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DANISH INSTITUTE for INTERNATIONAL STUDIES STRANDGADE 56 • 1401 COPENHAGEN K • DENMARK TEL +45 32 69 87 87 • [email protected] •
DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES STRANDGADE 56 • 1401 COPENHAGEN K • DENMARK TEL +45 32 69 87 87 • [email protected] • www.diis.dk CAN NEPAD SUCCEED WITHOUT PRIOR POLITICAL REFORM? Ian Taylor DIIS Working Paper no 2005/23 © Copenhagen 2005 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mails: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Carsten Schiøler Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi as ISBN: 87-7605-112-9 Price: DKK 25.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Ian Taylor, Dr., Lecturer at University of St. Andrews, Department for International Relations CONTENTS Nepad Elites and their Democratic Qualifications............................................................................4 The African Peer Review Mechanism................................................................................................10 The Great Retreat .................................................................................................................................13 Concluding Remarks ............................................................................................................................19 Bibliography...........................................................................................................................................23 DIIS WORKING PAPER 2005/23 Can NEPAD Succeed without prior Political Reform? Ian Taylor The New Partnership for Africa’s Development or Nepad has -
August 8, 2020 Issue of the Continent
African journalism. August 8 2020 ISSUE NO. 15 The Continent with EXCLUSIVE Are American commandos operating in your country? Photo: AFRICOM The Continent ISSUE 15. August 8 2020 Page 2 Inside: Breaking the COVER STORY: Inside the secret world of US language barrier commandos in Africa (p20) This week, The Continent is publishing Cameroon: Why are all the our first story in a language that tomatoes rotting on the is not a colonial import. We’ve vine? (p8) translated Ranga Mberi’s powerful Mutapi wenhau akasungwa essay on Hopewell Chin’ono’s imprisonment into Shona, to make it anoratidza kuora moyo kwaita more accessible for our Zimbabwean Zimbabwe (p12) audience. (Ndebele speakers, we Jailed journalist is a symbol of haven’t forgotten about you – we’re a disillusioned Zimbabwe (p16) working on it, promise!) Expect to see Investigation: How dodgy arms more languages reflected in these dealers skimmed $137-million pages in the coming months. from Niger’s budget (p29) Putting the con in consequences: Ace Magashule, secretary-general of South Africa’s ruling African National Congress party, has been criticised for failing to take action against party members implicated in Covid-related corruption. The Continent Page 3 ISSUE 15. August 8 2020 Continental Drift In the headlines this week Samira Sawlani Uganda, Côte d’Ivoire and Guinea Uganda’s ruling party has endorsed President Yoweri Museveni as its candidate for next year’s election. Should he win, this would be the 75-year-old’s sixth term. Meanwhile, the prez has released a workout video in which he drops for no fewer than 40 push-ups. -
Africa Confidential
24 September 1999 Vol 40 No 19 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL ANGOLA ANGOLA 2 Military-minded The UN tries again The government is deliberately downplaying its latest military After its spectacular failure, the UN is back - helped by smarter moves after its disastrous offensive sanctions but facing the same political problems last December. UNITA wants to United Nations’ attempts to keep a presence in Angola are being frustrated by the United States lure government forces into unsustainable attacks and then Congress. Jonas Savimbi’s União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola has for decades trap them. This time it seems the enjoyed special access to some senators and congressmen, notably the veteran isolationist, Senator FAA forces under General De Jesse Helms (Democrat, South Carolina). Now Michael Westfal, one of Helms’s aides, leads a Matos are better prepared. group of four congressional staff members who have blocked progress on a draft UN resolution, drawn up by diplomats of the Angola ‘troika’ (USA, Portugal and Russia) at the UN and circulated KENYA 3 on 26 August. Westfal says that the proposed 30-strong UNOA (UN Office in Angola) is not a peacekeeping operation and should not get US funding. Phone sects Another UNITA sympathiser, Malik Chaka, was for years information officer in UNITA’s Washington office; when UN sanctions forced the closure of the office, he was appointed to the staff A major row is brewing over the independence of the regulators of the House of Representatives Africa Sub-Committee. Congressional staffers are also holding up overseeing the privatisation of funding for the UN’s sanctions committee, to the embarrassment of the State Department’s main Kenya's beleaguered telecoms Angola policy-maker, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Witney Schneidman. -
Rwanda's Secret War
Rwanda's Secret War US-Backed Destabilization of Central Africa By Keith Harmon Snow* WW3Report December 10, 2004 Following days of repeated threats by President Paul Kagame to send Rwandan Defense Forces to attack Hutu rebels based in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), television stations in Kinshasa, DRC's capital, began broadcasting alerts Nov. 26 that Rwanda's invasion was underway. Belgian and US military sources in Kinshasa said that at least five battalions (1,500-3,000 troops) had penetrated the provinces of North and South Kivu from five different points. "This is a sizeable advance force for the Rwandan army," said one military source in Kinshasa. With Rwanda's government continuing to deny their invasion, some 6,000 Rwandan troops had reportedly penetrated eastern DRC by December 4, making this tiny Rwanda's third major invasion of its huge neighbour to the west. According to the DRC government, troops of the Armed Forces for the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) have clashed with the RDF at numerous locations. The Monitor newspaper in Uganda Dec. 6 reported that RDF troops passing illegally through Ugandan frontier areas have clashed with Ugandan soldiers. The Monitor reports thousands of Congolese refugees fleeing into Uganda. Thousands of Congolese civilians, especially women and children, were fleeing North Kivu province as of Dec. 6, according to IRIN, news network of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, with civilians claiming executions and massacres as RDF troops burned and looted everything in their path. NGO staff in the region are bracing for the flood of tens of thousands of internally displaced persons. -
Status Competition in Africa: Explaining the Rwandan
ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT—NOT THE VERSION OF RECORD. PLEASE DO NOT CITE OR CIRCULATE WITHOUT THE AUTHOR’S PERMISSION. STATUS COMPETITION IN AFRICA: EXPLAINING THE RWANDAN- UGANDAN CLASHES IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO 1 HENNING TAMM ABSTRACT Yoweri Museveni’s rebels seized power in Uganda in 1986, with Rwandan refugees making up roughly a quarter of his troops. These refugees then took power in Rwanda in 1994 with support from Museveni’s regime. Subsequently, between 1999 and 2000, the Rwandan and Ugandan comrades-in-arms turned on each other in a series of deadly clashes in the Democratic Republic of Congo, a country they had invaded together only one year earlier. What explains these fratri- cidal clashes? This article contends that a social-psychological perspective focused on status competition between the Rwandan and Ugandan ruling elites provides the most compelling an- swer. Long treated as ‘boys’, the new Rwandan rulers strove to enhance their social status vis-à- vis the Ugandans, seeking first equality and then regional superiority. Economic disputes over Congo’s natural resources at times complemented this struggle for status but cannot explain all of its phases. The article draws on interviews with senior Rwandan, Ugandan, and former Con- golese rebel officials, and triangulates them with statements given to national and regional newspapers at the time of the clashes. More broadly, it builds on the recently revitalized study of status competition in world politics and makes a case for integrating research on inter-African relations. IN AUGUST 1999, AND AGAIN IN MAY AND JUNE 2000, Rwandan and Ugandan troops fought each other in Kisangani, a large city in north-eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). -
EAST AFRICA and the HORN in 2022 an Outlook for Strategic Positioning in the Region
EAST AFRICA AND THE HORN IN 2022 An Outlook for Strategic Positioning in the Region EAST & SOUTHERN AFRICA MARCH 2017 EAST & SOUTHERN AFRICA / MARCH 2017 East Africa GIS data, East Africa borders file – administrative layer package. INTRODUCTION East Africa and the Horn1 is one of the most politically dynamic regions in the world. Almost nowhere else have geopolitical forces and regional ambitions combined to produce such volatile results. From the birth of two post-colonial states (Eritrea in 1991, South Sudan in 2011)2 to the upheavals of the Cold War (the fall of Emperor Haile Selassie flipped Ethiopia from the American to the Soviet domain nearly overnight while Somali President Siad Barre took his country from Soviet to American influence shortly thereafter), from the horrors of the Rwandan genocide and Africa’s Great War in DRC to the opening salvos of the Global War on Terror (with the bombing of American embassies in Dar es Salaam and Nairobi), the region may not dominate the geopolitical landscape but has often been the playing field for greater geopolitical contestation. This volatility is not likely to change in the coming years of greater multipolarity in the international arena. The region’s geostrategic location links Muslim and Christian Africa. It faces the Red Sea and is in close proximity to the Middle East as well as hosting its own homegrown Islamist insurgency, creating a mix of local and global political-security interests. The Greater Horn is also the continent’s gateway to Asia, with deep historical ties to India, China, and the Middle East that reproduce themselves today in trade and investment deals. -
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POMEPS STUDIES 40 Africa and the Middle East: Beyond the Divides June 2020 Contents Introduction: A Transregional Approach to Africa and the Middle East . 3 Hisham Aïdi, Marc Lynch and Zachariah Mampilly And the Twain Shall Meet: Connecting Africa and the Middle East . 8 Hisham Aïdi, Marc Lynch and Zachariah Mampilly Sudan’s Revolution ‘Beyond regime change’: Reflections on Sudan’s ongoing revolution . .. 19 Nisrin Elamin, Columbia University The Great Game of the UAE and Saudi Arabia in Sudan . 25 Jean-Baptiste Gallopin, European Council on Foreign Relations What Lies Beneath the Sands: Archaeologies of Presence in Revolutionary Sudan . 31 Noah Salomon, Carleton College Warscapes Making Sense of the East African Warscape . 40 Samar Al-Bulushi, University of California, Irvine Magnates, Media, and Mercenaries: How Libya’s conflicts produce transnational networks straddling Africa and the Middle East . 44 Wolfram Lacher, German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP), Berlin Cross-Regional Engagements Determinants of Middle East states involvement in the Horn of Africa. 50 Federico Donelli, University of Genoa, Genoa Network-Building and Human Capital investments at the intersection of China-Africa and China Middle East Relations . 54 Lina Benabdallah, Wake Forest University The Scalar Politics of Turkey’s Pivot to Africa . 59 Ezgi Guner, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Identity Movements National Identity in the Afro-Arab Periphery: Ethnicity, Indigeneity and (anti)Racism in Morocco . 64 Hisham Aïdi, Columbia University Black Tunisians and the Pitfalls of Bourguiba’s Homogenization Project . 69 Afifa Ltifi, Cornell University Islamist Movements Rethinking the weak state paradigm in light of the war on terror: Evidence from the Islamic Republic of Mauritania . -
Africa Confidential
2 April 1999 Vol 40 No 7 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL USA/AFRICA II 2 USA/AFRICA Washington who's who Battle lines in Washington and Africa Few are indifferent about Washington's ministerial meeting raised morale but offered no new Washington's Assistant Secretary strategies for tackling the worsening regional conflicts of State for African Affairs, Susan Rice, who inspires critics and For a time during Washington’s 16-18 March Africa Ministerial Conference, the capital’s political loyalists in equal measure. She's hatchets were buried and politicians, business people and bureaucrats applauded the administration’s set to stay in the Africa Bureau for efforts to bring together more than 80 senior African ministers with senior officials from 15 the rest of the Clinton presidency. government departments. Administration kingpins such as Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin and Secretary of State Madeleine Albright addressed the meeting, as did Agriculture Secretary Dan ALGERIA 3 Glickman and Labour Secretary Alexis Herman. Only Libya, Somalia and Sudan were barred from attending, but 46 African states sent delegations, as did the World Bank, the United Nations Boutef is bounced and the African Development Bank. back African diplomats, such as dean of the Africa corps in Washington, Djibouti Ambassador Roble Olhaye, argued that at last Africa was being treated with the same gravitas as Asia or Latin America. Just as in Nigeria and Indonesia, Delegation leaders, such as Tanzania’s Foreign Minister Jakaya Kikwete and Rwanda’s Finance Algeria's generals are controlling Minister Donat Kaberuka, commended President Bill Clinton’s promise of support for a US$70 the election process and have decided on their favoured billion debt write-off for Africa. -
Africa Confidential
www.africa-confidential.com 1 September 2000 Vol 41 No 17 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL CONGO-KINSHASA 2 CONGO-KINSHASA Bemba’s boys The opposition MLC was formed A losing gamble between late 1998 and early 1999 Under renewed military pressure President Kabila’s regime does not around the huge figure of Jean- understand the strength of its opponents Pierre Bemba. He used to run an airline and a cellular telephone President Laurent-Désiré Kabila had hoped that his opponents’ quarrels would bring him a quick company; now he heads the most victory. After the Rwandan forces had defeated their former Ugandan allies at Kisangani in June, Kabila successful opposition militia launched heavy attacks against the armed opposition in Equateur province. The result was a military and fighting the Kabila government’s forces. diplomatic disaster, and made a fiasco of the latest Southern African Development Community summit in Lusaka on 14-15 August. The meeting brought together the leaders of the SADC states, and of Rwanda and of Uganda, in an SOUTH AFRICA 3 attempt to get the peace process back on track. Yet none of Kabila’s fellow Presidents, not even his Namibian ally Sam Nujoma, could persuade him to accept Botswana’s former President Ketumile Calling labour’s Masire as official facilitator of the inter-Congolese dialogue, or to accept United Nations’ peacekeepers bluff in government-held areas. Black union militants plan new Then just ten days after Kabila had announced that the Lusaka peace accord was obsolete and had to clashes with the ANC government be completely renegotiated, he added that he would now agree to the deployment of blue-helmeted UN over jobs and labour law reform. -
The Politics of Renewable Energy in East Africa
August 2018 The Politics of Renewable Energy in East Africa OIES Paper: EL 29 Emma Gordon The contents of this paper are the author’s sole responsibility. They do not necessarily represent the views of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies or any of its members. Copyright © 2018 Oxford Institute for Energy Studies (Registered Charity, No. 286084) This publication may be reproduced in part for educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder, provided acknowledgment of the source is made. No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever without prior permission in writing from the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. ISBN 978-1-78467-118-1 DOI: https://doi.org/10.26889/9781784671181 i Contents Contents ................................................................................................................................................. ii Figures and Tables ............................................................................................................................... ii 1. Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 1 2. Why is the country risk approach important? ............................................................................... 2 3. Ethiopia .............................................................................................................................................. 3 3.1 The state of the electricity -
Ghana: Background and U.S
Ghana: Background and U.S. Relations Nicolas Cook Specialist in African Affairs July 8, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS22809 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Ghana: Background and U.S. Relations Summary This report provides information on current developments in Ghana and Ghana’s relations with the United States, which are close. It describes the purpose of President Barack Obama's forthcoming trip to Ghana, which will focus on issues of good governance and socio-economic and political development, and characterizes the current state of play in bilateral relations. It also summarizes the policy agenda of Ghana's president, John Atta Mills, who won office by a narrow margin in elections in late 2008. The dynamics of that election are described in the report, as are recent policy-centered developments, economic challenges and performance, and socio-economic prospects. Ghana's international relations and bilateral development cooperation with the United States are also covered in the report. Congressional Research Service Ghana: Background and U.S. Relations Contents Overview and Current Developments..........................................................................................1 President Obama’s Trip to Ghana ..........................................................................................2 Mills Administration ...................................................................................................................4 Policy Agenda.......................................................................................................................4 -
Russia's Resurgence in Africa: Zimbabwe and Mozambique
Special Report November 2020 Russia’s Resurgence in Africa: Zimbabwe and Mozambique DZVINKA KACHUR African perspectives Global insights Executive summary While Russia’s relationship with Africa goes back decades, to the continent’s anti-colonial struggles, the past few years have seen a resurgence in relations. The 2019 Russia–Africa Summit is only the most visible sign that the Putin regime is interested in reawakening relations with African countries. This is driven by declining global oil prices and continuing sanctions against Russia. This report takes a closer look at two examples of resurgent Africa–Russia relations: Zimbabwe and Mozambique. It gives a detailed mapping of Russian activities in these two countries, and shows how they have developed over time. While Russian actors are involved in a large number of projects in Zimbabwe and Mozambique, the main focus is on three sectors: the extractive industries, the arms trade, and political cooperation. Russian involvement in Zimbabwe has been driven by, and gained momentum from, both countries’ status as targets of Western sanctions. Mutual attempts to evade these sanctions have boosted the relationship, which has been cemented by high- level corruption. While Mozambique has more international options than its neighbour, elite–elite relationships play a key part in its dealings with Russia. This includes shadowy collaboration in the military and political realms. In addition, Russian actors have played significant roles in both countries’ elections, with contentious results. Thus, while Russia’s involvement in African countries like Mozambique and Zimbabwe is considerably narrower and more elite-directed than, for example, that of China, it is still becoming a notable player in Southern Africa, and one that deserves more attention.