY COPYRIGHT OF THE AUTHOR(S), 2012 THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? Jared Markland & Krittika Lalwaney Introduction The Syrian National Council (SNC) emerged as an opposition movement representing the democratic uprisings in Syria calling for regime change. The Assad regime’s forceful measures against Syrians have delegitimized the government and empowered the revolution. The success of the revolution, in overthrowing the regime hinges on the Syrian opposition’s ability to overcome its deficiencies. This paper analyzes the performance of the SNC by determining SNC success or failure to launch a successful opposition movement against the regime. The SNC’s probability of success in the overthrow of the regime is contingent on its ability to unify internally, obtain financial capacity, establish international recognition, and build internal popular support. Methodology The methods used to examine the prospects for success of the SNC as a viable opposition movement consist of comparative case studies and qualitative field research. We examined four case studies, including Nicaragua, Libya, El Salvador and Guatemala. These cases establish a set of core factors necessary for an opposition movement to succeed. The utilization of these factors allows us to create a comparative assessment of the overall performance of the SNC. Our qualitative fieldwork entailed a total of 32 interviews with current SNC members, Syrian activists, refugees, Free Syrian Army members, academic experts, and government officials. -
The Human Rights Situation in Syria
[ Back ] USIPeace Briefing Resurrecting the Wall of Fear: The Human Rights Situation in Syria By Robert Grace April 2008 Over the past several months, Syrian authorities have engaged in a harsh campaign of repression against leading dissidents and human rights activists. The crackdown, overshadowed by developments elsewhere in the region, has received scant media coverage in the U.S. and Europe. To shed light on recent developments in the Syrian political scene, USIP recently convened a public discussion on human rights in Syria, featuring the Institute’s Radwan Ziadeh, Mona Yacoubian, and Steven Heydemann, and Joe Stork of Human Rights Watch. This USIPeace Briefing summarizes their presentations and the subsequent discussion. USIP Senior Fellow Radwan Ziadeh's account of the current situation in Syria underscored that the regime often uses national security concerns as a pretext to silence all forms of dissent. Placing recent repression in historical context, Ziadeh noted that government repression of political and human rights activists has come in several waves in the past decade. While political activism briefly flourished after the death of longtime Syrian president Hafez al-Assad in June 2000, the so-called Damascus Spring ended within months, after a severe government crackdown. Another wave of detentions followed the May 2006 "Beirut-Damascus Declaration," which called for improved relations between Syria and neighboring Lebanon. (Lebanon is a sensitive subject for Syria, which claims historic title to the Mediterranean nation and has long played an From right to left: Panelists Mona Yacoubian, active role in Lebanon’s internecine political struggles. Complicating Radwan Ziadeh, Joe Stork, and Steven Heydemann matters further is a U.N. -
Bab Iii Latar Belakang Konflik Suriah Dan Kelompok
BAB III LATAR BELAKANG KONFLIK SURIAH DAN KELOMPOK BERSENJATA SERTA TINDAK PIDANA INTERNASIONAL YANG DILAKUKAN ANGGOTANYA. A. Tinjauan Umum Mengenai Konflik Bersenjata Internasional dan Non- Internasional Pengertian konflik dalam Black’s Law Dictionary adalah permusuhan dengan menggunakan angkatan bersenjata yang terjadi antar bangsa-bangsa, negara-negara atau penguasa-penguasa, atau warga-warga dalam suatu bangsa atau satu negara.62 Konflik atau peperangan telah lahir sejak tempo dulu begitu juga dengan penggolongan konflik yang ada, pengertian konflik bersenjata internasional pada intinya melibatkan negara dengan negara sedangkan konflik bersenjata non-internasional melibatkan antara negara dengan pemberontak atau kelompok kombatan yang dianggap sebagai subyek hukum internasional. Subyek- subyek hukum internasional yang terlibat dalam konflik bersenjata internasional dan non-internasional menjadi fokus utama dalam penelitian ini agar ICC (International Criminal Court) memiliki legitimasi atau kewenangan untuk menuntut salah satu subyek hukum internasional yang melakukan kejahatan luar biasa atau extraordinary crime untuk dapat atau tidak untuk dituntut karena melakukan salah satu kejahatan yang diatur dalam Pasal 5 Statuta Roma. Status hukum subyek hukum internasional ini harus digolongkan dalam keterlibatannya dalam konflik bersenjata internasional ataupun konflik bersenjata non 62Henry Campbell Black, Op.Cit., hal. 1093. 46 internasional, Mengapa status hukum tersebut sangatlah penting? Karena bilamana suatu subyek hukum humaniter internasional melakukan suatu kejahatan luar biasa dalam konflik bersenjata internasional maka ia melanggar Protokol I 1977 Konvensi Jenewa 1949 dan si pelanggar dapat dikategorikan sebagai penjahat perang,63 Begitu juga suatu subyek hukum humaniter internasional yang melakukan kejahatan luar biasa dalam konflik bersenjata non internasional maka sama saja melanggar aturan dalam Protokol II dan dianggap sebagai penjahat perang. -
PRISM Syrian Supplemental
PRISM syria A JOURNAL OF THE CENTER FOR COMPLEX OPERATIONS About PRISM PRISM is published by the Center for Complex Operations. PRISM is a security studies journal chartered to inform members of U.S. Federal agencies, allies, and other partners Vol. 4, Syria Supplement on complex and integrated national security operations; reconstruction and state-building; 2014 relevant policy and strategy; lessons learned; and developments in training and education to transform America’s security and development Editor Michael Miklaucic Communications Contributing Editors Constructive comments and contributions are important to us. Direct Alexa Courtney communications to: David Kilcullen Nate Rosenblatt Editor, PRISM 260 Fifth Avenue (Building 64, Room 3605) Copy Editors Fort Lesley J. McNair Dale Erikson Washington, DC 20319 Rebecca Harper Sara Thannhauser Lesley Warner Telephone: Nathan White (202) 685-3442 FAX: (202) 685-3581 Editorial Assistant Email: [email protected] Ava Cacciolfi Production Supervisor Carib Mendez Contributions PRISM welcomes submission of scholarly, independent research from security policymakers Advisory Board and shapers, security analysts, academic specialists, and civilians from the United States Dr. Gordon Adams and abroad. Submit articles for consideration to the address above or by email to prism@ Dr. Pauline H. Baker ndu.edu with “Attention Submissions Editor” in the subject line. Ambassador Rick Barton Professor Alain Bauer This is the authoritative, official U.S. Department of Defense edition of PRISM. Dr. Joseph J. Collins (ex officio) Any copyrighted portions of this journal may not be reproduced or extracted Ambassador James F. Dobbins without permission of the copyright proprietors. PRISM should be acknowledged whenever material is quoted from or based on its content. -
What Does the Syrian Opposition Believe? | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds What Does the Syrian Opposition Believe? by David Pollock May 30, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Pollock David Pollock is the Bernstein Fellow at The Washington Institute, focusing on regional political dynamics and related issues. Articles & Testimony here are increasing calls for international intervention in Syria after this weekend's massacre in Houla, where T Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's forces murdered more than 100 civilians. Obstacles to intervention remain, however, especially concern that the opposition to Assad's regime is dominated by religious fundamentalists. Until recently, for example, the Syrian National Council, a group of exiled opponents of the regime, was led by Burhan Ghalioun, whose unwillingness to counter the Muslim Brotherhood was widely viewed in the West as a troubling sign of Islamist influence. But a confidential survey of opposition activists living in Syria reveals that Islamists are only a minority among them. Domestic opponents of Assad, the survey indicates, look to Turkey as a model for Syrian governance -- and even widely admire the United States. Pechter Polls, which conducts opinion surveys in tough spots in the Middle East, Africa and Asia, completed the Syria opposition poll in December 2011. Respondents were contacted over a secure Skype connection by someone they could trust -- all native Syrians -- who asked them to fill out a short questionnaire anonymously in Arabic. Interviewers were selected from different social and political groups to ensure that respondents reflected a rough cross-section of overall opposition attitudes. To ensure confidentiality, the online survey could be accessed only through a series of proxy servers, bypassing the regime-controlled Internet. -
The Free Syrian Army Vs. the Syrian National Council -- Which Should We Support? by David Schenker
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds The Free Syrian Army vs. the Syrian National Council -- Which Should We Support? by David Schenker Apr 2, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Schenker David Schenker is the Taube Senior Fellow at The Washington Institute and former Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs. Articles & Testimony year into the Syrian uprising against Bashar Al-Assad, the dysfunctional nature of Syrian opposition politics A isn't exactly news. But the resignation last month of Syrian dissident Kamal Labwani from the Syrian National Council (SNC) -- which he accused not only of being "undemocratic" and incompetent, but intent on undermining the secular basis of the revolution -- is an especially troubling indictment of the opposition's hapless government in exile. The Obama administration should heed Labwani's testimony, and reassess its diplomacy accordingly. Indeed, taking a cue from Labwani's experience, Washington should refocus its attention away from the SNC, in favor of providing more active support for the less centralized, but potentially more effective Free Syrian Army (FSA). I can personally attest to the depth of Labwani's commitment to a free Syria. I first met him in 2005, when he was in Washington for meetings with Bush administration officials. During a meeting at the Pentagon that I attended, Labwani, a medical doctor who was a prominent member of the "Damascus Spring" reform movement in 2001, did not ask for U.S. assistance in toppling Syria's Assad regime. Instead, he spoke eloquently about the need for political reform in his country. When I asked him whether he feared being jailed on his return, he said he knew he would be arrested, but nonetheless believed it was important for U.S. -
Operation Inherent Resolve
Lead Inspector General for Overseas Contingency Operations OPERATION INHERENT RESOLVE DoD DoS USAID OFFICE OF OFFICE OF OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL INSPECTOR GENERAL INSPECTOR GENERAL Quarterly Report and Biannual Report to the United States Congress September 30, 2015 LEAD INSPECTOR GENERAL MISSION The Lead Inspector General for Overseas Contingency Operations will coordinate among the Inspectors General specified under the law to: • develop a joint strategic plan to conduct comprehensive oversight over all aspects of the contingency operation • ensure independent and effective oversight of all programs and operations of the federal government in support of the contingency operation through either joint or individual audits, inspections, and investigations • promote economy, efficiency, and effectiveness and prevent, detect, and deter fraud, waste, and abuse • perform analyses to ascertain the accuracy of information provided by federal agencies relating to obligations and expenditures, costs of programs and projects, accountability of funds, and the award and execution of major contracts, grants, and agreements • report quarterly and biannually to the Congress on the contingency operation and activities of the Lead Inspector General (Pursuant to section 8L of the Inspector General Act of 1978, as amended) FOREWORD We are pleased to submit our combined Lead Inspector General (Lead IG) biannual and quarterly report to Congress on Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR). This is our third quarterly report on the overseas contingency operation (OCO), discharging our individual and collective agency oversight responsibilities pursuant to section 8L of the Inspector General Act of 1978, as amended. The OCO is dedicated to countering the terrorist threat posed by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in Iraq, Syria, the region, and the broader international community. -
In Defence of Humanity: WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS and the STRUGGLE AGAINST SILENCING in Defence of Humanity in Defence of Humanity
In Defence of Humanity: WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS AND THE STRUGGLE AGAINST SILENCING In Defence of Humanity In Defence of Humanity The lack of access to justice and resources, together with the failure of states to provide protection for Executive summary WHRDs, affects the work of WHRDs around the world. Accordingly, WHRDs need appropriate protection that is flexible to their needs. However, very little is done to respond to threats that WHRDs receive, In recent years, combined with existing threats, the rise of right-wing and nationalist populism across the and often, as Front Line Defenders reports, killings are preceded by receipt of a threat.1 This means that world has led to an increasing number of governments implementing repressive measures against the protection mechanisms need to focus too on prevention of harm by perpetrators to ensure that the right to space for civil society (civic space), particularly affecting women human rights defenders (WHRDs). The life is upheld for WHRDs and take seriously the threats that they receive. Despite efforts to implement the increasingly restricted space for WHRDs presents an urgent threat, not only to women-led organisations, Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the United Nations but to all efforts campaigning for women’s rights, gender equality and the rights of all people. In spite of (UN) Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and the Maputo Protocol - which calls for “corrective and these restrictions, WHRDs have campaigned boldly in the face of mounting opposition: movements such positive” actions where women continue to face discrimination - WHRDs still operate in dangerous contexts as #MeToo #MenAreTrash, #FreeSaudiWomen, #NiUnaMenos, #NotYourAsianSideKick and #AbortoLegalYa and are at risk of being targeted or killed.