Intangibles of Māori-Ness’: an Ethnographic Description of Urban

-ness’:

AnThe Ethnographic Urban ‘Intangibles Study ofof UrbanMāori Marae

Curriculum as Decolonial Praxis

A dissertation submitted by

Jacqueline Anne Matthews, M.Ed.

For the award of Doctor of Philosophy

2013

Abstract

An ethnographic description of our urban pan-tribal Marae - Hoani Waititi - is described through the lens of a host of pou via a learning

kōrero/participants conversations research model developed for this study, ‘Whakawhitiwhiti Rua’.

The nature of the urban Marae curriculum by way of anticolonial pursuits of

Indigenous education within orientations that draw from humanism and social reconstructionism is characteristic of Hoani Waititi Marae. Themes of a constructive view, destructive effects, influences, and cultural maintenance arise. Epistemology and knowledge derivation are explored within a conceptual frame of reference, and are defined as specialised knowledge, as methodology or kau as curriculum. A study of the effects or outcomespapa of Māori/Māori the Marae curriculum purpose, andreveals themes of sacrifice, choices, m . The facilitation of the Marae curriculum continuesana/prestige, to revise and challenge cultures. Implications for the

the wānanga/ postcolonial world are uncovered, being the aeducation of Māori in this supposed landdaptation recognition of Māori and, the restorationhenua of not Māori, recognised tāngata in whenua/people New Zealand s ociety.of the

Knowledge disseminationtāngata and w educational implications are celebrated.

Certification of Dissertation

This dissertation is the original work and authorship of Jacqueline (Jacqui) Anne Matthews.

I certify that the ideas, discussions, and conclusions reported in this dissertation are entirely my own effort, except where otherwise acknowledged. I also certify that the work is original and has not been previously submitted for any other award, except where otherwise acknowledged.

The dissertation is afforded prospect under the tribal and urban Marae authority of Dr Pita Sharples, and, under the guidance of Cultural and Marae advisors: Paora Sharples, Beverley Manahi, and John Matthews.

______Signature of Candidate Date

ENDORSEMENT

______Date

Signature of Supervisor/s ______

iii

Acknowledgements

Kaua hoki i te waewae t tuki, , p an hei te upoko pakaru

-Te o ūTane oā Ngā āti Kōahungunu

Do not turn back by the stumbling of feet, but only by a broken head

(If one strongly believes in a cause then one cannot afford to be deterred

by obstacles or mishaps, but must continue to face challenges head on, right to the end

(as cited in Rangimarie (Rose) Pere, 1997, p. 27).

For my beloved late mother Tere Andzue, to my beloved late father Jim

Laughton, and because of .

the whānau of Hoani Waititi Marae

There are those whom have left this realm having influenced us greatly; those we will search for when our time is apparent, and those same whose memories we keep tucked into our side as we forge on – my late sisters Cleo and Denise, and friends Shona Pepe, Joy Glasson and cousin Lionel Pedersen of Richmond

Road School.

My father used this quote often and so I open these meagre pages thus:

To those with power and are aware of it, impute responsibility.

To those with power but who are unaware of it, educate them and then impute

responsibility.

To those without power, inform them about what the others are up to (Mills, 1959).

Great leaders are set down in the pages of history and I am but one of many embarking on the chosen journey of recording in one style, from a cluster of one particular wh nau, the resonating influence(s) created by such leaders as Dr

Pita Sharples.ā For it is to P p Pete and those of ‘the era’; many of whom are now passed, that we the presentā ā 2013 generation of Hoani Waititi Marae owe our quality of life – Tihei mauri ora!

The following pages are a kaleidoscope of the contributions of members of Te

Wh nau o Hoani Waititi Marae. Members illuminate the Marae as a thing of beautyā that when shifted to a new sight from the eyes of another, portray new beauties. It is from these wh nau that the work gains its substance: The late

whom weā lost September 2013 following his 80th birthday -

Pāpā Denis Hansen marked as the celebration of Auckland urban He tohu nui mo te mātau te

Māori. iwi, mo te hihiko o te hinengaro, te whakapuaki kupu whakataukī, te whakapuaki kupu ngahau, te whakapuaki kupu pepeha i te wā o te mate, te taka ki te mate.

Koia nei te ahua o to matou Pāpā Denis Wilmott Hansen kua mate i ngā rangi tata kua pahure nei. Kimihia, rangahaua, kei hea ra koutou e ngaro nei. E kei Paerau, kei Paerau. Kei te unuhanga o te kahurangi, oti atu ai koutou. E kara ma e!

Also,

Paenga,Whaea John Marara Tuoro, PaoraTe Tai Sharples,Hook, Kōkā Beverley Letty Brown, Manahi, Kōkā Novi Te Marikena, Aroha Shane

White, and Laughton Matthews, with specific assistance also from Ethel Paniora

v and the writings, records and documents of Hoani Waititi Marae and Dr Pita

Sharples. A sound file endeavours to capture the vibrancy of pouk rero recollections. ō

Particular direction and guidance was obtained from the advisory team of Paora

Sharples, Beverley Manahi and John Matthews for matters pertaining to cultural, historical and Hoani Waititi Marae accuracy and significance.

The University of Southern Queensland not only provided my supervisor Dr Jon

Austin to whom I shall always be in debt, but also Dr Andrew Hickey. Thankyou

Andrew for helping me deal with the inferiority we the colonised carry around in our handbags and for believing in the quality of the work. A great debt is also owed to the university for five years of research scholarship offered following

Masters Graduation. Was I able to gain this level of support (without approach) in my homeland, then I would be able to state that the education secure. of Māori was

Particular thanks to my daughter Laughton for her many hours helping to collate the sound file and for sitting up many late nights keeping mum company.

We make our way through life having if we are fortunate enough, people who believe in us; those others who trust we are greater than we are, who tell us we are driven when we are not, and capable of astuteness in the dark. I am grateful for my supportive husband John Matthews, my beautiful children Laughton

Andzue (Moo Moo) and John James-Colin (Tiger), and my friend and confidant

Pita Tapene.

Hara mai te akaaka nui, Vouchsafe the highest knowledge,

Hara mai te akaaka roa, Vouchsafe the enduring knowledge,

Hara mai te akaaka matua Vouchsafe the matured knowledge,

Hara mai te akaaka na Vouchsafe that particular knowledge

Io-matua-taketake-te-waiora! Of Io-the-father, the origin, the life-

giving!

Ki tenei tama nau, To this scion of thine,

E Io-tikitiki-rangi e-i! O Io-the-exalted-of-heaven, e-i!

Hara mai to akaaka nui, Give of thy supreme knowledge,

To akaka roa, to akaka-atua To these sons of thine-

Ki tenei tama nahau! Sons from the ancient, from pre-

human times.

He tama tawhito, he tama tipua. Endow with God-like attributes

He tama atua nau, O Io-the-all-knowing!

E Io-te-akaaka! the origin!

Te take ki enei tama-e-i. These they sons-e-i!

Moihi Te orohanga, 1863 (Smith, 1915, p.4).

Māt

vii

Table of Contents

Abstract ii Certification of Dissertation iii Acknowledgements iv Table of Contents viii List of Tables xiii List of Figures xiii

VOLUME I

PART 1 The Journey That Has Brought Us Here

Introduction 1 Prologue – The Historical Journey 27

PART 2 The Research Process

Chapter 1 Literature Review 39 1.1 Preamble 39 1.2 Research Provocations 41 1.2.1 Marae Curriculum 41 1.2.1.1 Curriculum Designations 46 1.2.1.2 Curriculum Intentions and Functions. 63 1.2.1.3 Indications for the Study - Marae Curriculum 65 1.2.2 Curriculum Derivations 67 1.2.2.1 Indicators for the Study – Curriculum Derivations 83 1.2.3 Marae Curriculum Outcomes 84 1.2.3.1 Curriculum Presage: Conceptions and Experiences of Those Involved in Living the Curriculum. 84 1.2.3.2 Indications for the Study – Marae Curriculum Outcomes 92 1.2.4 Postcolonial Consequences 94 1.2.4.1 The Locale 112 1.2.4.2 Indications for the Study – Postcolonial Consequences 121

Chapter 2 Research Methodology 125 2.1 Research Construct: Critical Indigenous Inquiry 126 2.2 An Ethnographic Exploration 129 2.2.1 Bricolage 135 2.3 136 2.3.1 Ethics 142 Kaupapa2.3.2 Māori Research 143 2.3.3 144 2.3.4 Whakapapa/GenealogyResearch Authority 147 2.3.5 Whakawhanaungatanga/MakingAdvisors Relationships 148 2.3.6 The Doctoral Relationship 153 2.4 Ng Pouk 154 2.5 Research Tools 161 ā ōrero/Participants viii

2.5.1 Learning Conversations 162 2.5.2 Seeking Improved Levels of Authenticity: Whakawhitiwhiti Rua 164 2.5.3 Transcription 170 2.5.4 Pieces of the Bricolage 172

PART 3 The Curriculum Focus

Chapter 3 Curriculum Definitions 185 3.1 Hoani Waititi Marae-s Application of the Nature of the Marae Curriculum 193 3.2 Constructive View 194 3.2.1 Constructive View of Self Worth 196 3.2.2 Constructive View of Ethnicity 201 3.2.3 Constructive View of Upbringing 206 3.2.4 Constructive View of Difference 209 3.3 Destructive Effects 210 3.3.1 Destructive Effects of Racism 211 3.3.2 213 3.3.3 Destructive Effects of Foreign Cultural Dominance 216 3.4 InfluencesDestructive Effects of Isolation/Resistance 219 3.4.1 Educational Influences 219 5.4.1.1 The Nature of the Curriculum: Learning & Teaching 221 3.4.2 Home Environment Influences 228 3.4.3 Influences by Others 230 3.4.4 Influences by Unawareness 233 3.5 Cultural Maintenance 237 3.5.1 Cultural Maintenance: Family 239 3.5.2 Cultural Maintenance: Restoration 241 3.5.3 Cultural Maintenance: Biculturalism 251

Chapter 4 Identification of the Context 254 4.1 Curriculum Derivation of the Marae 254 4.2 Epistemology: How the Knowledge can be Understood 258 4.3 Conceptual Frame of Reference 265 4.3.1 267 4.3.2 268 4.3.3 Mana/Prestige 268 4.3.4 Tapu/Sacredness 269 4.3.5 Ihi/Psychic Vital Force 269 4.3.6 Wehi/Fear 270 4.3.7 Mauri/Life Force 271 4.3.8 Tikanga/Customs 272 4.3.9 Whanaungatanga/Relationships 273 4.4 Manaakitanga/Caring 275 Tino Rangatiratanga/Self Determination 4.5 Te Aho Matua o Ng 277 4.6 SpecialisedThe Heart of Knowledge Kaupapa Māori 280 4.6.1 Specialisedā KnowleKura Kaupapa Māori 281 4.6.2 Specialised Knowledge: Colonisation 288 4.7 dge: Tipuna/Ancestor Based 291

As Methodology or Kaupapa Māori ix

4.7.1 291 4.7.2 Kaupapa Maori: Intangible 300 4.7.3 As Methodology/Kaupapa Māori: Conscientisation 302 4.8 As CurriculumAs Methodology/ 304 4.8.1 As Methodology/KaupapaCurriculum: Learning Styles Maori: Negative 304 4.8.1.1 Preferred Pedagogies on the Urban Marae 309 4.8.2 As Curriculum: Treaty 322 4.8.3 323 4.8.4 As Curriculum: Emotional Values 325 As Curriculum: Tika/Tikanga Chapter 5 Our Urban Marae 331 5.1 Hoani Waititi Marae 334 5.1.1 Organisation 351 5.1.2 Initiatives 353 5.1.2.1 Te Wh 356 5.1.3 Community Relations 366 ānau o Waipareira/Waipareira Trust 5.1.4 Vision and Mission 368 5.1.5 Values, Ethos and Objectives 370 5.1.6 Birth to Death Education 373 5.1.7 Capacity Building 387 5.2 Sacrifice 393 5.2.1 393 5.3 Choices 398 5.3.1 Sacrifice:Choices: World Māori 398 5.3.2 Choices: Kaupapa 400 5.4 Mana 404 5.4.1 Loss of Mana: Alienation 404 5.4.2 Mana: Empowerment 414 5.5 Challenge 425 5.5.1 Challenge: Re-naming 425

Chapter 6 The Facilitation of Marae Curriculum 434 6.1 436 6.2 Marae Wananga in the Second Millennium 439 Development 6.2.1 Managerial of Marae grou Wananga/Culturesps 440 6.2.2 Te Roopu Manutaki 441 6.2.3 – Te Aroha 443 6.2.4 - Ng Tumanako 444 6.2.5 TeWhare K hanga Kai/Dining Reo & RoomTe K hanga Matua 449 6.2.6 Whare Tipuna/Ancestral House ā 456 6.2.7 ō ō 457 6.2.8 Kaumatua/EldersTe W Residencies School of Ancient Weaponry 476 6.2.9 TeAlternative Kura Kaupapa Educatio Māorin and Wharekura Kaupapa Māori 479 6.2.10 Te Whharenau Tu Awhina Taua o Aotearoa/ 480 6.2.11 Patua Te Ngangara-Methamphetamine Prevention Programme 483 6.2.12 ā 486 6.2.13 Tikanga Programme 487 6.2.14 Manaaki Manuhiri/Hospitality Afforded Visitors 488 6.2.15 Youth Court 489 Whānau Ora x

6.3 Decolonising Praxis 490 6.4 Hoani Waititi Marae-s Application to Decolonising Education 492 6.5 492 6.5.1 493 6.6 Adaptation of Māori 497 6.6.1 Adaptation of Māori: Kaupapa v Whakapapa 497 Restoration6.6.2 of Māori 500 6.6.3 ResRestoration of Māori: Tino Rangatiratanga 504 6.7 Restoration of Māori: Reo me ona Tikanga 506 6.7.1 toration of Māori: Population or Ethnic Group 506 Tāngata6.7.2 Whenua Recognition 508 6.8 Tāngata Whenuat Recognised Recognition: Ownership 509 6.8.1 Tāngata Whenua Recognition: Status 509 Tāngata Whenua No PART 4 Claims toTāngata Power Whenua Not Recognised: Lacking Standing

Chapter 7 Conclusion 516

PART 5 References

References 558

Glossary 583

VOLUME II

Appendix A Marae Consent

Appendix B Ethics Committee Consent

Appendix C Gathering the Menagerie of Richness C.1 Ways of Being and Ways of Understanding Our World: the Literacies C.1.1 Celebrating Survival C.1.2 Storytelling Māori C.1.3 Recalling C.1.4 Revitalising C.1.5 Connecting C.1.6 Reading C.1.7 Writing C.1.8 Representing C.1.9 Male and Female Roles C.1.10 Envisioning C.1.11 Reframing C.1.12 Restoring C.1.13 Networking C.1.14 Naming C.1.15 Protecting C.1.16 Creating C.1.17 Negotiating

C.2 Waitititanga – Further Literacies of Hoani Waititi Marae C.2.1 C.2.2 Reciprocating C.2.3 BelongingTikanga Māori me Whakaaro Māori C.2.4 Collaborating C.2.5 Acknowledging Others C.2.6 Adapting C.2.7 Journeying C.2.8 Tautoko - Supporting C.2.9 Seeking C.2.10 Sacrificing C.2.11 Involving C.2.12 Endorsing Leaders C.2.13 Healing C.3 Culturally Specific Ethics

Appendix D D.1 Novi Marikena D.2 ShaneNgā White Poukōrero/Further Participants D.3 Letty Brown D.4 Te Aroha Paenga D.5 John Tuoro D.6 Marara Te Tai Hook D.7 The late Denis Hansen D.8 Ethel Paniora D.9 Paora Sharples, Beverley Manahi and Laughton Matthews

Appendix E Learning Conversation Questions

Appendix F Participants Grid

Appendix G

Appendix H RepresentationCoding Categories of PoukōreroResearch Question across Marae 1 Cultures

Appendix I Coding Categories Research Question 2

Appendix J Coding Categories Research Question 3

Appendix K Coding Categories Research Question 4

Appendix L Transcription Key

Appendix M Learning Conversations Information Template

Appendix N Participants Observation Template

xii

List of Tables

Table 1 Penetito, W.T. (2005, p.45), History of socio-cultural control in Māori education 1816-1990, In A Sociology of Māori education – Beyond mediating structures. 35

List of Figures

A large number of images used in the thesis have been provided by the Hoani Waititi

Marae archives collated and stored by Shane White. Visual images pertaining to the

historybelonging of Teto BeverleyKura Kaupapa Manahi. Māori Maurits o Hoani Kelderman Waititi Marae kindly are provided copied visual from thedata, archives and further photographs and figures are provided by the writer.

Volume I

Fig 1 Tarutaru Rankin at the Opening of Hoani Waititi Marae 23 Fig 2 Pita Sharples, the late Whina Cooper and her mokopuna/grandchild 27 Fig 3 Increases from surveys administered 2000 to 2006 following Implementation of The Māori Language Strategy 79 Fig 4 Pita Sharples and Te Roopu Manutaki, Marae opening 1980 148 Fig 5 Paora Sharples of Te Whare Tu Taua o Aotearoa 150 Fig 6 Artefact of Paora Sharples and Shane White – Te Taiaha 151 Fig 7 Andrew Hickey, Jacqui Matthews, and Jon Austin 2008 153 Fig 8 Artefact of Laughton Matthews: Photograph of late grandmother 158 Fig 9 Te Roopu Manutaki - Mavis Tuoro is centre with Te Aroha Paenga 161 Fig 10 Whakawhitiwhiti Rua: Learning conversation as a tiered process 164 Fig 11 Final sorting pile of Marae documentation and Pāpā Pita’s files 177 Fig 12 The tui who regularly comes to feed at the kōwhai in the wharekura 198 Fig 13 The late Rev Hone Kaa, Pita Sharples and Rev Paul Reeves 229 Fig 14 Presentation of photograph of Hoani Waititi at the Marae opening 231 Fig 15 Te Roopu Manutaki 235 Fig 16 Te Roopu Manutaki 1980-Mavis Tuoro stands far left 242 Fig 17 Approaching the waharoa/gateway of Hoani Waititi Marae 266 Fig 18 Frame of reference of Māori concepts 267 Fig 19 ‘Hīkoi’ busload of supporters approaches the Beehive 275 Fig 20 Māori protest the impending seabed and foreshore legislation 276 Fig 21 Protesting through the night 277 Fig 22 Te Kura Kaupāpā Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae opening 279 Fig 23 Coding categories of derivation of the Marae curriculum 281

xiii

Fig 24 Te Whare Tu Taua lead the march to parliament 299 Fig 25 Protesting continues through the night 299 Fig 26 Te Roopu Manutaki at the opening of Hoani Waititi Marae 1980 306 Fig 27 Te Roopu Manutaki flowchart 306 Fig 28 Te Roopu Manutaki at the opening of Hoani Waititi Marae 1980 307 Fig 29 Pāpā Pita Sharples and his late mother, Ruiha Niania 327 Fig 30 The plaque is unveiled over the entrance to the Whare Tipuna 332 Fig 31 Image of poster displayed in Hoani Waititi Marae offices 338 Fig 32 Hoani Waititi, inside the whare, Ngā Tumanako 340 Fig 33 One of four art murals inside the wharekai/dining room - Te Aroha 344 Fig 34 Hāngi site where twenty were dug to cater for the 18,000 sized crowd 345 Fig 35 Hoani Waititi Marae landscaping plan 1978, Jasmad Architects 346 Fig 36 Hoani Waititi Marae development plans 1978, Jasmad Architects 346 Fig 37 Invitation to Hoani Waititi Marae opening Saturday 19 April 1980 349 Fig 38 Hoani Waititi Marae bookings March & April 1985 350 Fig 39 Te Roopu Manutaki pattern of women’s bodice 355 Fig 40 Hoani Waititi Marae complex 1990s, Maurits Kelderman 366 Fig 41 Hoani Waititi Marae complex 1990s, Maurits Kelderman 366 Fig 42 Hoani Waititi Marae programmes 377 Fig 43 Womb to grave education of Hoani Waititi Marae 384 Fig 44 Te Whare Wānanga o Hoani Waititi Marae wall chart 385 Fig 45 Artefact of Novi Marikena: Photograph of the late Fraser Delamere 403 Fig 46 Hoani Waititi Marae site plan, Design Tribe - Kelderman, 2010 423 Fig 47 Hoani Waititi Marae entering from the waharoa 435 Fig 48 Hoani Waititi Marae, Te Whare Tipuna – Ngā Tumanako 440 Fig 49 Te Roopu Manutaki in haka powhiri /welcoming ceremony 442 Fig 50 Plaque mounted upon opening of Te Aroha 1978 443 Fig 51 Inside the wharekai/dining room - Te Aroha 444 Fig 52 Inside Te Whare Tipuna/ancestral house - Ngā Tumanako 445 Fig 53 Inside Ngā Tumanako – Hoani Waititi me te Poutokomanawa 446 Fig 54 Inside Ngā Tumanako 447 Fig 55 Hoani Waititi Marae Kōhanga Reo 450 Fig 56 K hanga Matua 455 Fig 57 Kaumatua/Elders Residencies 457 ō Fig 58 Pita Sharples, Mrs Graham & Paul Reeves 463 Fig 59 David Lange greets whānau/family 463 Fig 60 Waititi Kura whānau plan their curriculum aspirations 2010 475 Fig 61 Pouwaru of Te Whare Tu Taua – Takaparae, Paora and Jason 477 Fig 62 Pouwaru of Te Whare Tu Taua – Takaparae, Paora and Jason 479 Fig 63 Ngā Tumanako and the Marae tari 481 Fig 64 Hoani Waititi Marae ātea/frontage 482 Fig 65 The three generations of women 530

Volume II

Fig 66 The process of Whakawhitiwhiti Rua Appendix C.1.11

xiv

-ness’: An Ethnographic Study of Urban Marae Curriculum The Urban ‘Intangibles of Māori As Decolonial Praxis

By Jacqueline Anne Matthews

Volume I

Part 1

The Journey That Has Brought Us Here

Introduction

Ka pap te whaititiri, ka hikohiko te ira

Ka puta te iraā tangata ki te whei ao ki te aoū m rama

Tihei Kahungunu! ā

With a clap of thunder and a flash of lightening

The embryo is released into the world of light

Tihei Kahungunu!

In reading the theses of others who have gone before me in ways that I am unable to emulate, I do draw the example of providing a preamble that situates the writer in her locale in the hope of making better sense of what follows; an explanation of the bond in the adhesive, the glue that is applied as autoethnography in the case of this thesis, a type of running commentary throughout the work identified by italics. Thus, when the reader reaches italics in the text (such as this), at each occurrence a shift is made from third to first person. Imagine the writer standing aside speaking. It is thought, and as such, thought is better relayed as talk.

Some Māori academics have chosen to write in the third person and commented that this is less of an elevation of them than writing in the first. While I agree that the self is individualistic and therefore leans to the world of the pākehā/non-

Māori, the third person is also reminiscent of the pākehā intellectual persona and can be further elevating in often being associated with long term British

colonialism and patronage. The position can be distancing, apart from the people, separate from the people, albeit-down on the people. Consequently this work is written as one of the people; from this Ngāti Kahungunu and Te Rarawa woman, and member of Hoani Waititi Marae whānau/family.

Tihei wā mauri ora! Waititi HI! Waititi HA! /I breathe life! Waititi! Waititi!

The thesis takes a particular journey and, following the expressions of other

hments to our

Māori researchers places importance on our histories as attac culturesthought, ofand the in present. relation Weto a are colonial our past, imprint this is– thevery story much needs at the to heart be told of ifMāori understanding from both parties can take place in terms of the living realities of

today. In a similar vein, in order to appreciate the Kura Kaupapa Māori dynamic, necessary.a description Thus, of the the oppression thesis takes of the Māori following in the journeyNew Zealand in four education parts in ordersystem to is explore four research questions:

• What is the nature of the Marae curriculum?

• From where does the Marae curriculum derive?

• What are the effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum?

•

Whatpostcolonial are the worldimplications? for the education of Māori in a

Part 1 is entitled, The Journey that has Brought Us Here and is comprised of an

introduction and prologue – The Historical Journey. My worldview is described

member writtento firstly as provide autoethnography. a necessary Thepersonal prologue insight then as traverses a Māori, womanthe colonisation of

Māori and social control is identified as the purpose of the education of Māori. Part 2: The Research Process opens with Chapter 1, Literature Review which identifies the dearth of directly relevant material of this study of urban Marae.

While much of the theory drawn on is from formal, academic sources, where

possible, recognised Māori researchers and writers are sourced alongside material gathered directly fr

om the experience of Hoani Waititi whānau. A number of links are made that signify four initial research areas. Review of the literature around the Marae curriculum revealed themes of recognising the value of the culture to community members. Themes of intergenerational partnerships, community and individual strengths as the basis for initiatives development, and community involvement in developing and delivering the curriculum are detailed. The review also points towards an eclectic mix of humanistic curriculum and social reconstructionist curriculum approaches.

Indigenous community-based education models and onsite community projects are cited that draw upon Freirean themes where members become part of the creation of the education of the institution.

A review of the literature around curriculum derivations exposes themes of

resilience, survival and challenge, of journeying, settlement, and issues of

contrasted with whānau groupings:whakapapa whānau by kaupapa/family, alongside by purpose a positive identity of whānau by /family by genealogy beingcurriculum Māori, origin: and themes (refer glossary)of ‘how to aroha, be’. Ancient te reo, teachings mauri, mana, are unveiled wairua, kainga, for the wharekura, whenua, whanaungatanga, nga taonga tuku iho, ranga whatumanawa, hinengaro, tikanga, tapu, noa and turangawaewae as starting places.

The review of the literature around Marae curriculum outcomes identifies learners becoming strong in their cultural identity, identification as being M knowledge and understanding of tribal history, whakapapa and āori; tikanga ; access and participation as members on Marae;/genealogy and

/custom communication via Māori language.ership, Making and claim successful to iwi biculturalismgroups, hapū/sub is raised. tribe

Shapiro’sand whānau (2005b) as community themes of memb ‘moral expression, joyful celebration, the moments of soulful reflection’ are an inspirational source. Exploration into the literature of community capacity building raised themes of knowledge building, leadership, network building, valuing community and supporting information, and the role leaders of communities play in the facilitation of success.

The literature review around postcolonial consequences points to themes of ‘struggle without end’, ‘creative resistance’, and ‘opposition’ (Bahri, 1996, p.2). Lessening colonising attachments in pursuing indigenous knowledge(s) is raised along with possibilities of neo-colonisation, re-colonisation, or

combinations of both. Themes of political conscientisation, indigenous ways of knowing and being as opposed to poorly cloned copies from the ‘other’, and the relevance of postcolonial theory in espousing authentism are highlighted.

Hybridity and issues of resistance, power, commitment and enjoyment of life are discussed. Themes of shame, rage and anger accompany the belief that we the colonised are the ones to whom the deficit theory applies, together with themes of ‘the painful journey’ and denial. Validation of th notions of settled wairua , and also alienation and feelingse Māori of world, discomfort in

/spirit being termsthe review. of how Being Māori an are active perceived member by of other the community Māori as in a Māori,‘womb contribute to the grave’ to model of education emerged as a prominent literature review theme, and a key organising ideal at Hoani Waititi Marae.

Chapter 2, Research Methodology discusses how critical indigenous enquiry has fashioned the context of this ethnographic exploration of the curriculum of

Hoani Waititi Marae. As a form of performance ethnography, the study is

tikangaundertaken by this, guidelines insider Māori and et researcher in keeping with the

Appendix/custom A & B). A cultural authority,hics twoof kaupapa university Māori supervisors, research (referand three cultural and Marae based advisors form that provided direction. Grounded theory methods haveed assistedthe whānau in determining team how evidence was collected, analysed and represented in further sections of the thesis.

Part 3 The Curriculum, attends to four research questions. The first

captured in Chapter 3, Curriculum Definitions explores the question, what is the nature of the Marae curriculum? The anticolonial pursuits of Indigenous education are positioned within orientations that draw from humanism and social reconstructionism. Themes arose of a constructive view of self-worth, worth of our ethnic group, of upbringing, and of difference, the destructive

educationaleffects of racism, influences, isolation home and/or environment resistance, influences, and foreign influences cultural bydominance, others and influences by unawareness and cultural maintenance of family, restoration, and biculturalism are discussed.

Chapter 4, Identification of the Context explores the curriculum origins in investigating the research question, from where does the Marae curriculum derive? Via emergent first level themes that have evolved from the learning conversation model whakawhitiwhiti rua, in talking with poukorero, via literature review, and understandings as member, belief draws

Māori upon a frame of reference that is steeped in such values as tapu/sacredness, ihi/power, wehi/fear, mauri/life force, tikanga/customs, whanaungatanga/relationships,-determinatio manaakitanga/caring,n. These contribute to and a source tino to which rangatiratanga/self refer, from which curriculum programming is drawn by

Maraepoukōrero/participants curriculum designers and outside agency designers. Particular themes arose of specialised knowledge that is tipuna based, and specialised

6 /ancestor

in termsknowledge of conscientisation around colonisation. that which Themes is intangible of kaupapa and Māori aspects/Māori that purposeare negative are raised. Curriculum learning styles including preferred pedagogies on our urban Marae are detailed alongside themes of The Treaty of Waitangi, tika contrasted with tikanga and emotional values.

/correctness /custom Chapter 5, Our Urban Marae investigates in greater detail the effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum. Themes of sacrifice, choices in the world and for the kaupapa , mana , and ideas of empowerment, and loss of mana-alienation/purpose and challenge/prestige that is in the form of re-naming arose from pou and information gathering tools.

kōrero/participants Chapter 6, The Facilitation of Hoani Waititi Marae Curriculum explores the many

cultures of the Marae in uncovering the implications for the present wānanga/ ld. These implications arose from the informationeducation of asMāori being in the a postcolonial a wor contrasted with whakapapa daptation of Māori as kaupapa/purpose

/genealogy- , the restoration of Māori in terms of tino stoms, rangatiratanga/self determination, reo me ōna tikanga/language and cu recognitionand population in terms or ethnic of ownership, group, and not tāngata being whenua/people recognised and lackingof the land standing in

New Zealand society.

Part 4, Full Circle realises the views posited here. Chapter 7, The Conclusion

summarises this doctoral work and postulates some thoughts on this remarkable place – our urban Marae - Hoani Waititi.

The Site of Study - Hoani Waititi Marae

’ was coined by the late John Rangihau to describe

Marae‘The intangibles (Rangihau of, 1977 Māoriness, p.170). He defined Marae as the source of knowledge,

Westtraditions Auckland, and all New meaningful Zealand, things to Māori people. At Hoani Waititi Marae that in has arisen from the needs of itsMāori community.celebrate A panbeing-tribal, Māori ‘ in an urban site whenua proximity to a facilitytāngata that empowers

’/people of the place live in close its members by providing mātauranga Māori/Māori knowledge centred inwānanga/cultures the education system, and by and responding indeed society to the atperceiv large.ed high failure rate of Māori

At Hoani Waititi Marae knowledges and skills are acquired, the people gather, visitors are hosted, and the dead are mourned. The members are a

Thewhānau/family Marae is second despite homebeing and genealogically ‘touchstone’ to connected this closely to differentknit family iwi/people. now three generations old. By way of the al house, whare

whare tipuna/ancestrcentre, Kura Kaupapa kai/eating house, Kōhanga Reo/early childhood

Māori/Māori immersion school, kaumatua/eldersaspirations of the flats, people and area number addressed. of wānanga/cultures and offices, the 8

Viewpoint

The thesis has in the main, a Kura - strong viewpoint of the

/school wānanga/cultures discussed and studied upon thewho Marae. were teachersThis has, occurredand another due whoto the was influence a student, of two the poukōreroinfluence of/participants the writer being an inside member employed in the Kura, also bringing the experience of twenty-five years in education teaching and management, advisory service, teacher training, curriculum unit development, resource development, ministerial writing and various other roles mainstream, multicultural and kaupapa purpose. This lends itself towards a heavy weighting of associatedMāori/Māori concepts of ‘schooling’.

Usage

Te Reo Māori / Māori Language

Translationspreference alleviates of the Māori the reader’s language need occur to asflip the pages necessity back andarises forth in thefrom text. the This glossary to the text (detracting from the purpose), although a glossary is also

interruptedprovided for by use translation. with quotes Translations of poukōrero/participants as these are not

are recordedTranslation Māori is provided followed upon by theEnglish, first occurrenceand are separated of words by in the a paragraphnotation /.. The same word may be translated

within a range of definitions. Appropriate meanings can be determined contextually. Iwi for example has been translated in some instances as tribal groups and as people in other contexts.

ori language is kept whole and is not connected with English. Therefore

MāHyphen (-) is used to maintain sense for example: ‘This attitude affects the kura-s ability to maintain roll number.’

Layerings

Discussions as ‘layerings’ occur through out the thesis alongside the reappearance of themes evolved from grounded theory. As Smith notes:

This involves revisiting a line of argument regularly and adding

additional information and layers of argument. In this way, the orator

may digress often, and make subsidiary arguments, and then return to

add more to the principal arguments. Often the same issue is represented

from a totally different perspective. Many lines of argument may extend

over many hui, and many years – as different people contribute to the debate

or discussion. Within the cultural context of the Marae, arguments do not

have to be completed or ‘rounded off’ – they can be left ‘hanging’ for others

to pick up and contribute to (Smith, G. 1997, p.50).

While Smith refers to layerings in spoken language, they are represented in the written form as is the medium of the thesis. Layered themes such as the

theestablishment curriculum of works Kura ofKaupapa a significant Māori elder as it andarose leader out of of Hoani the Marae Waititi Marae,

10 Pāpā Pita

Sharples as requirements of the time, and decolonial praxis1 are examples, and are revis pedagogicalited statements in context ofor Marae epistemological whānau/family reference discussions, for instance. historical Themes timeline, of

whanaungatanga/relationships, ywhānau genealogy by kaupapa/family have particularly by evolved purpose as versus central whānau by whakapapa/family b theunderpinnings. whakapapa As layerings, of they the thesis are the itself, connectivity, the layerings the tātai/bloodline. are verification Asof their salience. That/genealogy these themes reoccur across chapters in varying ways then, in a similar vein to Russell Bishop’s (1999, p.65) ‘spiral discourse’, is not error

norand illfixed prepared, connectivity rather to it theis evidence point of beingof urban steadfast. tūrangawaewae/standing An example can be foundplace

in the concept ‘whānau by kaupapa/family by purpose’ a central underpinning that evolved from the desires of urban Māori to build a place to gathernt and of the

Marae.practice This tikanga/custom, relationship constructand from thespirals establishment throughout and the developmethesis topics, not only as discourse added to the previous discourse of others (Bishop, 2003), but also as an underpinning that grounds discussions and evolves through topics of discussion intersecting similar references by other poukorero. kaupapa has become the perspective from which imminent discourseWhānau is by engaged.

Layering as a methodology is created in the learning conversation approach

Whakawhitiwhiti Rua (refer chapter 2 Methodology). Talk is gathered in an exposure then returned to in further conversation refocus as salient aspects are identified. Refocus searches in a second layer to gather further information, to clarify or to confirm the development of ideas. At a third stage the

ectly involved in naming emergent themes as a processpoukōrero of /participantcapture- to clearly is dir identify the essence of the conversation and correctness of the researcher’s interpretation. Thus, as an application of layering, the development of thoughts is revisited and the theme identified by the participant to improve accuracy and authenticity.

Historical layering reoccurs as references to history and people are applied as

necessaryof people, speakerscultural practice. on the Marae Before (and addressing elsewhere) the kaupapa/purposefirstly acknowledge of those gatherings who have contributed to the purpose of the gathering; both the dead and the living. Speakers then locate themselves in the history of the world; a touchstone to tribalism and identity. This referencing of the self (refer Chapter 3 pepeha) is a cultural construct integral to communication. The scope of deliberations is set and discussions are able to take place. The thesis acknowledges these Te Ao approach identified clearly Māori/Māoriin Chapter 5 Ourworld Urban fundamentals Marae, where and thepractices historical the development and organisation of Hoani Waititi Marae and acknowledgement of those who participated in this growth precedes the discussion centred upon the

effects and/or outcomes of the Marae curriculum. And, layering is inherent and applied in praxis as the essential reflective

journeying. Each reflective consideration potentially layers the original practice, form, idea or action. The essence is maintained but is ‘metamorphosized’ in its development and thus layered. Praxis is the neo-cultural characteristic of the indigene-the automatic response adopted alongside postcolonial residue, that one

‘checks oneself’ perhaps more from insecurity than good practice. It is via this constant reflective practice that layering gathers momentum-for each turn, a layer.

Layerings are confirmed via poukōrero/participants and participant observations.

Some layerings form as threads, which intertwined across chapters, and research questions should not be interpreted en masse as a conglomerate or as repetitive.

The western world gives great credence to the magnificence of the waltz which depends on the 3rd beat of every bar as a structural necessity of the music.

Layering, this indigenous writer likens to that 3rd beat of the bar, for it is the primeval beat that the indigenous writer taps her foot to as she binds as if sewing, over repetitive steps of poutama/ knowledge stratification, the rising ladder in gradients embarking on a journey, transgressing time and space. The academy maintain a writer’s lore that an issue, a theme, or argument is presented only once, developed, tested and substantiated in steps applied by the academy’s logic; for the academy owns the world, and in it the logic to which the drum beats – What if our drum beats differently? Repetitively? ‘One, two, three – confirmed, one, two three. ’ Look here to our cultural constructs, art works, or to our moko/tattoo – their patterns. Should we stop at the first symbol? Are we

allowed a line of five? Are we allowed a line of ten? How many? Let us write with our cultural layerings, they are the third beat of our bar. Let us be who we are.

I was born Jacqueline Anne Laughton, in Pakipaki, Hastings. My mother roused from my birth to be told of President Kennedy’s assassination in the United States of America. My parents Jim and Tere were going to christen me the fifth child of six, ‘Kennedy’ in his memory, but at the last minute dad decided he didn’t like that name for a girl, and so I wore his wife’s name instead.

Dad was principal at Pakipaki Primary School which is why we lived there and pretty much everywhere we went, as we stayed in school houses while our parents saved the money to buy a Māori Affairs home in Henderson, West Auckland.

We shifted to Auckland and I grew up on Mount Wellington with my brother and sisters. Dad was principal of the Mt Wellington Residential School for the

Emotionally Disturbed, and mum was matron. In retrospect, until eight, when we moved off the mountain the things I knew and remember were traumatised children, animals and the bush. While we lived on the mountain we had to go to school of course. We walked from Morrin Road to the primary school, some 3km away which at five years old ‘back in the day’ was nothing.

The contradiction of being wild in the bush of the mountain and tied up in the

strangeness at school didn’t agree with me so I constantly ran away. I jumped out the window and took off. I didn’t wait for friends or my sisters; I did this on my own at five years of age, miles from home. Before I fell two storeys onto concrete and lost my sense of orientation and part of my sight at an early age, I would run away from school in the morning and roam around Tāmaki. It has amazed me how it went on for so long before my parents found out. I would walk along the beach by the Tāmaki football club and collect cockle shells, wander around the shops, especially outside McKenzie’s (for some reason), go down the street where I had ballet lessons and where a lady used to sunbathe naked on a veranda

(bloody pākehā-s) and generally poke around people’s places. I never stole anything or got into trouble. Then I’d head back to school and go home with everyone like I’d been at school all day. Sometimes I would get the time wrong and my sister would come looking for me. These weren’t particularly good days. Other times I just went home and hid in the giant magnolias that grew beyond the driveway. I’d climb up into the huge branches. The girth of their limbs was wider than me, and I’d stay there until the end of the day. I thought of the giant trees as true friends and used to tell mum how I talked to them. I’m sure she thought I was nuts and later she put it down to the fall I had off the roof, and the weeks I’d spent in a coma in hospital.

I tell the kids at Waititi kura/school where I now work how I was locked in the pie room in my early years of school. I can’t remember what for. Probably for trying to

run away, back to the mountain. So I tried to eat every pie in the pie warmer and they WERE GOOD. It helped that I loved pies as all kids did. And we never got to have pies, not like pākehā/non-Māori kids did. And here were HEAPS OF PIES –

WARM PIES, pies ready for eating. I ate so many that I got sick and I couldn’t finish them, so for the ones that I couldn’t finish, I took a bite out of them. I’m not sure if I finished the job or not because when the door to the pie room was unlocked…I saw my chance and took off, and ran home of course… To this day I love pies. There is still a wero/challenge in me whenever I eat one. When I talk to the kura/school kids about this incident and life for Māori kids then, I ask them why the school never told my parents that I did this terrible thing, that I ate the pies that belonged to the other children. And it doesn’t take them long to figure the violation of being locked in the pie room; the questionable circumstances surrounding a child so unhappy at school. My parents were never told. I declared it thinking they knew.

Before I get back to the story of my childhood, where I hated most days of school and was strapped seven times before standard two and that was at the school I liked, Kura Kaupapa Māori is a turnaround for our children (as it was established to be). The tamariki race down to class and enjoy their English day of the week.

Once after a weekend trip back from Tuhoe my wagon was covered in mud. Kura kids wrote graffiti across the back window that read, “Kei te pai koe/you are good” a far cry from the graffiti on mainstream school desks or the descriptive

messages of my own era. However, back to the story…

My sister and I made a pet cemetery in a particular place on the mountain. She used to drive around on her bike which had a saddle attached to the back. After the spring storms, a large number of nests would litter the ground filled with squawking baby birds. We would go on rescue missions using her bike as ‘the ambulance’. The kitchen stove would be lined with boxes filled with swollen babies that ultimately died. We would hold services, make crosses for each and every being of God (after entering their souls into heaven) and bury them in our cemetery. We had every kind of animal imaginable on the mountain and they all ended up as pets. We adopted Uncle Ralph Hotere’s goat Elizabeth. He couldn’t take her with him to his new place in Laingholm, so she was tied to one of the big fig trees. She had large, ribbed horns and she didn’t really like us. I always thought she had the eyes of the devil, so we didn’t get many figs, not that I liked them much.

We had a kingfisher - Nicky-Du, a white ferret – Minky, a dog – Buffy who had heaps of pups on and off, tonnes of rabbits in a run, and ducks. The cook had cats, one three-legged black beauty named ‘Blacky’ (of course) and an assortment of another three or four favourite’s that she had tamed. She fed them from the back of the kitchen, their job being to keep down the rat population, but mostly my brother shot cats because they came close to the house wild and diseased. There were rats, but he shot and trapped the rats and opossums. We would net tadpoles and put them in one of the cattle water troughs with chicken wire cover and watch

them metamorphosise, and we raised skinks that we caught in the basin of the crater. We would create terrariums for them and feed them honey. Living on a mountain, away from everyday life and people in the middle of Auckland City seems surreal and it was. In many ways it was almost Cajun-like, with a kind of hillbilly after glow. Kids who knew us from school back then thought of us like that. To me it was very, very cool and I would not replace it for anything. We grew up knowing the value of life and the life cycles of the creatures of the world. My brother trapped opossums, skinned, stretched and salted them. He made hats and mittens and things because an animal that was a pest in the environment had other purposes. Fires were made in the bush, billy tea boiled in old tins with wire handles, huts built, tunnels dug out under the mountain, and caves discovered. I did most of this on my own because the others were at school and once they were home I followed my brother through the bush stalking him, believing I was an

Indian tracker. Interesting how only some of us Māori kids likened to the indigenous brothers of the Cowboys v Indians type epics of our era. Temuera

Morrison (Little, 2009) expresses this in his biography, again preferring the stance of the Indian who was the underdog type character. Anyway, in the defence this time of the rabbit, I would trigger my brother’s traps once he’d set them, releasing them with sticks so they caught no critters. My older sisters were interested in boys and music. The bush wasn’t their scene.

The kids that were put on the mountain for my parents and the staff to look after

were broken. They had had terrible things done to them, seen terrible things, or lost their families to unspeakable violence. They were all the product of brutalities that society never heard about; the papers never heard about, no-one heard about

- just us. Mum played guitar and so as one of her ways of dealing with children who suffer trauma silence, and being Māori (and raised on the East Coast) in the evening, once a week she would have a sing along. There was a large winding stairwell at Mt Wellington Residential School for the Emotionally Disturbed and the kids of the school, maybe twenty, us kids, mum, dad, and two other night staff would sit up and down the stairs around the guitar. I still remember heaps of the songs, and the kids who ranged in age from about five to teenagers, had their favourites that they brought. Mum was a true Coasty and could play just about anything. For those kids who did have a voice many of their songs were laments.

One girl Helen was a large, red-headed pākehā kid; actually they were all pākehā kids. I held no malice that they were white New Zealanders. I was just a kid.

Anyway, there was no room for bad feelings that Maori were not catered for, not when dealing with broken people. For whatever reason, back then, Māori were not considered worthy of rescuing by the system, or we didn’t need to be rescued because our own whānau/family resources were active, or our trauma’s went undetected by mainstream society, who knows which or of which combination?

Anyway, Helen would sing her song and mum would play. It is still remembered by us Laughton kids, and probably all the residential kids who were there at the time.

I was about three years old when we went to Mt Wellington and eight when we

left. I cried when she sang it.

All I want for Christmas is my mummy; give those toys to other little girls

All I want for Christmas is my mummy; give those toys to other boys and girls…

(Helen. H)

The crying that I learned to cry here at the residential school is a necessary sort of cry. It is a particular personal, solitary cry of deep seated turmoil or anguish and it is a rain. It pours forth, steady but makes no sound. The eyes do not need to squint or blink, it washes and rinses. It runs out of your eyes and doesn’t disturb anyone.

It doesn’t even disturb you. No one would know you were crying unless they were watching you. When remembering the children on the mountain, in a cleansing, I could still cry about it now. The pain of others especially the pain of children, and perhaps, the particular sharing from child to child is a unique, organic thing. And, it is something large trees understand.

Mum as matron had little archaeological digs around the area where my sister and I had our pet cemetery. She had the students of the residential school excavating for relics after a land slide of scoria threw up some remnants of past life. Unfortunately their educational digs also exposed remnants of past death.

They discovered bones, human bones, and eventually they realised that the site had once been an urupā/cemetery or a place of battle. And so, Auckland museum, local iwi/people… the rest is history. It is interesting that we marked out our place

of death here; we had a whole mountain - two little kids; yet we held our childish services there, innocent in the face of God. Even after we found out about the site, we were not afraid; instead I have always felt the opposite: cared for and somehow looked after. In later years, both my sister and I have returned in troubled times to this mountain separately, independently. It holds some kind of guardianship for us both although we have not spoken of it. In reading the autobiographies and biographies of others, such as Temuera Morrison, Issac

Tuhoe, and Hana O’Regan in her identity shaping context (Isaac & Haami, 2007;

Little, 2009, O’Regan, 2001) our childhood impacts are truly lifelong impacts, and this period of my life; only five years, has been the most vital in terms of being:

Māori

Woman

Educator

Mother

Our house at Edmonton Road in West Auckland had been our family home in and out of dad’s principalships, including our years on the mountain. Richmond Road

School settled him in for his last long stint. We schooled at Henderson Primary where most things were Dalmatian. We danced the Kola to the piano accordion, and a grape leaf sat over the school crest. We learned very little of our indigenous culture, despite the growing efforts of those then fundraising for Hoani Waititi

Marae. Our Yugoslavian brothers were very cool brothers growing up. I recall no

unpleasant experiences, nothing racial whatsoever. My memories are of a family orientated people, similar to us. I do not intend to remove from them their

Yugoslav-ness, it is the fact that we had no access to our Māori-ness. Henderson

Intermediate and Waitakere College were not that different, the college did have a kapa haka/performance arts group led by a non-Māori tutor.

At Auckland Teacher’s Training College the late Pāpā Tarutaru Rankin of Ngāpuhi bestowed upon us the type of guardianship that had many of the next generation believing they were the next leaders. At the 25th anniversary celebration many speakers of my generation echoed this; that they were hand picked by Pāpā

Taru, chosen for their particular ability (whatever that was). Pāpā had the knack, charm, toothy grin and deliverance to tell people what they wanted to hear…he chuckled when he poked the fire while binding my foot in flax in Kawerua,

Northland one winter “people will always listen to what they want to hear”.

I am only raising some very obvious notions in relation to Pāpā, albeit, he was a tohunga/priest and Ngāpuhi/Northland tribe rangatira/chief in bloodline right.

He talked much about the characteristics of our tipuna/ancestor Maui. Maui is commonly portrayed cross tribally as a demi-God, a trickster type character.

Pāpā-s discussions were of a much deeper level than the norm; past the regular naughty spirit personification. Pāpā chose the name ‘Tūtahi Tonu’ that I offered for the house. It was not, in my belief for one linear reason, as Pāpā was multi- dimensional in making even the smallest of decisions. ‘Tūtahi Tonu’ as concept is

encapsulated in the name – ‘stand always as one’ and Taru was a stalwart of

Ngāpuhi a many headed iwi.

Fig 1: Centre Sitting (beside Matiu Anderson) - Tarutaru Rankin at the Opening

of Hoani Waititi Marae

Over the years people have asked me for an explanation – the late Pāpā Huri

Callaghan was the first making the approach at the Māori Education Development

Hui (1984) Tūrangawaewae. Tūtahi Tonu has no less potency twenty-five years later. Our climate: political, and economic, is otherwise unchanged. The world: our treaty partner, indigenous claims, poverty realities, state dependency, our struggle is just as potentially fatal as it ever was, and the necessity to stand always as one is the pinnacle of our strength, the nub of our very survival. Pāpā Taru was past the here-and-now and far beyond our ability to recognise the lessons. We students were too small to understand him or his greatness and we still are.

The Auckland Anglican Māori Club is the kind of urban kapa haka/performance arts group where every member finds a family and home. Chaperoned by a host of aunts and uncles connected by whakapapa/genealogy and marriage through the late Sir Kingi Ihaka and his late wife Manu, son Tom and wife Ngarangi continue to maintain the group with tutorship from the Tapene whānau (of the late Ann

Tapene-Nana Mum), and its many founding members who remain loyal to the club and the Auckland and National kapa haka scene by way of judging competitions, committee representation and so forth. The Auckland city kapa haka groups are central focal points where urban Māori of adult age and those taking their children, can connect with other Māori, be exposed to te reo/language, tikanga/custom, whanaungatanga/relationships and generally unite within the world of Māori particularly if the rest of their weekly life in the city is devoid of

Māori-ness. Groups have realistic expectations of members, wanting only to be inclusive and embracing of those looking for a whānau network.

Kia hiwa ra, tatou nga iwi Let the people be well alert

Whaia te mana Pursue the integrity

A nga tupuna Bequeathed from the ancestors

Ehara taku toa My valour is not

I te toa takitahi that of a single warrior

Engari takimano but of the many collective forces

No aku tupuna Which derive from our ancestors

I pepehatia It was a common saying

E aku matua by my forebears and 24

I tohea ai hei koha ra handed down from those times

Ehara taku toa My valour is not

I te toa takitahi that of a single warrior

Engari takimano but of the many collective forces

No aku tupuna Which derive from our ancestors

ub).

(Ta Kingi Ihaka, Auckland Anglican Māori Cl

The ‘Angies’ are a stylish, knowledgeable, kind and limitlessly loving whānau, but then, I am sure all kapa haka members feel similarly about their group. In recounting the ethics of the Angies, what remains particularly true is that kaupapa/purpose, tikanga/custom, whanaungatanga/relationships and other values and constructs dear to Māori were rarely raised or discussed by the group members - they were practised and lived. They were a way of life guided by quite strict codes of practice around, if we turn to the waiata/song, ‘E toru ngā mea’ three great things that keep us steady: hope, truth and the greatest of these - love.

While sounding a little trite in translation - the code of ethics of the Auckland

Anglican Māori Club is strictly upheld and these church disciplines were interwoven and inseparable with tikanga. Relationships particularly those cemented by marriage or long term were tapu/sacred, children in every sense were safely raised, as were women and mothers, the family was a protected, guarded unit of the hapū/sub-tribe, and in many ways the club was a miniature hapū in itself. The whānau were and are committed to living lives of purpose with

direction. We were surrounded by a large number of well-versed elders and leaders. I learned to understand being Māori on the stage for twenty minutes, and being Māori. They were not different domains.

And lastly, as member of Waititi whānau - from Te Whare Tu Taua to staff member of Te Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae, being member unfolds in amongst the stories of others and the thirty year history of this, our urban

Marae in the following chapters.

These pieces are contributors that form the lenses through which the kaleidoscope is viewed. The ethnography is informed and supported by the writer’s perspective: of being Māori, of being woman, of being an educator, and of being a Mother. This is the explanation of the autoethnograhical thoughts of the writer, the self- reflexive voice of the ‘insider’ observer/researcher of this cultural milieu.

Ethnographic truth has come to be seen as a thing of many parts, and no one

perspective can claim exclusive privilege in the representation thereof. Indeed

the result of ethnographic research ‘is never reducible to a form of knowledge

that can be packaged in the monologic voice of the ethnographer alone’ (Marcus,

1997, p.92, as cited in Angrosino, 2005, p.731).

Prologue - The Historical Journey

Titiro, titiro, Look, look,

Whakarongo, whakarongo, Listen, listen,

Maranga ki runga rukea te he, Hush all murmurs of discontent, 26

Let the rays of wisdom be your mantle

Kia whiti iho ki a koe nga hihi o te ao Mārama, Te ihi, te mana, te tapu. Especially the ihi, the mana, and the

tapu.

Whina Cooper, Te Rarawa (King, 1987, p.71).

Fig 2: Pita Sharples, the late Whina Cooper and her mokopuna/grandchild.

The assimilation

Zealand educationalof Māori history. into Much white of settler the recorded culture history is a central of New feature Zealand of New education has been the result of underlying ideologies and philosophies surrounding faith in a system that supposedly contributed to the greater good of all New Zealanders (Butchers, 1932). It was via education that somehow improvements on our past would steer us towards a form of racial blending and co-operation, an egalitarian accomplishment achieved by mass schooling.

Upon pākehā arrival, the Māori population ofer 100,000 & McConnochie, was mostly 1985). clustered The first in the top half of Aotearoa/New Zealand (Hark theexposure first of of whic pākehāh opened learning 1816 institutions at Rangihoua, was anin theoutcome form ofof ‘mission’the then governorschools,

(Sharples,who afforded 1992a; subsidies Simon, to 2000). the missionaries to fund schools for Māori children

Using the Māori language for instruction, the missionaries upheld the Bible as world,the word including of God andits unique the vehicle technologies. for Māori By to 1830, the knowledge the Bible hadbase been of the translated, pākehā

Christianitythe missionaries and lworkediteracy and their numeracy own printing advanced press hand and Māori-in-hand adoption as of

communication and trade between pākehā and Māori increased (Pere, 1994). populationThe pākehā had population increased at tothis 2000 time (Rosenblatt, was 300. Ten 2003, years p.15 later in 1840, their such numbers that they created their own communities rather7). Pākehā than being arrived in

scattered amongst the Māori population.

The Treaty of Waitangi was signed in 1840 between the British Crown and 538

chiefly

66,400,000rangatira/ acres leadersof land (Brookingof Māori iwi & Cheyne,at a time as when cited Māori in O’Regan, had custody 2001, of

Rimene, Hassan & Broughton, 1999). While the intent of the Treaty signing may have meant different things to these parties (( dominantly

28 Māori signed pre

due to concerns with the lawlessness of the pākehā (Mutu, 2010)), our colonial forhistory the ensuinghas exposed British a necessity colony. to provide access and ownership of Māori land

In the period of the signing of The Treaty of Waitangi

-90,000 to 2,000 (Mutu, 2010, p. 113)., Māori In 1852 outnumbered the Crown grantedpākehā by authority 70,000 to the settlers to control the governance of New Zealand.

CMāoriheyne, land as citedownership in O’Regan, was now 2001, reduced Ihug, 2007) to 34, almost000,000 half acres; had (Brookingbeen lost by & the

Land Claims Ordinance as lands not occupied or utilised now belonged to the crown, or by private sale. Durie (1998, p.21) claimedby Māorithat to , thinking on land ownership and ‘sale’ (was) far removed from that Māoriof the

, in that the passing of land intended to form a lasting relationship pākehā wherebynot focused pākehā on land would at all, ‘live’ but on rather the land, on procuring not ‘own’ a the relationship land; the purposewith the beingnew friends.

Land Courts were established alongside the value of ‘individualised ownership’ in schools (Smith, 1999, p. 68-69). By 1858 there were 59,000 migrant visitors.

had fallen to 40,000. By 1861, the settler population was

99,000The Māori and population its dominance remains (Rosenblatt, 2003, p.157). owned 21,400,000 acres of land; less than a third of the land. TheBy 1860 land Māori wars instigated by the Crown continued until 1872. Over three million acres were confiscated for the war (Brooking & Cheyne, as cited in O’Regan, 2001,

Ihug, 2007). In 1863 the Suppression of Rebellion Act and the Land Settlement

Act allowed the settlers to confiscate large areas of Māori land for theirelectorates own use. alsoThe nationaloccurred education in this turbulent system period.and the In establishment 1867 Native Schoolsof the Māori were created and administered by the Department of Native Affairs until the Department of

Education was established in 1879. The Native Schools were run separately from the state system and continued in practice until it was believed that colonisation and assimilation was complete. It was also a much tidier and cost effective practice than warfare (Harker & McConnochie, 1985). proved to be skilled at warfare (Māori had

). In 1880, the Māori Prisoners Act was topassed having allowing lands confiscated Māori to be (Temm, incarcerated 1990). in And retaliation by 1891, for only adopting 11,079,486; resistance acres; one s

Ihug, ixth2007). of MāoriIn 1893 land the remained Native Land (Brooking Acquisition & Cheyne, and Settlement as cited in Act O’Regan, was passed 2001, to allow the Governor to seize any native land, whether or not the owners agreed to the sale (Temm, 1990). And, b forbidden in schools (Barrington, 1970, ycited 1903, in theHarker Māori & McConnochie,language was 1985, p.

94).

The Tohunga Suppression Act of 1907 was enforced to outlaw the guardians of

tohunga methodsmātauranga of knowledge Māori/Māori and knowledge, health practice (Durie,/practitioners 1998). For andfifty Māori years

thethereabouts, people in Māoritraditional were formsnot allowed or the topractitioner gather and may practice be imprisoned healing or for care up of to a year.

The Act forced Māori to alongside the spiritual faith of ministers and churches, abandon the physical healing practices of tohunga for pakeha doctors and hospitals without knowledge, consideration or choice. It is singularly the most demonstrative act of the Crown since the arrival…

Low interest loans were created for arriving settlers, land councils were established to better were ended because they slowed controlland purchases. Māori land In 1911and Native only 7 Councils remained and by 1920 only 4,787,686 acres, so little,137,205 that an economic acres of Māori base land could not be sustained. (Brooking & Cheyne, as cited in O’Regan, 2001, Ihug,

2007).

During the Great Depression in 1935 when the first Labour Government was elected in New Zealand,

servicemen returningMāori represented from World 40%War Oneof unemployed received no (Simon, benefits

2000). Māori were allowed received

(Ihug,and Māori 2007). half the unemployment benefit that pākehā

I -1950s that the curriculum of schoolst became was obvious to prepare to Māori youth parents as slave by labour the mid (Simon, 2000). The assimilation policy (for the purposes of social control, for the acquisition of lands, and the creation of a labouring class for the colonists) was not achieving socio-economic

improvements for Māori people. Urban migration increased as Māori relocated

Affairsto cities Act in searchof 1953 of that work declare and education. This intensified due to The Māori

d Māori land not in use as waste land. Land was 31

taken by the government while the Town and Country Planning Act in effect

preventedthe cities as Māori a consequence from building (Ihug, on 2007). land. Many left their lands and migrated to

The Report of the Department of Māori Affairs (1961) by J.K. Hunn (Metge,

1990), which became infamously known as ‘The Hunn Report’ saw the

alsoassimilation lost much policy faith abandoned in the mission and scho replacedols by by the integration 1960s (Simon, policy. 2000). Māori In had 1962,

The Currie Report sanctioned the education system, claiming that the state was benevolent to disadvantaged groups: rural communities, new dormitory suburbs, physically and intellectually handicapped, and the M

In the 1960s- āori people.

1970s a Māori renaissance grew whereby new political expressions by Māori found entry into mainstream New Zealand politics

Cheyne,(Taiepa, as1998). cited By in 1975O’Regan Māori, 2001, owned Ihug, land 2007). was 3,000,000 acres (Brooking &

1975 has been termed the decolonisation era and the period of the cultural

becamerenaissance. paramount In 1975 in the the Waitangi 1970s and Tribunal 1980s, was such established. as the land Māorimarch activism of 1975, the gaining in profile of the activist group Ngā Tamatoa2, -s occupation of Bastion Point in 1978, closely followed byNgāti the WhatuaRaglan Golf Course in 1979, and the Springbok tour of 1981 (Gagne, 2004).

In the 1980s more discourse on education than in any other period centred upon the inequitable treatment of women, the poverty stricken, minority ethnic groups (Walker, 1973; Nash, 1983; Smith, L, 1986:Māori Smith, and G.

1986). By 1981, The first Te Kohanga Reo opened, Te Atakura guage teachers were trained to increase fluent speakers in secondaryMāori schools lan and

Kaiarahi Reo was written (Metge,for the primary1990). B service,ilingual andoptions the firstand thedraft multicultural Māori Language era was Syllabus further empowered by the pluralism debate.

An education reform process began with the Labour Government’s administrative design in 1984 and continued until 1999 (Roberts, 2003). The opposition, upon gaining power began implementing the new-right ideology as enterprise culture. The State Services Commission supported this by aligning education with other state services (Peters, Marshall & Massey, 1994).

(By 1989, these changes eventuated in the Education Act, the Education

Amendment Act (1990), and a further four more Amendments in 1991).

In 1985 the Māori language became protected under the Treaty of Waitangi, and the first Whare Wananga opened- Te Whare Wānanga o Raukawa. In 1987

stablished the

Māori was officially recognised in the Māori Language Act which e

Māori Language Commission (Human Rights Commission, 2006). In 1989, the reforms of Schools for Tomorrow became effective in New

Zealand schools. Tomorrow’s Schools (Department of Education, 1988) aimed democratically to decentralize the bureaucracy and shift power from the centre and Education Boards to facilitate community participation via Boards of

Trustees (Hughes, 2006; Roberts, 2003). Although it has been claimed that the reforms created elite schools, rather than pursued equity (Bell and

Carpenter,1994). Tomorrow’s Schools became the opportunity to

For Māori, the legitimise effects such as later Te Aho Matua3, and to

Kura Kaupapa Māori and betterself- facilitate the mātauranga Māori/Māoriingual options knowledge and total curriculum immersion present in programmesestablished existing Māori since schools, the bil1970s (Pere, 1994), and as a response to mainstream schools in the mid-1980s, that were not catering for the influx of

graduating Te Kōhanga Reo students. In the 1990s the state’s policies began to be monitored by the Education Review

population.Office that attempted The Mixed to Member dismantle Proportional and/or discredit system schools (MMP) with was adopteda high Māori for the first time in 1993, cited by Rodolfo Stavenhagen, special rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous peoples

(United Nations, 2006, p.7) ‘the MMP system…should continue governing the

ment and guaranteeelectoral process democratic in the pluralism’. country to ensure a solid Māori voice in Parlia

1994 saw the publishing of the Todd Report and the Lough Report, and Interim

Reports of the Māori Affairs Select Committee followed in 1995.

Penetito (2005, p.44) provides a breakdown of the history of socio-cultural

Table 1).

control in Māori education between 1816 and 1990 (refer Table 1: Penetito, W.T. (2005, p.45), History of socio-cultural control in Māori education 1816-1990,

In A Sociology of Māori education – Beyond mediating structures.

Period Ideology Knowledge Emphasis 1816-1860 Civilising mission reo Literacy, biblical, religious conversion, Māori 1860-1880 Pacification, formal schooling Knowledge as universal, secular, scientific, move to English 1880-1930 Assimilation, universal Agriculture, English increased, industrial, schooling formal, academic 1930-1960 Cultural adaptation Practical, functional (rural), local, manual training, domestic science 1960-1970 Literacy, numeracy, English language emphasis disadvantage Integration, Māori 1970-1980 Basic te reo for everybody, general knowledge education Taha Māori, bilingual 1980-1990 Bilingual education, kaupapa of mātauranga Māori

Māori language for all; mātauranga Māori for

Māori. Māori

A possible extension of the timeline from 1990 to 2010 is offered as follows:

1990-2000 Kura Kaupap - tino extension to Wharekura rangatiratanga and National Assessment. a Māoriational and Mātauranga Māori for Māori Certificate in Educational AKaupapachievement Māori. (NCEA) N for both

Mainstream Education. Māori education and 2000-2010 - Awanuiarangi and Aotearoa (Recognised in statuteWānanga 1990, with capital Mātauranga Māori for all. Greater emphasis on support from Crown since Māori model institutions. 19994)

Penetito’s socio-cultural historical view claims that social control has been at

the core and true purpose of the education of Māori. Change is evident from assimilative colonial strategies to a revitalisation period by Māori (as initiatives andsuch driven). as Kura Kaupapa Māori and Wharekura Kaupapa Māori are Māori sourced

This millennium sees the stabilising of K y 2005

aupapa Māori initiatives. B thereabouts 6 per cent of land remains in Māori ownershipraining, professional (United Nations, development2006)…Improvements of practitioners, in Kaupapa resources Māori and teacher assessment t procedures are examples. In the mainstream, emphasis has been given to improving the teaching Kotahitanga professional developmenabilityt as ofexample. teachers of Māori children via

This initial preamble has sought to outline the historical underpinnings that have regularly, strategically and purposefully arisen in the struggle Māori are engaged in. It has been asked of us why we cannot speak about present day issues without the necessity to look back - for Māori of course look forward? Linda Smith has put this better than I, but in my meagre words - we are the past. Our indigeneity is historically defined. As the other, do not presume that your cultural and or academy definition of what counts is what counts, because, quite simply - it isn’t.

1 Praxis: Derives from Greek and the theories of Aristotle. Aristotle claimed there were three basic activities of man, theoria, poiesis and praxis. 2 Nga Tamatoa – 1970s coalition of Māori university and Teacher’s College students who were proactive in advancing Māori issues. 3 Refer references for official government online version. 4 Following a Waitangi Tribunal claim (United Nations, 2006, p.16).

Part 2

The Research Process

xxxvii

Chapter 1

Literature Review

1.1 Preamble

While a broad search of extant literature revealed a general paucity of directly relevant material, a number of connections were illuminated around questions that surfaced from the curriculum of the Auckland Urban Marae, Hoani Waititi.

Following my own experiences and unde reference to what surfaced in the literature,rstandings the area of of Kaupapa urban Marae Māori curriculum and in emerged to include:

 Marae curriculum

 Curriculum derivations

 Marae curriculum outcomes

 Postcolonial consequences

The following literature review is from what is generally available in the academic world5. Exceptional contributions have been made, and continue to be

by Professor Graham Smith, staff and students made in Kaupapa Māori research and the other tribal universities; ofhowever Te Whare access Wānanga to material o Awanuiarangi, is not readily possible to secure. It was not always available. While a small amount of literature more directly related was gathered via Hoani Waititi Marae, and friends and associates of the Marae, these theses

and papers were sometimes the work of non- cite and rely heavily upon New Zealand mainstreamMāori researchers white who tended to

historians/anthropologists/sociologists, or seek out exceptional not society and present thesetheory/observations/nuances as a ‘new angle’, or a ‘new discovery’characteristic. Our nation’s of Māori white historians, anthropologists and sociologists worlds’ and New Zealand society.made Some contributions of these researchers to the Māori of the ‘figured early 1900s included known authorities such as Percy Smith, Sir George Grey, and Elsdon

Best. However, Michael King (1994, p.141) states that Percy Smith and Elsdon

Best fashioned, ‘fragments of tribal traditions from different places and sought to weave them into a single Western-style chronological history’. Smith invented a dark pre- as the Moriori, and Best contrived the idea of ‘The Great Fleet’,Māori a mass race knownmigration to account for our arrival. Ani

Mikaere (1995, p.71) argues that Smith an cosmology, ‘has been insidious, its long-termd Bests’ effects colonisation devastating’ of . Māori As

areWalter the Penetitoones who (2005, do most p.101) of the has research said, ‘up and to nowproduce they most (pākehā of the researchers) literature’.

Having said this, it is vitally important to continue to seek the insider, authentic voice for consideration (as I believe Penetito would as vehemently agree).

Graham Smith (1997, p.24 & 31) shared in discussing his work 1) the need to

‘declare the link between ‘personal’ struggle and a wider ‘collective’ struggle and how this informs the researcher and the audience and 2) the need to

‘model’ in practice what is argued for, in relation to organic intellectuals; both being positions that situate authentism as a vital ingredient.

This exploration of the literature seeks no authority beyond that of its people,

-history, socialthe Māori order, people(s) custom, in values the first and instance so forth and and, on it doesthe subject not seek of Māoriout the exceptional in order to satisfy a researcher’s thirst for having discovered

-to-day somethingrestatement ‘new’. of what It is we if anything, already know. for its It whānau, is life for a usvery here lacklustre, at Hoani day Waititi

Marae –

to me a celebration of being Māori and a member of this whānau. That is the real literature base of this thesis. However what follows is a survey of those academic writings provided in the academy that have something to say about M

āori education and curriculum. 1.2 Research Provocations

1.2.1 Marae Curriculum

The nature - life, character, environment, and personality of the Marae curriculum is at heart the uniqueness of Hoani Waititi Marae learning and teaching that accompanies the choice of what is taught and how it is taught.

These facets of exploration give substance to this study. The process for establishing Marae curriculum is addressed in terms of the definitions and intentions as reflected in Jessica Ball’s (2004) description of the First

Nations Partnership Programs, Canada. The Generative Curriculum Model

brought indigenous knowledge into pedagogy in community-based learning.

Hoani Waititi Marae was created for the purpose of providing community-based learning to reinvigorate the value of indigenous knowledge, and to equip its members with culturally relevant and mainstream society appropriate tools and skills such as indigenous language and culture competencies.

The need for children to recognise the value of their culture in today’s world has driven First Nations Peoples in Canada to strengthen cultural and educational capacity among community members. Through intergenerational partnerships of elders and students, culturally appropriate ways have been constructed and reconstructed. Language and cultural revival are at the crux of revitalisation that has First Nations leaders identifying improvements in developmental conditions for children. These indigenous essentials are aims also pertinent to the Hoani Waititi Marae community. Intergenerational relatio culturallynships appropriate include the ways treasuring in leading of Maraekaumatua/elders; initiatives and the undertakings vanguards of through trustee level guidance and also practical participation. The educational model developed at Hoani Waititi Marae caters for a birth to grave concept,

having established Māori medium Kōhanga Reo/early childhood, Kura Kaupapa

Māori/primary and Te Wharekura Kura Kaupapa Māori/secondary school. The Canadian Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples found The First Nations

Partnership early childhood education programmes reinforced aboriginal identity, ‘instilling the values, attitudes and behaviours that give expression to aboriginal cultures’ (Ball, 2004, p.455). As a result of enforced residential schooling of indigenous children and numerous welfare support programmes, a

youthful population (that is 40 per cent of the population are under twenty years of age) are now largely devoid of cultural knowledge, language and practices. Fostering positive identities is considered priority in effecting health, social and educational anomalies. Training curricula for community members aligned with the participation of the community as a whole in the process of training, was central to the programme’s effectiveness. Past Eurocentric one- size-fits-all training models divorced from the indigenous children and families the validity of their cultural knowledge. Similar tertiary education statistics to

New Zealand’s indigenous -programme implementation) less than Māori20 per revealed cent of aboriginal (at that time, peoples during in Canadapre who enrolled in a college completed their programmes and First Nations peoples were 50 per cent less likely to graduate postsecondary education than non-aboriginals6 (Ball, 2004, p.457).

Community programs imported from white, middle-class urban centres,

even when these have been made accessible through community-based

delivery, have been found to be unsatisfactory because they do not reflect

or seem applicable to the culture, rural or isolated circumstances, strained

socioeconomic conditions and unique goals and resources of Indigenous

communities (Ball, 2004, p.458).

Unlike the pan-tribal possibilities evident in community initiatives such as

Hoani Waititi Marae, the Canadian aboriginal projects attempt to cater for over

605 unique First Nations. The success of the community capacity building project initiated in 1989 by representatives of the Meadow Lake Tribal Council, who in turn represented five Cree and four Dene First Nations in Central

Canada, created a partnership with the School of Youth and Childcare at the

University of Victoria. This project prepared community members to deliver curricula grounded in Cree and Dene cultures believing that culturally valued knowledge was paramount in developing curriculum. Elder input was essential, along with the trainees also gaining mainstream qualifications to enable bicultural possibilities from two knowledge traditions. The guiding principles of the model centred upon building community initiatives in a community-based setting, executing bicultural respect, identifying community and individual strengths as the basis for initiatives, and ensuring a wide ecological perspective was maintained along with an awareness of the child as a part of a family and a community (Ball & Pence, 2006, p.8). The Generative Curriculum Model combined a community relevant knowledge sources approach alongside the praxis of reflection. Positive education and employment outcomes following program implementation resulted. 95 per cent of graduates remained in their communities and 65 per cent of these developed new programs. 75 per cent of students completed university accredited courses (Ball, 2004, p.457). The community was involved in developing and delivering the curriculum. A community of learners developed with students and elders alike similar to teina- -elder relationships. Assigned and provisional authoritiestuakana/younger of teaching (Peters, 1978) organically evolved. As pan-tribal members work alongside each other in the urban Marae context, branches of the First Nations peoples work as cohorts to sustain the course, raise funds and complete requirements within the community milieu. This community reconnection aids in community healing and a return to wholeness of the social ecology of the community - the community as a living system that exists within a

complex network of relationships with people who share a history and a natural environment.

Capra (1996) describes the community as being in a constant state of self- renewal and regeneration as language and discourse invents and reinvents feedback loops. Through this communication, members manage their behaviour, share their own knowledge and bring about a shared sense of the community and world they live in. The patterns and unique configurations of relationships are what make up the life of the community, rather than an analysis of its structural components. This suggests that where the cultures or agencies of the Marae for example, are the community’s structural making, it may be the living, holistic interdependence of the people and their relationships within that give the Marae its life force. Education delivered in the community involves other community members, in turn strengthening the existing patterns of relationships. In this sense benefits extend beyond the learners to a cementing of the purpose and function of the community body (Ball, 2004).

In order for education to have such a positive and potentially

transformative effect, the curriculum itself must be compatible with the

shared world view of the community. Indeed, it must provide an

environment in which community members can actively participate in

the continual emergence of that worldview, experiencing it as alive,

shared, and collectively created. While the substance of what we call

knowledge or truth may be far from universal, the special experience

of something emerging as ‘true for us’ may well be (Ball, 2004, p. 466).

Of significance for other indigenous models is the grounding of the curriculum in the social core. Curriculum delivery is generative; moulded by the learner stakeholders; students, elders and community members. Their participation affects the curriculum each time the programme is delivered and therefore, it is different each time. Students are motivated to contribute at high levels. Co- construction of curriculum is dependent on its members and in this way opens the curriculum for cultural identity, values and practices to be entrenched from the very centre (Ball, 2004; Ball & Pence, 2006). As Ball notes, ‘A participatory approach is essential within an anticolonial agenda’ (Ball, 2004, p.472). Social applicability and relevance for learners is embellished as in the description of changes in the learning process. Students expressed learning being an internally driven force ‘generated from within oneself’ (Ball, 2004, p.470) as opposed to an externally cultured knowledge imposed or fed in; alien to the indigenous self.

For the Generative Curriculum Model, this reconstruction of the learning process is at the very nub of cultural determination. Having community members involved allows learning to grow from the local to national levels, a turn around from usual practice where the text book traditionally leads first in mainstream fashion. Generative learning encompasses students engaged in personally meaningful learning by way of relevant curriculum that validates student’s culture and identity. The First Nations Partnership Programs have effectively developed a transformative model for generating curricula alongside their communities that is accountable for cultural revival. In 2006, these programmes had grown to twenty university accredited courses delivered by the community, in the community (Ball & Pence, 2006).

1.2.1.1 Curriculum Designations

Conventional definitions for curriculum exist (Glatthorn, 2000, p.83):

 the curriculum- a document that tends to state the aims and objectives,

 summary of subjects, content and methodology of use;

 the intended curriculum- what should be taught;

 the available curriculum- that which can be taught depending on

resources;

 the achieved curriculum- also referred to by Allan Glatthorn (2000, p,83)

as the “learned” curriculum, being what students actually learn. Teachers

respond to the learned curriculum most often in catering for student

need;

 the recommended curriculum- recommended by educationalists and

organisations, although the recommended curriculum does not

necessarily have influence on the written curriculum;

 the written curriculum- curriculum that appears in documents from

teacher planning and curriculum units to state standards. It has a

adequate influence on the taught curriculum;

 the taught curriculum- delivered on a daily basis by teachers in

classrooms;

 the supported curriculum- resources: audio visual, text etc that are

produced to support the taught curriculum;

 the assessed curriculum- can be found in tests, student and class

assessments and performance measures both state and local in forms

that are qualitative and quantitative. Teachers and students can be

driven by the assessed curriculum as results may indicate perceived

success;

 the hidden curriculum- the unintended curriculum (Bowen & Hobson,

1979; Eisner, 2002; Glatthorn 2000) for example twenty minutes per

week of taha Māori on a mainstream primary school timetable conveys the

culture is of little importance at this school’.

message, ‘Māori Shapiro (2005b, p.255) has described the hidden curriculum as, ‘an emphasis on achievement, individual success, and competition (that) undermines efforts to build communities of respect and care’, and Smith, G. (1997) in reference to

Kaupapa Māori claims, the hidden curriculum…maintains social and cultural divisions within

society through subtle controls exerted in the way in which the every-day

‘taken for granted’ values, norms and beliefs are inscribed in students

through the rules, routines and class-room practices of schooling…the

way in which schools, through the differential provision of schooling,

covertly exercise social control, maintain social divisions, and perpetuate

dominant cultural interests. The effect of the ‘hidden curriculum’ on

has been the maintenance of existing inequalities and therefore the Māori,

preservation of the multiple interests of dominant Pākehā society’ (p.27).

The ‘Major findings’ of the NZ national education reform (which aimed to improve education for groups at risk), alerts us to the hidden curriculum, as we question why it is that, “wide disparities of outcomes for groups of students

nonpersist. – In particular Māori studentsn, achieve2002, p at. 2). a significantly lower level than 47 Māori” (Ministry of Educatio

Curriculum consists of all these definitions, whether seen as subject matter, experience, intention, or a mirror of society. Education experts and authorities foster their particular definitions. According to the New Zealand Ministry of

Education Stocktake Report (2002, p. 6), curriculum is “…all learning, both formal and informal, occurring in educational settings, including social

broadvalues, meaning attributes views and learningnorms of and behaviour teaching as as well whole as a and body is ofsupported knowledge.” by This

Kennedy (

9) identifies1994, curriculum p. 9): “the as, outcome “… all the of planned any pedagogical learning opportunitiesmoment”. Print offered (1993, to p. learners by the educational institution and the experiences learners encounter

when the curriculum is implemented.” Print (1993, foreword p. v) offers a definition of curriculum that is more open- ended:

At one level, curriculum is an idea, a construct of society. It is a statement

of what a society values; what it wants to continue, what it wants to

renew…at another level, curriculum is a practice. It is what we do

intentionally…

Curriculum developers greatly determine the final nature of a curriculum. The activities and forces that influence curriculum developers in their decision- making tasks is a key factor in who best will interpret the curriculum and in

what ways. McNeil (2006) and Eisner (2002) believe that humanistic conception developers tackle curriculum in ways that provide learners with rewarding experiences to enhance their personal growth. These experiences,

“contribute to personal liberation and development… the (humanistic) goals of education are related to the ideals of personal growth, integ

(McNeil, 2006, p. 5). rity and autonomy”

Humanist Curriculum

A humanistic curriculum is concerned with human relations that foster not only the intellectual skills of the learner, but also the emotional and physical wellbeing of the individual as a holistic being. The curriculum values cooperative learning, learning-to-learn, problem solving and child-centred approaches for example. A healthy attitude is nurtured towards self, others and learning. It is cultivated and aids in achieving the ideals of ‘personal growth, integrity, and autonomy’ (McNeil, 2006, p.5). At the core of humanist curriculum is the fostering of self-actualisation which centres on the growth and development of morality, ethics, and human goodness; essentially common, constructive pursuits globe wide:

A musician must make music, and an artist must paint, a poet must

write, if he is to ultimately be at peace with himself. What a man can be,

he must be. This need we may call self-actualisation…it refers to man’s

desire for self-fulfilment, namely for the tendency for him to become

actually in what he is potentially; to become everything that one is

capable of becoming (Maslow 1943, as cited in Stephens, 2000, p.1).

Abraham Maslow’s psychological propositions were formulated in the late

1950s and remain pertinent today as markers for our self-actualisation journeying. According to Maslow, all humans aspire to becoming self-actualising and this is achieved via a hierarchy represented as a pyramid. Physiological needs form the base level such as food, shelter and survival. Rising from the base of the pyramid are needs associated with safety, then rising further, needs around our social context such as love and relationships including our interaction and participation with others. At the next upper level of the pyramid is esteem, and at the pyramid’s peak can be found self-actualisation. These human goals or needs are prepotent gaining centre stage as satisfaction is sought then at the next level need arises. Continual desire leaves most people in a state of partial want: partially satisfied with aspects and partially unsatisfied

(Stephens, 2000). Maslow (1943) defined self-actualisation as, ‘a life achievement, a momentary state, and the normal process of growth when a person’s deficiency motives are satisfied and his or her defences are not mobilised by threat’. This actualisation for each individual requires discovery and growth through nurturing. Maslow believed the curriculum could establish self-actualisation; achieved via moments, or experiences, the pinnacle of these being, ‘awe, mystery and wonder (which are) both the end and beginning of

learning’ (1943, 1954). Here culture is identified as an extra-psychic determinant where factors such as family, environment, and learning are attached early in life by learned associations and form part of our inner core.

Education, positive growth and self improvement is possible in the quest for identity realising that the inner core or self develops eclectically and is effected by what already exists: discovery, choices, goals, fears, and accountabilities to name a few. The individual is not ‘fully determined…insofar as he is a real person, in his own main determinant. Every person is, in part, ‘his own project’ and ‘makes himself’ (Stephens, 2000, p.35). If the inner self is repressed, we suffer in a number of possible ways, defined differently by different cultures, using varying labels – sickness- of the mind, the psyche, the spirit. Any denial of humanness such as the denial of culture is a contradiction of self-actualisation and a denial of basic needs (Stephens, 2000).

The educator of humanistic curriculum is a facilitator who designs challenging situations and believes in the learner’s capacity. The facilitator provides attention for all, listens and respects the learners and interacts naturally diminishing conventional power relations in the classroom context. The curriculum features activities that require discovery, are spontaneous, fun, puzzling and exploratory. The environment operates via mutual trust, and is warm and supportive (McNeil, 2006, p.21).

Two strains of humanistic curriculum occur according to McNeil (2006). The first, confluent education is chiefly concerned with content that integrates emotions, attitudes and values with knowledge and abilities, creating personal meaning. Shapiro (2005a) identified prerequisites of non-authoritarian participation, integration of feelings and action, relevance of subject matter related to the learner, self growth as the object of learning, and the goal to develop whole people fit for human society. Shapiro (2005a, p.163) addressed our need as educators to attend to ‘issues of alienation, competition and social isolation, rage and hostility, and a search for meaning in a violent and cynical world’. In attempting to restructure schools from sites of privilege and power for those with the ‘cultural capital7’ (as intolerance is bred and sub-cultures are readied to enter the world with pre-determined and in some cases well played out social divisions) (Shapiro, 2005b), much work is required in establishing education that is less focused on achievement, and more so on community and growing relationships of care and concern. Shapiro on this type of education:

It is about the making of a world; about kids learning what it means to be

human and questioning the ways that individuals can live together. In short,

and in its most profound sense, education is not a transmission belt for

acquiring technical skills or a competitive edge over one’s peers. It is about

developing selves that have the moral, spiritual and cognitive capacities to

live in just, compassionate and responsible communities (2005a, p.164).

The second strain of humanistic curriculum, consciousness education is concerned with spirituality and transcendence requiring the learner to search for purpose and meaning in life that supposes betterment of existence in the world, expression of self, and interaction with others as contributors of personal power, in that people connections contribute to the mana of the individual .

Self-directed learning is fostered through a motivation to achieve. The learner recognises that they contribute to their success. The self-directed curriculum aims to develop the learner’s cognitive development via problematic situations, ability to deal with conflicts and failure, understanding of competitive and cooperative roles in society, moral values, and ego, through a balance of self- respect and self-confidence (McNeil, 2006, p.21). The quest for academic knowledge can depersonalise the learner from their cultural self. The humanistic curriculum orientation recognises other forms of knowledge and relates personal meaning to subject matter. Therefore the humanistically developed learner not only acquires knowledge, but is able to form opinions, share ideas, compare, relate and act on that knowledge.

The humanistic orientation is obvious where educators have had to search further for ways to secure social justice, such as the indigenous people of New

Zealand, minority groups, and women. This focus requires a supportive environment, and a holistic, integrated methodology (Laughton, 1983).

Optimum learning takes place within the process of interacting with the

curriculum. This perception requires a rigorous pursuit of social change to

. The humanistic conception requirescombat the challenging perceived here high for failure focusing rate onof Māoriindividualism and not offering societal perspectives, perspectives necessary to force social change.

Social Reconstructionist Curriculum

The social reconstructionist conception views curriculum as a way of producing a better society for all and has the learner attend to humankind’s severe problems. Shapiro (2005c) discussed the need for schools to embrace the issues of our time, for youth to be immersed in,

a different sense of history than the abstract, an anaesthetized version

that students typically get which suggests little about their capacity to

‘make history’ by challenging the injustice and inhumanity that

surrounds them. This lesson of hope requires that we nurture not only

the critical capabilities of young people but also their sense of emotional

involvement in the important issues of peace, social justice, human dignity,

issues of power and the quest for lives of meaning (p.473).

Project Ixtliyollotl, San Andres, Mexico is one such project that has developed a curriculum within the perimeters of social reconstructionism. Community members realised that traditional and conventional state measures to address their issues of poverty, lack of resources, illiteracy and family dysfunction were

not working via schools and other institutions. 600 members pooled together to resource their own school with community facilities. Subjects were taught in relation to their community’s specific needs with an active intention of changing the status quo. Science was taught to address local health improvement and history peculiar to their social, economic and environmental habitat in order to understand their situation, and be able to create an enhanced future. The political orientations of newspapers, leadership in the local body and advances on traditional industrial and farming techniques were indications of where the curriculum traversed. The project was also thwarted with harassment from political powers threatened by what an empowered community could sustain

(McNeil, 2006). Myles Horton’s Highlander Folk School, Tennessee similarly addressed the base of people’s issues and attended to activism in labour and civil rights and social problems that arose from the needs of communities.

Horton’s method was to focus on the issue from the perspective of the member as opposed to the perspective of the educator (McNeil, 2006).

The teacher’s or facilitator’s role in the social reconstructionist curriculum is to relate the learner’s world to the local world, the local to the national, and the national to the international world, while advocating cooperation within and across these communities. Varying group experiences in a range of learning arrangements are common in the curriculum organisation. The facilitator challenges the beliefs of learners, aiming to develop a ‘critical consciousness’

(McNeil, 2006).

Paolo Freire’s (1973) cultural action for conscientisation is the process whereby individuals as active learners achieve a deep awareness both of the sociocultural reality that shapes their lives and of their ability to transform that reality. This involves identifying the barriers that prevent us from seeing reality clearly. Examples of these barriers are the media as information tyrants, schools as instruments of the state with hegemonic interests, and political leaders who manage to keep the masses dependent while espousing political freedom.

Conscientisation involves investigating and identifying the origins of facts and problems rather than submitting to superior power forces, or accepting one’s own lack of power and inability to affect change. Freire contended that freedom also comes from within the person (1973).

One branch of social reconstructionism aims to make the learner more critically aware of the environment and able to effect societal reform. Social issues, histories, and injustices form much of the content direction. Group interactions and the reaching of consensus are common learning arrangements (McNeil,

2006). Social reconstructionism is particularly engaging for marginalised groups as it is founded on faith in humankind to create an egalitarian society. In curriculum terms, this focus is not on what society is, but on what we hope society to be and the development of the means to achievement.

Implications point towards an eclectic view encompassing both humanistic and social reconstructionist conceptions that allow for an inclusive and empowering curriculum. Learning can be facilitated in ways that are self-sustaining and process orientated, and that have purpose and direction in subject matter

(Kemmis, 1983). The short fallings of the individualist leaning of humanism is broadened and extended to a societal view via reconstructionism. The notion that reconstructionism is politically strong, but lacking in curriculum development is complimented by the emphasis given to curriculum in humanistic education. The combination of a nurturing, holistic orientation fostering self-actualisation and aimed to affect social change, suggests a powerful paradigm capable of effecting change in education. Ball’s earlier description of the Generative Curriculum Model in First Nations, Canada, points to curriculum where facilitators increase ‘personal relevance and social applicability’ (2004, p. 469).

Faozi Ujam and Sherif El-Fiki’s (2006, p.259) quest for a framework for indigenous community-based education focuses on internal, endogenous

(originating or produced from within) development as a holistic and humanistic concept, “that goes beyond material growth to include all subjective and objective features for fostering personal and societal well- . Development is seen as transformation towards improvement rather thanbeing” ‘growth’, a natural process that can occur without action or application, as growth contributes to

development but is not an end in itself. The societal view is a metaphor of a giant organism, within which innovations develop as internal growth occurs.

Countries sustain their own political, economic and cultural independence without being dependent on others.

Indigenous resources and knowledge (spiritual, physical, natural, cultural and political) are necessary in engaging in endogenous development along with participation and working as one for the collective benefit. Dimensions of participation according to Ujam and El-Fiki (2006) involvement of those affected, mass contribution to the development, sharing in the positive outcomes, suggestion, and assessing programmes. Ujam and El-Fiki (2006) participation as the result of community action where self-oriented participants go past dependency on educational institutions. Community members become part of the creation of the education of the school. Indigenous community-based education seeks much of its sustenance from the writings of Paolo Freire; grounded in, and grown from the community. Implementation of superimposed models of education is an act of oppression. Not only is the education of the indigene a right, its success can be radically improved. Self-reliance replaces dependency, locally based education counteracts ‘white-flight’ travel of non- indigenous students who would rather travel to schools outside the community, than attend local schools alongside indigenous students, and local culture development strengthens socio-cultural, economic, environmental and political

aspects of the community.

Teresa McCarty (2002, p.76) investigated the successes and failures of Rough

Rock Community School, Arizona, founded in 1966 (then Rough Rock

Demonstration School), as the local indigenous people continued to fight for

“cultivating local leadership, developing the local economy, and promoting

Navajo language and amongst ongoing funding problems, negative external reviews, andculture” public protest over internal personnel conflicts. Rough

Rock has led the world in indigenous bilingual community-based education, being one of the first documented (albeit, indigenous education thrives around the globe, undetected by the media or sociologist’s eye), and having now celebrated over forty years of operation. Many accomplishments include the production of Navajo educational resource material, a partnership programme with Kamehameha Early Education in Hawaii, training of personnel now leaders in other fields of indigenous education, the sustainability of indigenous education of its Navajo community, and an example of what can be achieved when the control of education is invested in the indigenous community

(Ismailova, 2004). The community created a widened aspect of schooling in education from the onset; community projects such as a poultry farm, greenhouse, furniture factory and arts and crafts store. The pursuit of bilingualism was a fundamental requirement of language revitalisation, but also an aspect of a whole community undertaking for community-based lifestyle.

Notable is also their biculturalism objective in teaching ‘values and customs of both Navajo culture and the dominant society’ (McCarty , 2002, p.91). Indicators for survival of other indigenous community-based projects can be drawn from the experiences of Rough Rock Community School as reliance on federal funding, internal relations of power, teacher training issues and leadership point to problematic similarities.

Optimum Learning

The work of Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi (Csikszentmihalyi & Csikszentmihalyi,

2006) offers the concept of ‘flow’ to this study of curriculum orientation as a state of being where learners become so engrossed with learning at an intense level, that they ‘lose themselves’ in the task; transcending self and all self- awareness. Optimum enjoyment of learning occurs in this state of flow, whereas anxiety transpires when learning is too difficult, and boredom when learning is too easy, irrelevant or not authentic.

A relationship exists between how a person is challenged and the level of personal skill required while engaged in the activity causing flow - simultaneous high challenge and skill. When both challenge and personal skill are below average we become in a state of boredom or apathy. High skills and low challenges present anxiety, while high skills and low challenges create relaxation. People in flow condition are in a positive state with higher self-

esteem and heightened motivation and concentration levels making for an optimum learning condition. Where challenge presents itself, we are capable of transcending into a state of flow. Interestingly, while we would presume that the work environment would be an ideal site for the flow condition to reside,

Zurich University explored the ‘paradox of work’ in that those with higher states of flow at work than at home (where we traditionally relax, reflect and generally attempt to download from the world) purported that on most days, they could not wait to get home from work (Hektner, Schmidt & Csikszentmihalyi, 2007).

Flow activities are generally physical requiring movement of the body along with the mind such as dancing, sport or gardening, Attention is directed outward from the individual vis-à-vis counselling; characteristic of Eurocentric psychology that draws the individual to turn inward on the self

(Csikszentmihalyi & Csikszentmihalyi, 2006). Optimal experience is associated with action, commitment and the outlay of personal skills. Research has suggested that the basic features of flow experience are universal and not culture bound ( Hektner, Schmidt & Csikszentmihalyi, 2007). Flow experiences are the result of an individual’s choice of activity, and these choices are influenced by culture that values particular artefacts, beliefs and ways.

Cultivation as a form of development occurs as we seek increased level challenges and progress in skill at each level of difficulty before becoming engaged in the next challenge.

Csikszentmihalyi’s work in flow experience posits that over our lifetime, through the process of cultivation, we acquire a ‘preferential replication of activities’ that generate flow experience and culminate in ‘psychological selection’ that we seek and attune ourselves to (Hektner, Schmidt &

Csikszentmihalyi, 2007, p.217).

As Indigenous people are regularly purported to be hands-on, ‘do-ers’, kinaesthetic, or tactile learners who prefer concrete learning, the concept of flow not only supports the humanistic curriculum orientation, it is also aligned

pedagogically to learning mediums of Māori such as kapa haka/performance rart, mau rākau/long staff weaponry and pure art forms such as

aranga/weaving and whakaairo/carving for example. 1.2.1.2 Curriculum Intentions and Functions

This literature review provides direction to investigate curriculum, ‘the means by which young people and adults gain essential knowledge, skills and attributes’ (USQ, 2004, p. 4). Print (1993) in his discussion of curriculum as cultural reproduction highlights the unknown when determining the knowledge and values passed from one generation to the next. In the same discussion, curriculum as ‘currere’ (from the Latin, ‘running of the race’) broadens the conventional intentional definition to encompass curriculum that provides personal meaning to the learner reconceptualising life experience. William

Pinar (1975, 1994) in understanding the nature of a learner’s experience, values respect for personal purpose, lived experience and imagination as avenues for educational orientation. These understandings defy scientific measurement.

Pinar (2004, p. 58) states, currere, “invites the interpretation of educational experience, scrutinising manifest and latent meanings, conscious and unconscious content of language, as well as the political subtext of such

. According to Pinar (2004, p.58), currere is about whatreflection the learner and interpretation” does with the curriculum in terms of reconstructing social, intellectual and physical structures, “by bringing the structures of experience to awareness, one enhances the ability to direct the process of one’s own

development” [A]utobiographical studies are windows which permit us to see again that

which we loved before, and in so doing, see more clearly what and whom

we love in the present. The regressive phase of currere asks us to speak again

in the lost language…to see again what was outside our windows, and to

become married-that is, in unison-with ourselves and with those around us,

by renewing our vows to those who are past, exchanging vows with those

who are present, and dancing our way until the morning dawns (Pinar, 1994,

p .267).

Malcolm Skilbeck (1990) suggests that in his quest for interrelatedness between the learner and the ethos of the school, and the connectedness of the school to the wider social milieu of which the learner is part - in relation to society, three

functions of curriculum can be determined: curriculum that mirrors, curriculum that informs, and curriculum that steers. Skilbeck emphasised “life-long development of the individual within several frames of reference such as

, p.36) and as such, viewed community,curriculum as environment extending beyond and society” the school (Kerr, to 2000 a ‘school-parent-community partnership’. If curriculum is about how people gain essential knowledge, then this exploration would prove more valuable in also addressing praxis8 which is well defined by Elliott (1983, p. 109) in his discussion of the work of

Stenhouse, as being,

[A]matter of actualizing our ideals and values in an appropriate form of

action, and it is always an unfinished enterprise requiring continuous

self-reflection and analysis. Moreover, it implies that means cannot be

reflected upon independently from ends. By reflecting about the extent to

which we have actualised our ideals in action we not only develop new

understandings of how to act, but also deepen our understanding of the

ideals themselves.

Curriculum then can be seen as Stenhouse did; as praxiology, “as hypothetical strategies for realising ideas in practice - Stenhouse posited them as both

expressions and objects of practical judgement” (Elliott, 1983, p. 110). 1.2.1.3 Indicators for the Study – Marae Curriculum

There is a need for urban Marae curriculum to recognise the value of culture in today’s world in order to strengthen cultural and educational capacity among

community members. Themes of intergenerational partnerships are raised in the literature review, alongside the value of elder contributions, and wananga trainees expected to gain mainstream qualifications. Community and individual strengths is the basis for initiatives development, all directly applicable to the urban Marae context.

Community involvement in developing and delivering the curriculum is

characteristicwith learners andof a eldersMāori worldviewalike in teina where- a community -ofelder learners arrangements. operates

Learning as an internally driven force istuakana/younger suggested, rather than one foreign to the indigene.

A curriculum appropriate for the urban Marae is humanistic - concerned with human relations; at its core, the pursuit of self-fulfilment. Where the urban

Marae imparts the cultural knowledges of its indigenous people, self-fulfilment is the driving factor in empowering each member in

Te Reo Māori and tikanga.

to enable them to become secure members of the Marae whānau/family A social reconstructionist curriculum supports the urban Marae kaupapa in its nature of challenging injustice and inhumanity, producing a better society that has the learner attend to humankind’s daunting challenges. Curriculum topical subjects are in relation to the community’s specific needs with an active intention of changing the status quo and affecting an improved future. The review points towards an eclectic humanism and reconstructionism view of curriculum.

Indigenous community-based education models cited draw from Freirean themes in a ‘transformation from within’ sense, grown from the community.

The collective community benefits fro resources and knowledges. Members become part ofm the the creation tāngata of whenua the education of the institution, in the case of this study - the Marae.

The concept of ‘flow’ is reviewed as a state of optimum learning; a state obtained through indigenous knowledges imparted on the Marae by its tutors in a range of cultures.

1.2.2 Curriculum Derivations

What are the identity and experiences of Māori that inform the curriculum? Mason Durie (2003, p.16) in his celebratory work Ngā Kahui Pou: Launching

Māori Futures, history some eightdescribes hundred the yearsepic voyage ago when and a establishment very large colony period reached of Māori these shores between the arrival of Kupe and following canoes, at the end of a well- planned journey that took two to three hundred years to plan and execute. DNA evidence indicates a mass assembly of fifty women gathered in Aotearoa suggesting resourcing to allow the gestation of a new, surviving population.

Archaeological artefacts point to other early peoples that may have arrived at a similar time (no DNA evidence supports their survival to the present) (Durie,

2003). Resilience was required having navigated from warm, tropical waters to a wintry, sometimes snow covered land with a dearth of food supply. Surviving long winters in a foreign ecological system, including such basics as no recognisable medicinal plants and food sources required an adaptation of hunting and gathering skills, and may have taken some generations to fully understand and practise. The

whānau unit survived these challenges of numbers.preparation, It is journeying Durie’s premise and settlement, that along and with grew this topopulation hapū within growth, iwi of in great-depth rules and regulations for social, environmental and economic practices developed and the people(s) less consumed with immediate survival issues were able to organise, politicise and ‘codify’ (p.16) common sense and ‘how to

sube’.rvival The designationsand harmony of with tapu the and environment noa/common and practices each other, once evolved created to to a aid spiritual level structure for morality. However, after surviving the challenges discussed, the onslaught of foreign diseases brought by new settlers diminished the popula one to five hundred thousandtion of Māori in the tomid some-1700s 42,000 (p.20). in 1874 As described from an earlierestimated

(refer prologue) and noted by Durie, land holdings ownership shifted from

Despite the new settler population

Māori to the new settler in this period also. assuming that the extinction of Māori was close at hand, (Selby & Moore, 2007) in 1936 the Māori population grew to 82,000 and by 1996, 580,000. A new

Māori identity emerged as New Zealanders67 of mixed blood acknowledged Māori

descent. While language and some cultural constructs may have been left

wanting with this population influx, the whānau concept of common identity

(i.e. whānau by common purpose as opposed to whānau by genealogy), remained strong, along with a positive identity of being

Māori in relation to

whānau: a belonging, an organisation and a salvation. whānau capacities.

Durie (2003) discusses the ‘measure’ of status of whānau as tive, conservativeWhānau wellness and traditionallyhas been too Eurocentric easily condemned yardstick from that a quantitahighlighted disparities

- mainstreambetween Māori society and nonhaveMāori been compared(Mako, 1998). (using For non too- long values important to methodologies) a Māori apparatus and

nd not necessarily what is valued- by Māori. Expectedly, with education,values differences employment aside, and Māori economics. fall below non Māori in most areas of health,

ties

Durie’s proposition of whānau capacities identifies five kinds of capaci relevant and desired by Māori iwi across the nation: to care, to share, for - to careguardianship, particularly to empowerfor those membersand to plan less ahead. able, Theis the whānau main- capacity manaaki concept; a p stay of the whānau

Sometimes familiesriority and separated prerequisite geographically that allows are the not whānau able to to function function. at optimum, hence (in part) the growth of urban Marae and iwi group authorities

(refer chapters 5 & 6). Resources are necessary to provide for this element of caring, as with the capacity –

tohatohatia/to share which requires a whānau sense of collectivity, mahitahi/working together and kotahitanga/unity.ving of resources The thatcapacity contribute for pupuri to the taonga/guardianship health and wealth of expects the family the caresuch gias cultural, physical

toand empower site heritages; fosters language, the development lands and of fishing human places. capital Whakamana/the in the wider commun capacityity in areas of education and employment, for instance. Durie posits that the least

- is also fundamental as a practiced capacity whakatakoto tikanga/to plan ahead whichsafety mechanismrequires forecasting for our survival and was along central with to whakatini/theour survival when capacity population for growth numbers were near extinction.

Durie (2003) has provided an indigenous measure of whānau capacities, identifygrounded teachings in the cultural taken fromconstructs the chall of Māorienges faced.society, These and heteachings goes further derived to from the past eight hundred years, may be used to understand the dynamic of

millennium:Hoani Waititi Marae whānau in this the second decade of the second

1) the creation of holistic wealth (although Durie provides comment of

resources wealth, the wealth of knowledges, custom and practice that

contribute to health);

2) human capital development;

3) adaptation to new environments - battles with diabetes, heart

disease and addictions of various nature indicate weaknesses in

complete environmental adaptation;

3) new regulations for survival will be necessary. Crime rate, family

dysfunction, accidents and injury indicate the need for revisiting tapu

and noa dynamics – lore and law.

Alliances such as pan-tribal Marae and urban iwi authorities are the face of the

l of the surroundings in newthese order new environments.and reflect the Theability ability of Māori to anticipate to take contro change creates flexibility and preparedness including dealing with the limitations of short term planning

tions of this are evident in dependencywhich Durie onsuggests the Māori are prone to. Indica final strategy from whichstate. Celebrationwe can draw of sustenance indigenous in and seeing Māori through uniqueness the present is the millennium (Durie, 2003).

Rangimarie Turuki (Rose) Pere in her celebration of infinite wisdom, Te Wheke

(1985, 1997) defines a number of ancient teachings that originate from the stem of - the homeland Hawaiki, transmitted through generationsMāori epistemology over twelve thousand years. Some of the ancient teachings selected by Pere (1985) are observed here as indicators for salient, customary

knowledge pertinent for contemporary, urban Marae curriculum:

Aroha

Pere (1985, p.6) describes aroha as ‘unconditional love that is derived from the presence and breadth of the creator’ - aro meaning presence and ha - breath.

Aroha is limitless and is the critical element in the functioning of

whanaungatanga/kinship. Mauri

As with many of the teachings, mauri is difficult to parallel with a Eurocentric construct(s). Mostly, ‘mauri’ refers to life force or being of the animate such as the ability to be well, being affected, or being disheartened for example.

forDefinitions instance, of mountains animate and and inanimate waters are differ not definedbetween inanimate. Māori and pākehā cultures,

Mana

Mana is best described as to do with power, right, what is sacred and with

Godstanding. to all Sometimes,creatures of mana creation. is about Mana influence, is attributed there to is those mana who atua/direct recognise from mana in other beings of the world, who are not in pursuit of materialistic possessions, and who aspire to humility. Genealogical inheritance can also afford mana that is handed down through recognised chiefly lines.

Wairua

The spiritual element of humankind represented as wai - water and rua – two: wairua refers to the dualness of the physical and spiritual realms.

Te Reo

The language conveys the values and beliefs of the people, remembering also

vibrationthat with peculiarassists in ceremonial transporting pedagogies te reo beyond such thisas karanga/call, realm. pitch and voice

Kainga

The kainga is the home. Added to Pere’s description is the grammar precedent that only recognises returning home. There is no recognition of going home (one can go anywhere else).

E.g. Kei te haere going to school.

ahau ki te kura/I am Kei te haere going to the shop.

ahau ki te toa/I am Kei te hoki returning home.

ahauics recognises ki te kainga/I the specialam nature of kainga compared toThis all rule other of vocabularyMāori linguist attributing kainga as central to the family. Kainga is not conceptually limited to those who live at a residence but is open to wider

members of the whānau or friends. Wharekura

Wharekura were universities where information was imparted by

tohunga/specialists informed directly from72 Io Matua Kore/God.

Whenua

Whenua, through a number of applications of definition essentially means the cherishing warmth, binding and connectivity of these meanings: placenta, land, country and ground.

Whanaungatanga

Kinship ties are central to belonging and being a member.

Nga Taonga Tuku Iho

forebears,‘Ngā taonga our a o ancestors’ tatou tipuna/the (Pere, 1985, highly p.28). prized practises and beliefs of our

Ranga Whatumanawa

Ranga whatumanawa relate to one’s emotions which have a positive and negative aspect. The expression of emotion is not suppressed as it is in

Eurocentric cultures. (Emotions are also considered tools, methodologies and literacies that can in similar fashion to language, be harnessed for communication).

Hinengaro

The mind is defined by Pere (1985, p.32) as ‘(t)he female who is known and hidden - the mind…Hinengaro refers to the mental, intuitive and ‘feeling’ seat of the emotions - thinking, knowing, perceiving, remembering, recognising, feeling,

abstracting, generalising, sensing, responding and reacting’.

Ng Tikanga

Althoughā tribal knowledges differ, tikanga are protocols based on the customs of the people. Tikanga refers to what is right and correct to do in a given situation: tika-nga.

Tapu

Tapu refers to restrictions. Pere (1985, p.40), offers the following range of definition: “a protective measure; a way of imposing disciplines, social control; a way of developing an understanding and an awareness of spirituality and its implications; a way of developing an appreciation and a respect for another human being, anothe .

r life force, life in general” Noa

Noa accompanies tapu as a purifying companion being constructive, warm and benevolent in nature.

TheTūrangawaewae standing place where individuals lay ancestral claim back to creation is the

birth place of the whānau and point of reference. Pere claims in reference to these ancient teachings that “Such knowledge has been held in trust through the spoken word so that people outside the selected

studentsSelby and could Moore not (2007) tamper suggest with what tribal was knowledges intended werefrom transmittedthe beginning” orally (p.3). to only those incumbents worthy of defending it. They also suggest in citing

Charles Royal (1998) that stories and histories given to non- were deliberately falsified as another form of protection. CollinsMāori (2007, researchers p. 30) comments that these same ‘self-serving’ non-

Māori researchers exploited the

research process, Māori and Māori traditional knowledges (Smith, L . 1999). Mason Durie (2005) in discussing our indigeneity and traditional knowledges identifies five characteristics of such knowledge bound by a close relationship to area territories, land and the environment: endurance over centuries of time; unique cultural identity; knowledge systems based on world views; sustainability; and a distinctive language. He suggests that indigenous peoples have a tradition of environmental unity and that defining indigeneity is not premised on the coloniser, sovereignty, or settlement claim, but rather on our historical relationship with land, waters and air. Yet, the question of why traditional knowledge is being lost across indigenous peoples worldwide barely moves beyond basic Eurocentric ideas often expressed as: ‘the last of the speaking generation are dying’ or that ‘because of the oral nature of the language, its demise is somewhat expected’. Conversely, elders have passed knowledge and language down through generations, and the oral nature of indigenous languages has held true and survived history long before the arrival

of the colonial visitors.

Simpson (2004, p. 375) suggests that, “(t)he forces of cultural genocide, colonisation, and colonial policy perpetuated over the last several centuries by successive occupying settler governments is responsible for the current state of

indigenous knowledge (worldwide)”. The outcome of this force can be indicated in the most recent population statistics, The New Zealand Census of Population and Dwellings – 2006 compared to 526,281 whichin 2001, identified being one a total in seven Māori of population the total population of 565,329, of New

pastZealand 15 years, at that up time. from ‘The 434,847 Māori in population 1991’ (Statistics has increased New Zealand, by 30.0 2006). percent in the

Has the population of Māori increased or post the 1970s and 1980s resurgence of Māori, have the numbers of years people been who held identify up against as being the Māoriachievements increased? of nonMāori- statistics have for 173- - tools.

Māori,require measuring measurement, non Māori for values what and reasons worthiness and in whatwith nonways?Māori Richmond

RoadDo Māori School, Auckland in the 1980s did not use PAT tests9 or any other similar

their value.

Measuringnational norm the basedprogress tools. of theStill child today, against Māori herself educators was defendrarely practised. The

, was to mnormeasure across the education,learner against including the rest some of thesites population of the education which leftof Māori minority

Performance Achievement groups such as Māori in a less favourable position. Tests (PAT), were written for the dominant culture. One multiple choice question in a language PAT test read, ‘What colour is a banana a)red b)green c)brown d)yellow? Answer: yellow’. For children of Pacific Island cultures, bananas are identified purposefully for each of the colours given, mostly however by the colour green.

Discrimination occurred when measuring the success rate of curriculum subjects aligned to language. The past examination system for

School Certifi Māori scaled pass rates. In 1983 the pass rate was 37 per cent. Other foreigncate Māori subjects had w ere scaled disproportionately - Latin, French and

German were scaled at 80 per cent (Durie, 1998, p.59).

While Durie (2003) has provided a discussion of tools that will better equip us

to discuss features of the Māori population in terms of the cultural constructs statistics of providesMāori society, information until these from tools the mainstreamare readily accessible, public sector. the gatheringO of population in 2006, 131,613 or 23.7 per cent were able to conversef the total in Māori Te Reo

speakeMāori. One quarter of the population between 15 and 65 were speakers. In 2001

rs were identified as a slightly bigger group at 24.7% (Statistics New

Zealand, 2001; 2006). The Ministry of Māori Development (2003) identified,

The numbers of Māori speakers has now stabilised at around 130,000 77

.There is a range of proficiency

people (25% of the Māori population)

youngamong adults Māori andspeakers second from-language very high learners to very are low. clustered Most people, at the lowerespecially

inend of the range. Only 9% of Māori adults have high spoken proficiency

arethe stronger Māori language.than the active The passive skills of language speaking skill and of writing. listening and reading

Further to this, Te Puni Kokiri (2006a; 2006b) of the New Zealand government

identifiedparticipation attitudes in selected towards language the Māori and cultureLanguage, activities of Māori (being respondents the percentage levels of of those who undertook the activities often or very often) in 2006, which follow implementation of The Māori Language Strategy, and highlight increases from surveys administered in 2000 to those administered in 2006.

studentsIn terms ofwere secondary less likely education, to gain a the qualification chasm of difference in the National remains: Achievements Māori

Standards at the typical level or above in 2006. 42 per cent of Year 11 students

percwho wereent of Māori non- gained an NCEA qualification in 2006 compared with 64 qualification or higher.Māori. 31 54 percent per cen tof of Year non -13 Māori gained an NCEA Level 3 higher (Education Counts, 2007). Māori achieved the qualification or

Fig 3: Table highlighting increases from surveys administered 2000 to 2006 following implementation of The Māori Language Strategy.

Selected Language and Culture Activities Year 2000 Year 2006 Go to a tangi or funeral on a marae 59 59 Go to a marae 59 63 - 62 48 55 Watch or listen to Māori Television 41 50 Attend ceremonies or events with Māori welcomes and speeches 40 42 Read or browse Māori magazines Listen to iwi radio 38 40 Go to a kapa haka or Māori culture group concerts 30 41

Visit Māori art, culture or historical

5.5In higher per cent education acquired for bachelo the populationr degrees, of 0.8 Māori per centaged post 15 years grad and over0.1 per in 2006,cent

doctorateschool qualification degrees as as their their highest highest qualification. qualification The decreased proportion from of 35.1 Māori per with cent a in 2001 to 32.2 per cent in 2006. 2 in 5 or 39.9 per and over had no qualifications in 2006. Following qualifications,cent of Māori 15the years of age

unemploymentin 2010 compared rate with of Māori 6.6 per increased cent overall from (United 11 per Nationcent ins, 2006 2011). to 14 per cent

For those 15 years and over employed in the labour force, 21.2 per cent were labourers, 14 per cent professionals, 12.4 per cent technicians and trade workers, and 11.6 per cent were managers. Twenty years before, the most common forms of employment were manufacturing where 25.5 per cent of the

employedMāori labour in community, force were employed, social and andpersonal over aservices. third of Inthe 2004 population this trend were was still identifiable in 18 per cent of the employees in the New Zealand Public

Service being Māori, twice the rate of Māori in the general work force at that acrosstime (Mead, employment 2004). Today’s types with statistical no identifiable data represent concentrated a greater pockets spread other of Māori than more than 20 per rkforce employed as labourers in 2006.

Median incomes concurrentlycent of the Māori rose bywo 40 per cent between 2001 and 2006

(Statistics New Zealand, 200610).

Other sociodemographic indicators are consistently lower than those for other

ree times more likely to be apprehended for an offenceNew Zealanders. than non -Māori are th

Māori, and four times more likely to be apprehended for - violent crime. Prosecution rates for Māori are 88 againstcompared 18 per to 121,000 per for 1,000 non for nonMāori.- Conviction rates are 50 per 1,000 for Māori

Māori. Māori comprised 51 per cent of the prison population in 2010 while

Nations,Māori women 2011). account Roldolfo for Stavenhagen, 60 per cent of the the Special female Rapporteur prison population stated in (United reporting on the New Zealand situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, that ‘this pattern arguably represents the

suffered’underlying (United institutional Nations, and 2006, structural p. 15). discrimination that Māori have long

tenMāori years health lower indicators than non reveal- disparities where Māori life expectancy is almost

Māori (a positive increase in the last five years). Māori 80

are 18 per cent more likely to be diagnosed with cancer and nearly twice as likely to die from cancer as non- as having diabetes and nine timesMāori. more Māori likely are to die twice from as itlikely than to non be- diagnosed

Māori. -

Māori women are twice as likely to be diagnosed with cervical cancer as non abuseMāori andwomen. smoking Māori (more continue than to twice experience the national higher rate levels at 46 of perdrugs cent). and On alcohol

Zealandaverage, (UnitedMāori have Nations, the poorest 2006, 2 health011). status of any ethnic group in New

In terms of women experience significantly higher ratesMāori of partner women and being sexual at abuserisk; than European women. 45-50 per cent

suicideof Women’s than Refugenon- clientele are Māori, and Māori youth have higher rates of housing than the nationalMāori. Māori average are andfour hometimes ownershipmore likely rates to live are in significantly overcrowded lower than non-

Māori (United Nations, 2006). In the same report on the New Zealand situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, the Special Rapporteur reached the conclusion that,

andDespite non social- programmes, disparities continue to exist between Māori

measuresMāori…There based on ethnicity appears in orderto be a to need strengthen for the continuationthe social, economic of specific

and cultural rights of Māori as is consistent81 with the International Convention

on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (p.19)

1.2.2.1 Indications for the Study – Curriculum Derivations

Durie’s (2003) description of our surviving population suggests themes of

resilience, survival and challenge, of journeying, settlement, and whānau issuesn aroundfrom the whānau literature groupings. review, transpiringDefinitions topertaining kaupapa to and hapū whakapapa and iwi are in itsdraw urban nature; (in being withdrawn from the ancestral homeland), alongside a positive

identity of being Māori; belonging to the ethnic group. Durie has raised themes of ‘how to be’ - notions reshaped by tapu and noa designations, which continue to survive through to cultural constructs and practices in the present day as aids for harmonious relations with the

share, for guardianship,environment and to empower each other. and His to whānauplan ahead, capacities: may be to of care, assistance to in reviewing

criteria for whānau wellness, and applicability to Marae curriculum given the thispoor state of Māori health, education, employment and economics. Further to

, teachings are identified, also grounded in the constructs of Māori society. A number of ancient teachings are also unveiled from the research of Pere

inherently)(1985, 1997) througho for the curriculumut the study: of (refer Māori. glossary) These should aroha, appear te reo, frequently mauri, mana, (and wairua, kainga, wharekura, whenua, whanaungatanga, nga taonga tuku iho, ranga whatumanawa, hinengaro, tikanga, tapu, noa and turangawaewae. These 82

ancient teachings sourced via the literature review suggest a curriculum based on a return to traditional, cultural teachings and essences. The necessity for cultural and language revival has been identified in 2003 by The Ministry of

which found that only 9 per cent of adults had high spoken

Māori Development proficiency in the Māori language. While the literature revealed an increase in surveyspopulation, to identif (or thosey levels identifying of participation as being inMāori), language Te Puni and cultureKokiri’s activities (2006) between 2000 and 2006 were indicating only slight increases in participation.

he ‘chasm of difference’In terms of inMāori educational functioning achi successfully in mainstream society,- t in NCEA qualifications, higher evementseducation, between and other Māori school and qualifications, non Māori students along with a description of other sociodemographic indicators suggest the necessity of urban Marae to deliver curriculum that is truly emancipatory.

1.2.3 Marae Curriculum Outcomes

1.2.3.1 Curriculum Presage: Conceptions and Experiences of those Involved in

Living the Curriculum.

A strong cultural identity enables people to become and remain independent and self-reliant; people who thrive in their own environment. Those with little sense of their cultural identity and those alienated from their culture become dependent and lack the skills of meaningful survival in their own context. This

dilemma is obvious in societies that have suffered colonial domination, whereby generations find they are socialising and raising their children with the cultural values and world view of the colonising power, while undermining their own identity and cultural determination.

In an imploding period created using Eurocentricfor views Māori of in the New world. Zealand This history, view was Māori accompanied identity was by

differenceshistories relabelled in tribal asunderstandings. legends standardised The Old to T estamentform Māori and history English despite traditions were retold and woven into cultural representations easily understood and

waspreferred created, by onethe coloniserswhich up until (Durie, the 1998, arrival Smith, of the G, settlers 1999). hadA new been Māori defined identity in

terms of tribe, was now defined as a universal ‘Māori’ identity. Today, cultural identity has been conceived by Mason Durie (1998, p.58) as depending on key cultural institutions and resources such as Marae, and as an amalgam of:



identification as Māori  knowledge and understanding of tribal history, whakapapa

(genealogy), and tikanga (customs)

 access and participation as members on Marae, through

whānau and hapū links, with land, forests, waters and air spaces  communicatio

n via Māori 84language to varying levels, places, of

print, and via broadcasting.

Durie (1998) also proposes that a strong sense of identity creates benefits beyond cultural affirmation to preventative health care, increased educational participation and improvements in employment rates.

Smith, G (1997

, p. 38) refers to the Māori identity construct as Kaupapa Māori,

as is practised by Kura Kaupapa Māori: 1. self – determination (the ability to have increased control and autonomy

over the meaningful education decisions which impact on one’s life)

2. cultural aspirations

and culture as a basis(the for emotional one’s cultural need identity) for Māori language, knowledge

3. culturally preferred pedagogy (learning and teaching which is couched in

and positively reinforces the values, behaviours, customs and cultural

4. mediationcapital of the of socio Māori economic home) impediments (the mediation of the

socio-economic impediments which impact in disproportionate levels on

5. extendedMāori) family social structures and practice

collective cultural practices built around extended(the employment family structures of Māori and

responsibilities)

6. a collective vision (a shared vision supported by all of the participants and

that provides direction and impetus for the struggle)

According to Peter Roberts (1999, p. 14) a Freirean view of educational programmes,

while avoiding the manipulative and oppressive features of ‘banking’11 systems,

should nonetheless have structure, direction, a strong sense of purpose and

rigour…with personal and collective experience and concentrates on posing

problems, asking questions, and the development of an investigative, curious,

critical disposition in the learning process.

Education, and therefore the curriculum itself, is part of a wider political process; a praxis whereby participants continually reflect, return, engage in dialogue, and reflect again in order to act to transform the world. Roberts (2000) in his discussion of Freirean ideas around narration sickness, posits the transformation necessary in combating an education that recites knowledge as a vessel filling exercise12. Freirean ideas of transformation (on the other hand) require a problem posing, genuine education that is liberating. It requires dialogue and unveils a consciousness that is critical and never finds answers that halt the process. The world continues to evolve and these changes in growth suggest new questions and new critique as opposed to the ‘fixed inevitability’ of social reality as adopted by the banking system (Roberts, 2000, p.55). Freirean values are identified by Roberts in the same discussion and may be identified in the outcomes of the Marae curriculum: ‘These include humility, a generous loving heart, respect for others, tolerance, courage, decisiveness, competence, verbal parsimony, openness to what is new, perseverance in the process of struggle, (and) a spirit of hope’.

Erik Schwimmer (2004, p.7)13 in exploring Hoani Waititi Marae as a case study

claimed ‘(t)here is a sharp split between two modalities of bicultural space in

New Zealand speaks in at leastMāori three culture’ voices;. Māori models culture of ‘life today ways’ though shift acrossunited representationson issues, of identities, interests (and how we choose to live out our lives within the cultural design). Traditiona ontology- the nature of being,l Māori creation social and space our existenceis representative and can of be Māori heard in

membershipthe voices where for example. we make Positional claim to iwi, identities hapū and as definedwhānau byas Holland,community Skinner,

Lachicotte and Cain (1998) are about the daily relations of power, respect, membership and distance (Holland, 2007). In bicultural, often mainstream social space, the division of these identities exists in compartments expressed in different social contexts as in types of register, appropriate to circumstance, situation and environment. The many compartments have distinct voices and together form the figured world. These voices are heterogeneous and create for individuals a ‘bicultural persona’ (Holland, Skinner, Lachicotte & Cain, 1998,

- p.7). Schwimmer’s- analysis discusses successful biculturalism as Māori pākehā

Positionaland Māori identitiesMāori relationships must main thattain existenceare lived and and continually thus require negotiated. great ‘social - interactional and social-relational skill and effort, bicultural agents are heavily burdened’ (Schwimmer, 2004, p.7). Schwimmer’s study revealed individuals who can speak a number of voices but who will always return or turn to

represent the

whānau with great allegiance.

It is mostly the balanced sharing out of loyalties that makes Māori bicultural

knownagents effective.and their Ifmana they islose short the lived. trust Ifof they their lose natal the whānau, trust of this becomes

pākehā agency,

at least their mana among Māori may survive (p.5).

Schwimmer draws from Mason Durie’s (1994) Whaiora in identifying the

- concept and nature of Māori pākehā partnership in the health sector through his illuminations of the tapa wha mod reclaiming of cultural significance. Theel parallels informed and by balancesMāori ontology of physical and -as a biological and cultural-sociological approaches in Schwimmer’s view draw on

‘Māori esoterics and the Greek New Testament’ (p.8), (realising that pākehā and recogniseMāori ontological spiritual underpinnings elements and doare not far tendfrom to similar). separate For mind instance, and body. Māori Durie highlights the tensions that arise from moving between the two value systems and applying what is appropriate at each turn, and the obvious impact on mental health. A form of symbiosis between the worlds is possible when

exemplardifferences of are voices recognised is identified and Māorias Schwimmer are able to discusses remain autonomous.Durie’s discourse. An

-classical’ figuredThese represent: world, a positional mana and identity health stemming of university from graduated the Māori health ‘neo professional,

Christian values and an eclectic mix combining contemporary Māori and 88

(Schwimmer, 2004). Indicators can then be examined of biculturalism and the decolonial praxis of Hoani Waititi Marae through the symbiotic nature of the members and the balance of positional identities within figured worlds for these urban

Māori, many of whom carve a difficult living (Schwimmer, 2004). This robustnesswould entail in: an exploration considering the figured world(s) of the whānau and



producing relational values of the traditional whānau 

producing symbiosis with pākehā world  producing trans-national values in terms of world view

Svi Shapiro (2005b, p.257) on choosing a school for his child in the USA turned away from multiculturalism and pluralistic options as (in his view) neither of these environments was able to offer the richness celebrated at a Jewish school, richness that could produce relational values of the traditional Jewish world:

Only in that environment does Jewishness become a form of life that

colours moral expression, joyful celebration, the moments of soulful

reflection and sadness, and the days and seasons of the calendar year.

Jewishness becomes more than an abstract focus of intellectual discussion:

the living vehicle through which my daughter can construct her identity

and articulate her ethical and spiritual commitments. Such a voice is a

matter of both the heart and the mind, and only a pedagogic environment

that is flooded with the resonance of Jewish memory and experience can

nurture it .

Shapiro believed that his daughter’s education would instil in her a deep worth, dignity and obligation to greater humanity as a vehicle for universal redress.

However, simultaneously, his concern was also for unintentionally feeding the racist and elitist ‘veiled attempts’ of those pushing the school choice agenda that were separatist and religiously fundamentalist in essence. Similar cloak and dagger antics were apparent in the late ‘80s when the beginnings of Kura

echelon

Kaupapa Māori and other Māori initiatives capitalised on a comparableTomorrow’s

Schools.of New Zealand society surrounding the possibilities for Māori in

The pursuit of identity by way of producing relational values of the traditional cultural base is discussed in Sue McGinty’s (2003, p.73) description of the literature and theories behind community capacity building (CCB) in

Queensland, Australia. The needs of the indigenous community form the space where traditional knowledges and values can be accessed. Community capacity building is one of six government strategies aimed to establish a true partnership between schools and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander families

– a partnership that allows the needs of the community to be addressed, and by essentially locating control in the hands of the community. The Queensland State

Education- 2010 (Education Queensland 1999) strategy moves from the deficit theories responsible for policy making in Queensland’s history. Target areas of long-term focus are: graduation from full education, pre-school experience, teacher education, English and other languages, community capacity building 90

and accountability. Focus is on education as a pathway to social, cultural and academic progress. Development focuses on the partnership as an investment in people in the pursuit of capacity building14 (McGinty, 2003). McGinty explores major elements of capacity building for Regional Australia citing the work of

Garlick (1999) and Schumacher (1974): knowledge building, leadership, network building, valuing community and supporting information. Leaders of communities are identified as the catalyst for success and valuing the community relates to the socio-cultural worthiness, particularly for indigenous communities. ‘Connectivity and embeddedness’ (McGinty, 2003, p.73) is also essential in networking to create partnerships, all with the ultimate goal of improving the capability of these communities. Outcomes and effects are recognisable in capacity building in Hoani Waititi Marae ‘projects’ with similar aims.

Community capacity building intends to establish a real partnership between schools and indigenous families as an investment in people. Similarly, focus is on education as a pathway to social, cultural and academic progress. The

Queensland State Education- 2010 target comparable areas of long term focus with the study, alongside the notion of community leaders being identified as the facilitators of success.

1.2.3.2 Indications for the Study – Marae Curriculum Outcomes

Learners strengthening their cultural identity, independent people who prosper in their environment was identified in the literature review. Durie’s (1998) criteria parallel as desired outcomes for the Marae curriculum: identification as

Māori; knowledge and understanding of tribal history, whakapapa and tikanga; language.access and participation as members on Marae; and communication via Māori

Furtheridentity literatureconstruct inwhich the reviewaffirms points the aims to Smith’sfor tino (1999)rangatiratanga. reference Peter to the Roberts Māori

(1999) assists with themes around curriculum programmes having a strong sense of purpose and rigour, with personal and collective experience, concentrating on problem posing that is enquiring and liberating.

Schwimmer (2004) raises themes of making

claim to iwi groups, hapū and whānau as community membership,- successful biculturalism, loyalties, and the examinationconcept and natureof Hoani of WaititiMāori pākehāMarae curriculum partnership. would He suggests involve thatconsidering an the

figured worlds of the whānau and their robustness in producing relational producingvalues of the trans traditional-national whānau, values in a termsrelationship of world with view. the pākehā world, and

Shapiro’s (2005b) curriculum themes sought specific effects and outcomes that went beyond the academic to themes of ‘moral expression, joyful celebration, the moments of soulful reflection’.

McGinty’s (2003) research into the literature and theories of community capacity building posits whether the curriculum via education is a pathway to social, cultural and academic progress. Themes for capacity building: knowledge building, leadership, network building, valuing community and supporting information, alongside the leaders of communities identified as the catalyst for success.

1.2.4 Postcolonial Consequences

Ka whawhai tonu matou - Struggle without end

Rewi Maniapoto

A number of commentators (Bhabha, 1994; Said, 1993; Spivak, 1992) have identified the characteristics of a postcolonial world, where the colonised generate a creative resistance that complicates and provides texture to

European, imperial colonial projects. This world signifies opposition (Bahri,

1996, p.1), where national identity after colonial rule is the dilemma, where cultural identity is celebrated often with remaining connections to the coloniser, and indigenous knowledge has served the coloniser’s interests.

The

rest Europeanof the globe empire by the is time said of to the have First sway World over War, more having than 85% consolidated of the

its control over several centuries (Bahri, 1996, p.1).

Gayatri Spivak (1992, p.11) in Thinking academic freedom in gendered postcoloniality, identifies the issues that decolonisation cannot escape:

(T)he impasse between the cultures destroyed before colonisation, continuous

(not static) and reactive to subalternity, deeply constitutive and sometimes

reactionary in the elite, perhaps most emancipatory in (subaltern) women; a)the

dubious unorganised comprised repository of the old patterns of responsibility-

all on one side; and b)the European Enlightenment on the other.

While by definition, postcolonial suggests after colonisation, Linda Smith (1999) has suggested, that even after leaving, their legacy remains such as in the form of institutions. Anthony Guneratne (1997) draws on Shabatand and McClintock in pointing out that post colonialism does not exist, (continuing colonialism does). It is a designation of convenience, the ‘post’ referring more to the definition of the bar a slave is tethered to. George Landow (2007, p. 2) claims that fallacies occur in believing in a ‘historical amnesia that remembers only colonisation’. Major historical events have occurred in the change of state from colonial to postcolonial and believing things are ‘just as bad’ affords mana and authority to the colonisers as if the struggle provides little difference. A number of countries, Aotearoa included, continue to function under foreign control; for the coloniser remains. While still struggling with ‘postcolonisation’,

-colonisation

(subjugationMāori face contemporary through expanding metamorphoses capitalism of and possibility: globalisation neo (Bahri, 1996, p.2),

re-colonisation, an infra-colonisation whereby the colonised re-colonise their next generation as did the original colonisers, or spasmodic eclectic trappings formed from the characteristics of both. Moana Jackson (1998, p.71) cast aside the terminology:

I tautoko…about colonisation not being about something of the past,

because in my view we are not in a post-colonial, nor indeed a neo-colonial

period. Instead we are in a new version of the same old song of the

dispossession and the denial of the rights of the indigenous peoples .

Michael Kilburn (1996) reminds us that in Spivak’s reconfiguring of the centre, her usage of responsibility is an ethical positioning that calls us to engage in a relationship that allows space for the other to exist. Perhaps this is can reside. may be able to embrace the coloniser. where Māori

Māori Graham Smith (1997) discusses conscientisation, resistance and transformative praxis (p.484-485) as a successful cyclic intervention of the status quo that has

achievedresulted from at bot pākehāh the institutional hegemonic dominance.level (structure) Emancipatory and modal potential level (language, is custom values). Smith posits that education and schooling have been dominant sites where the struggle has been fought and the validity of state education

of the status quo has been achieved to date via aquestioned. number of mechanismsPākehā maintenance listed here (Graham Smith, 1997, p.481):

 by upholding academics that support the status quo,

 by maintaining hold on the theoretical discussions and bewildering the

debate,

 by (for instance) focussing on selective questions,

 by re-naming the

Māori world and applying definition to

andvocabulary/Western control), labels outside of the authenticity of the knowledge

 by creating policy and legislation as barriers,



posby utilisingitions without Māori cohortspower or and authority, creating positions for Māori in profile

 by organising committees, working parties, reference groups that

legitimise and affirm the above,

 by controlling the curriculum to reflect their cultural habitus,

 by deciding what official knowledge is,

 by under-funding resistance initiatives,

 by divide-and-rule practice,

 by understating the achievements of

the centre. Māori and positioning themselves at

The state in being something of shape-shifters (who alter their form) continues

(p.481).to counterthrust Thus Smith the seesagency the of decolonisatio Māori via ‘multiplen process battles of reconstructing in multiple sites’ free from

colonial influence (Bahri, 1996, p.3) being without end - at least for the present.

Self-determination is fought on a number of stages and each battle, requires defending. Smith refers to Rewi Maniapoto te tipuna p.481, as cited in Walker, 1990), ‘Ka whawhai tonu matou:o Ngāti Struggle Maniapoto, without (1997, end’. Smith (1997) extends this to a concept of ‘real decolonisation’ which is birthed through actual struggle for freedom.

not suffice. It is a false freedom that unbalances power relations.“Freedom” Examples granted doesmay be evident in the present situation at the Kura Kaupapa

resultsMāori o in Hoani less participation Waititi Marae compared where a somewhat to the initial relaxed years attitude of conception of whānau which demanded energy, vibrancy and high commitment. A ‘there’s nothing to do now’ attitude affects the kura-s ability to maintain roll number, stabilise staffing and appease the Education Review Office. Smith (1997, p. 85) argues in respect to the changing face of Kura Kaupapa

‘(T)hey have not participated withinMāori the struggle whānau to post establish the ‘struggle these schools, years’, that consequently they have not developed the level of political conscientisation to effectively access the full potential of the transformative opportunity’.

Directions for the people in keeping with the spirit of his conscientisation, resistance, transformative praxis cyclic model, is around a much needed unification of intent and purpose, going beyond the one, all-consuming struggle being played out in front of us and to which we are a part, and by being more

inclusive of others not ‘conscientised’ to the struggle. The intent and purpose of language and culture revival should be enough binding, despite missing that particular set of battles.

Also suggested is separating cultural revitalisation from education recovery to avoid conflict and smearing of issues, alongside a foreboding that members marginalise others via language and tikanga: those who are equipped versus those who are not. Smith (1997, 2010) warns us of tokenistic structures fronted by brown personnel ( class sizes and Board Māori)of Trustees , obstacles governance in Kura structures, Kaupapa andMāori age such-old asissues growing around resourcing and such. Becoming domesticated and actionalising

strengthening the resolve requiredKaupapa forMāori the is struggle. another A concern matrix aidshe documents in revealing in ‘where more effort needs to be applied to get the full benefits of ‘meaningful change’ (p.490). The matrix as

gatiratanga, taonga one possibility refers to Kaupapa Māori criteria of tino ran tuku iho/gifts handed problemsdown, ako and Māori/Māori kaupapa. learning, whānau, ōrite

raruraru/reoccurring The idea that colonisation will end suddenly and indigenous self-determination replaces the previous 173 years is hardly feasible. Even if this were the case, the language, beliefs, values and traditions of the alien master cannot be, as in the vein of Said’s (1993, p. xx), ‘residual imperialist propensities’. As Holla (1997,

p.1) described, these cannot be “shed like the skin of a snake and then tossed away and forgotten. It will always leave something behind, some form of

colonial residue”. Avoseh (2001, p. 479) adds the “…failure of Western civilisation and the threat that this failure poses to the futur

e of humanity”. This researcher’s attempt to Write back to the centre (Ashcroft, Griffiths & Tiffin, 1989) continues to focus on notions of emancipatory curriculum in an indigenous era of self-determination and resurrection as we wade our way through the ever murky colonial stream.

Fernandez (2008, p. 107) in his description of reclaiming identity towards decolonisation via Pangasinan studies and praxis calls for the need to situate the study in its relevant epistemological base in order to be able to review the past

historyand present is near production demise. Colonisation of knowledge. by Pangasinan the Spaniards not has unlike left theMāori Pangasinan recent people of the present unsure of whether or not they had a written language.

Histories and traditions much like those in other postcolonial indigenous nations were passed down orally through generations, insuring the survival of this Pangasinan culture of the Philippines. Fernandez claims that the historical underpinnings of the studies of Pangasinan culture are ‘colonial and neo- colonial in orientation’.

Colonial because it catered first to the colonial and imperial needs of

the colonisers in the form of dictionaries, census, provincial reports

and other colonial documents reporting on the people, culture and

activities of the Pangasineses. It is neo-colonial in the sense that until

now it has not shed off the vestiges of its colonial mould (Fernandez,

2008, p.107).

Fernandez suggests the way to decolonisation is via leaders in education and research who might unveil emancipatory research through the recovery of

‘indigenous ways of knowing and indigenous ways of being’ (Smith,

1999, p.108). Philippine cultural authenticity is regularly challenged by neo- colonisation. The reclaiming of cultural identity pre colonisation and neo- colonisation allows for the recovery of original models as opposed to copied constructs from the other. Indigenised paradigms are a strategy for decolonisation. In similar vein to the nationalising of ‘

Māori’, Pangasinan identity is othered to a one-size-fits- national culture resulting in the genocideall model of a oflarge Filipino/Tagalog number of languages language and of cultures (Fernandez, 2008). In effect, an infra-oppression, infracolonisation has

taken place by Filipino/Tagalog’s over their cousins. Malreddy Kumar (2009, p.43) posits the end of colonialism in relation to social transformation in Canada where decolonisation has been the most effective tool in the documentation of indigenous education. Postcolonial theory is offered as an alternative to decolonial paradigms, ‘postcolonial theory provides a more comprehensive, yet flexible conceptual framework to the understanding of 100

historical and genealogical intricacies of Aboriginal education in Canada’ .

The aboriginal peoples of Canada have been thwarted with a number of ways of counteracting the forces of Eurocentrism. Education has been the favoured site of the dispute as ways for revitalising indigenous knowledges have been pursued. Kumar suggests that while decolonialism is a liberating ideological approach, postcolonial theory offers the four strands of

‘conceptualhumanism/assimilationism, relevance’ (p.44) nativism, necessary strategic to better essentialism, comprehend and the hybridity full extent as of the colonial aftermath. Resurgence evidence such as an increase in aboriginal representation in postsecondary education, successes in education and through other facets of Canadian society including employment, economics and social class, and new positionings of identity in terms of lifestyle and political affiliations all suggest that decolonial strategy alone cannot account for that level of transformation. Kumar (2009, p.45) draws from De Gannaro and Spivak in suggesting that European humanism as a colonial device is used to change the state of man from the crude native into the real man. Supported by Said’s concept of Orientalism, the native is reduced to a mass of facts. Thus, nativism offers a vital response to the reductionist, altering approach of humanism that in fact dehumanises. The real man represents a rational being and the norm to which other classes of man such as the native man, are compared. The native man is the antithesis; representing values or lack thereof that require taming,

101

teaching and albeit - changing. The need to civilise is of course at the heart of colonisation – the quest to humanise the ‘almost human’.

Comparable to the settlement of Aotearoa, Canadian Aboriginal education has undergone a series of regimes in attempts to assimilate or integrate the native populous. Add-on approaches of attaching some aboriginal content to mainstream programmes, partnership approaches of aboriginal communities with mainstream schools in the pursuit of bilingualism, and the First Nations control approach which has only highlighted that Canadian authorities are unable to relinquish power and schools continue to operate under the colonial assimilist models - have developed in similar ways to New Zealand’s journey

(Kumar, 2009). Contemporary postcolonial theory directs nativism as a political urgency, an agency that rejects the colonial interpretations and rewrites the world from an authentic position, that of the native particularly since

Eurocentric philosophy is not equipped to comprehend societies other than its own genus; the perspective of the native can only be understood in terms of its own histories and ideologies. Autonomy and control of the education of aboriginal children by aboriginals remains the aim and pursuit of the indigenous peoples in Canadian education today. Some achievements have included provincial governments across Canada that have introduced policy frameworks for aboriginal education. However, Said (2004, p.141) warns us to

‘construct fields of coexistence rather than fields of battle’ in his

102

examination of the historical implications of decolonisation. He suggests that repressive nationalism too readily replaces colonial regimes.

Strategic essentialism as espoused by Spivak legitimises the strategic use or action of Western concepts as a way to serve the political interests of the indigenous (Kumar, 2009). In a modernist way, the application of strategic essentialism attends to the educational aspirations of aboriginal people. The

achievement of academia for whānau of Te Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi theirMarae childr has balanceden’s abilities the desiresto function for mātaurangawell in both Māori/MāoriNew Zealand knowledgemainstream and and

compromisingMāori society. Learningthe cultural about teachings ‘new’ sciences of their ofown the epistemology material world is the without common example characteristic of indigenous educational journeying. The shift however in Canadian culture-centred education to science and technology is indicative of the ‘emerging new middle class in the postcolonial societies’ (Kumar, 2009, p.

50) as identities are reshaped and reformed by newly sought careers.

Hybridity as penned by Homi Bhabha’s (1994) postmodernist approach to colonialism - The Location of Culture, (originally conceptualised by Henri

Lefebvre’s study of The Production of Space, where spatial knowledge is discussed as a cause for a new openness and creativity (Soja, 2009)), described another kind of reshaping - that of the coloniser in the act of colonising, the coloniser enters a somewhat colonised space in entering a third space created

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for the act. This space is a ‘site of in-betweenness (that) becomes the ground of discussion, dispute, confession, apology and negotiation’ and both sides of the dialectical ‘together confront the inequities and asymmetries of social trauma not as a ‘common people’, but as a people with a common cause’ (Bhabha, 2009, p. x). Ikas and Wagner (2009) expand this to couching the negotiation that not only shifts the members of the polarised groups from their origins, but that allows for the creation of some commonality that is new in its hybridity. The future of aboriginal education therefore is centred on evolving aboriginal identities in the face of modernity and how aboriginal education can meet the balance of indigenous and contemporary mostly Eurocentric knowledge systems (Kumar, 2009).

Amal Treacher (2007, p.231) in discussing the silence described by Edward

Said’s walk with his father, (‘it was also how he died, turning his face to the wall, without a sound. Had he, I wonder, ever really wanted to say more than he actually did’. Treacher discusses the silence and likens it to that of his own insider cultural experience as he asks in his powerful work on the shame and silence of enduring colonialism, what does it mean to be a colonised subject?

Can the curriculum of the urban Marae be investigated without considering what it means to be a colonised subject?

Carrying the haunts of anxiety, uncertainty and diffidence, Treacher (2007, p.

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232) proposes that in his native land, Egypt, these residues exist amongst the men even when they are unaware of it. ‘Like a palimpsest, successive layers of history co-exist within the present; despite attempts to erase the past’ In a society where the authority of the Arab male was not to be questioned under colonial rule, the appearance of maintaining power remains in the present day workings despite the fact that colonial experience continues. This identity juxtaposition is capable of creating crisis, and the crisis manifests as silence, shame and helplessness. Optimism is rare. The fact that anger, lack of unity of purpose and bitterness resides, has Treacher and the writer in terms of this study, seeking to explore the people’s emotions and the relationship to their political history. How does one get past the silence? Can we do that without resorting to the mainstream Western perceptions?

It is all too easy to reinforce a view of the Arab region as inhabiting a

culture of oppression or misery and thereby to miss issues of resistance,

power, commitment and enjoyment of life…In short, how can we think

through the matters concerned without recourse to reductionism,

reinforcement, or concretising the complex (2007, p.237)?

Treacher (2007, p. 238) poses that in this particular example, possibilities could have eventuated in creating something new out of a failed revolution that occurred in 1952, but rather a paralysis occurred that silenced members of what was and is on the surface a ‘chatty society’. Colonisations of various natures across the globe have not determined how to create a new society; a

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new order organically grown from the result, having taken heed of the damage and masterfully transformed this knowledge into new understandings of the world – understandings that repel us from ever going there again. Sadly, the power required to drive this suggested possible new order is fuelled by

‘exploitation, corruption and subjection’ and we are left somewhat without integrity. The challenge is how do we take hold of what we have inherited and work out how much of what we are is by way of, and as a result of colonisation?

And how do we consider this without evoking further shame? Shame, humiliation, embarrassment and ridicule are precise tools in continuing colonisation in the absence of the coloniser and contribute perhaps more directly than we realise, to leaders asserting authority and directing the people.

In further attributing to the powerlessness dynamic, with shackled leadership, anxiety and depression manifest in the growing belief that we are deficient.

Shame also evokes rage and anger. ‘Shame is felt about the past, about colonisation and its legacy, about the social, political and emotional conditions of life’ (Treacher, 2007, p.240). Treacher cites Bhabha’s expressions of remembering as being necessary to recall and accept our past and its contribution to how we have been formed. It is a painful journey designed to

i take up the task of re- rememberclaiming the colonisation colonised past, itself. the However, responsibility rather is than guised Māor in jest; coated with humour, as embarrassment evolves to denial and is shuffled elsewhere. Is this

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ugh about ourcharacteristic situation(s) of andthe urbanevents Marae than e whānauxpose the members? gnawing painIt is easierof truth, to andla a diminished ego. In short, where does one go in terms of leading a people out of colonisation when the dominant leadership models one has been governed by have been that of the coloniser, and they were humiliating, patronizing and dehumanising?

Returning to postcolonial scholar, Bhabha’s concept of hybridity in his recent preface to Communicating in the third space, (2009), he considers an incident from Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness. Marlow the ‘protagonist’ character in the novel is one of a warring, colonising crowd who attack a band of natives on an island. Close proximity has Marlow reframing his enemy and recognising his human condition. He suddenly sees the pathos of the emaciated form of humanity, and in a moment of pity, Marlow handed the starving native a ship’s biscuit at which point he noticed that the native staring back at him with sunken eyes wore around his throat a strip of white cloth. According to Bhabha, the cloth becomes a sign, an entry point, as a symbol of colonial trade that becomes a mediating third space that assigns the relation between the narrator and the native. ‘The third space is a challenge to the limits of the self in the act of reaching out to what is liminal in the historic experience, and in the cultural representation, of other peoples, times, languages, texts’ (Bhabha, 2009, p. xiii).

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The strip of cloth carries such possibility, compared to over 173 years of seeking validity for The Treaty of Waitangi, a document signed by both the narrator and the natives. The treaty debate continues to focus on what the natives expect from a transaction signed in a lost age. It has never focussed on the accountabilities of the coloniser and why they signed it – the native’s cloth suggests greater mediating possibility.

A similar entry point is identifiable in Te Pahi’s tribal garb back in 1805. Te Pahi

Sydney.was a Ngāpuhi In assisting chief Tevisiting Pahi inthe the Governor process ofof thecolonisation, New South he Wales was taken colony on in an observation of the courts to attend the trial of two men who had stolen pork.

One of the accused was sentenced to death. Te Pahi felt the sentence to be extreme since food was very common and a necessity to all. Te Pahi petitioned the Governor, and then appeared for dinner that night dressed in his own native

nd not the European clothes made for him in

Sydney.attire befitting He finally a Ngāpuhi starved chief himself a for a number of days until the prisoner was released. Rosenblatt (2003, p. 122) draws on Bawden, 1987 in his account of the

Te Pahi episode commented on ‘how easily the clothing became a sign of positively valued otherness - how easily it came to consciousness as an emblem of a way of life and a system of values’

Edward Soja (2009, p. 49) states - the spatial dimension of our existence has never been of greater relevance than it is today. He suggests that we ‘are active

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participants in the social construction of our embracing spatialities’.

He defines the third space as ‘inherent spatiality of human life’ in building on the trialectical thinking of Lefebvre, Soja reviews the extension from a binary opposition of one and an-other, that is more than the sum of both of these.

Trialectical thinking extends beyond the historical and the social to spatial thinking. It is a space to challenge taken-for granted knowledges, a place to seek emancipatory change and unshackling from domination as a reconstruction of a first-space (direct spatial experiences that can be empirically measured), and second-space (knowledges that deal with symbolic worlds) duality.’

(P)lace, location, locality, landscape, environment, home, city, region,

territory, and geography. First of all third space is a metaphor for the

necessity to keep the consciousness of and the theorising on spatiality

radically open. It is used most broadly to highlight what are considered

to be the most interesting new ways of thinking about space and

spatiality. In its broadest sense, it is a purposefully tentative and flexible

term that attempts to capture what is actually a constantly shifting and

changing milieu of ideas, events appearances and meanings…where

issues of race, class and gender can be addressed simultaneously

without privileging one over the other (p.50).

Bhabha (1994, p.38-39) articulates postcoloniality:

(T)he theoretical recognition of the split-space of enunciation may open

the way to conceptualising an international culture, based not on the 109

exoticism of multiculturalism, or the diversity of cultures, but on the

inscription and articulation of culture’s hybridity. To that end we should

remember that it is the ‘inter’- the cutting edge of translation and

negotiation, the inbetween space- that carries the burden of the meaning

of culture…And by exploring this Third Space, we my elude the politics

of polarity and emerge as the others of ourselves .

Julia Lossau (2009, p.63) however warns of the danger that both Bhabha and

Soja dissatisfied with dualisms and essentialisms, risk of falling into a ‘territorial trap of identity’ that repeats the reductionism they set out to conquer .This

Lossau suggests is possible via a ‘fixation of difference by locating identities’ as hybridity resides between two fixed realms, and this fixity negates the ever changing nature of the third space. Acheraiou (2008, p.3) rethinks colonialism and questions how possible it is to reconcile the violent, angry, racist relationships of the colonised and the coloniser, where hybridity is likened more to the space ‘of the impossible, since imperial encounters can at best produce alienated, schizophrenic subjects, and at worst turn the colonised into a sub-humanised, commodified mass’ .

Spivak centres on unlearning one’s privilege in the postcolonial mix by considering how much knowledge we have lost as a consequence, the knowledge(s) we have lost by not being able to understand (Landry & MacLean,

1996). Moving towards decolonisation requires embracing across difference

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and distance. The consideration for this study is around the implications for curriculum choices and functions and how curriculum initiatives equip its members. Spivak calls on the ethical relation of the subaltern being able to speak as in Said’s walk with his father and Treacher’s silence, and as the subaltern speak, they relinquish the definition of subaltern; and are subaltern no more. Representation requires being in an-others shoes - walking the walk, as opposed to re-staging the event; an authentism in representation.

1.2.4.1 The Locale

Hoani Waititi Marae is the fulcrum of community engagement for West

Auckland and wider Auckland Māori and non Māori. The curriculum of the Te Kohanga

Marae is taught via specific groups, cultures or wānanga such as Reo, Te Whare Tu Taua, Te Kura Kaupapa Māori, Patua Te Ngangara- methamphetamine prevention programme, and Whanau Awhina of the conceptual schema where the perspectives of individuals form the cultures which make up the organisation (Wiersma, 2000, p.243). In response and opposition to colonisation, these specific groups as culture movements are methods of organising politically and disseminating educationally the revival of

Māori culture. Daniel Rosenblatt’s (2003, p. 449) doctoral thesis Houses and hopes: Urban

Marae and the indigenization of modernity in New Zealand, an anthropological

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ethnographic study based at Hoani Waititi Marae in the mid-nineties addressed the constructs and representations of modernisation of the indigenous ways

that Māori perceptions of identity have been produced by ‘their’ interaction with colonialismpākehā, and t how ‘Māorifying’ aspects of modern life is a strategy of dealing15. In

hat stretches back to the arrival of the manuhiri/visitors opening a definition of cultural renaissance, Rosenblatt asserts that the Māori modern New renaissance “is an attempt to put Māori ‘culture’ at the centre of

Zealand life”: it reflects a part on Māori people to be at once “modern” and that“Māori”. initiated However it is the antithesis of purpose of the Kōhanga Reo movement

the renaissance. The resurgence of Māori language actioned in speakingTe Kōhanga population Reo was froma national a small persistence remaining by number Māori toof speakingreclaim a eldersnative. The focus was traditional; on a yearning to be a speaking, culturally equipped people by turning not to the contemporary, but to the past. As Rosenblatt states

“included in the renaissance are Māori attempts to regain their land, to preserve their language, to take control over the education of their children…” (p. 45).

ZealandRosenblatt historians posits via recognised a number and of foreign celebrated anthropologists by mainstream and New pākehā Zealand New society that at a point in history of the cessation of war (in citing Belich and due

Christianitymostly to a balance upon the in death arms distributionof Hongi Hika amongst) and economic Māori, and changes the opening or disparities, up of

the relevance of hapū and the authority112 of chiefs within them was renegotiated

and reformed to the carving of houses. This was literally from the practice of war to constructing whare as a ‘concrete focus and a way to signify and

collectivitydemonstrate in their amongst mana’ the (p.450) individualism allowing espoused Māori a continued by the new sense power. of Apirana

Ngata promoted the cooperative act of house building into the twentieth century as a unifying strategy, as Rosenblatt suggests (in citing Neich) as a

suggestedreplacement that for other a hapū purposes ambition may once have taken been up as by an warfare. anti-colonial It is further act, for the

oritanga, and for the strengthening of tribalisation via increasedexpression inter of Mā-tribal relations. Are there curriculum activities that the Marae undertakes in similar vein? Is Ngata’s cooperative task revisited in a 21st century guise?

The indications for in the separate-ness ways

(that are rightfully deniedthis exploration as being separatist is whether) ableMāori to negotiate in a third space?

What Maori may perceive as being one point along a continuum is alleged as separatist from the other. Has that space been active since arrival of the forebears of present day white New Zealanders in ways that have made way for cultural evolved in a separate space? Rosenblatt also poses whethersurvival, hybridity or have appliesMāori or whether there are other ways of organising the cultural mix - coexisting ‘without the boundaries disappearing’.

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Furthermore, Penetito (2005, p.301) in guiding us through a pathway of pseudo

tity to reconstructingMāori education the directs configuration us to altering and composition our attention of from the status issues quo. of iden Problems of identity result from the asymmetrical power relations enforced by the coloniser.

In his raw, no-nonsense approach of direct questions and answers, Penetito lays out the

Māori identity space that allows us to move on:

Why is there a problem with Māori student school performance? Because the cultural discontinuity between Māori student home and family

and the institution of school are gross.

Howperformance? will learning the Māori language improve Māori student educational

It will help them feel positive about themselves as Māori which is a necessary

ingredient in their ability to successfully contest the ethnocentric values and

sometimes racist practices of the school.

How will the establishment of a Māori education authority improve the

delivery of education to Māori? It will do exactly what the system does now and with the equivalent bias

but in favour of Māori rather than the dominant system.

(And)

what is it that accounts for the perceived success of Kōhanga Reo

and Kura Kaupapa Māori? They acknowledge the Māori world as a valid option to be maintained in

everyday life.

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Four mediating structures:

Māori education reports, the processes, are of found by consultation, institutional Marae, and Kaupapa Māori schooling

Penetito to be successful as devices that sustain balance between Māori and dialogism.Pākehā, their Penetito representatives states that and success consequent of these situations mediating and structures circumstances is of

determined by providing Māori participation in the system without allowing that participation to severely affect the power base (in a master’s tools sense).

The mediating structures create relationships and spaces that can be negotiated in a similar way as the concept of the third space (Bhabha, 1994). This thesis posits that urban Marae, not completely unlike institutional Marae16 in their

ticularly, arise out of purpose and function, and Kaupapa Māori schooling par

Māori sources for the purpose of challenging the ‘status quo’. Penetito refers to ‘real salvation’ possible for both entities via two systems; in part independent of each other and in part integrated and that require negoti the purposesation. This that follows we assume his belief – educative that the purposes, education but of asMāori a mechanism has not been for for

educationsocial control, system while - for Māori cult have risen from the loss and in turn used the

ural revitalisation. Given this,not Māori designed education to address then has ensured the failure of Māori in a system that was learning and teaching for success.17 absent from the curriculum of mainstreamAs example, schoo Māori knowledge remains

ls where the majority of Māori 115

students are schooled. Further issues of decolonisation are addressed as

Penetito (2005, p.9) discusses how the state employs mediating structures

ed, without having to enforce regulations on Māori, ‘tying them to a regulat colonised identity’. Relative autonomy

is afforded Māori that enables continued educationcontrol by systemthe state is andsuggested perpetuation in line withof its a own reverberating interests. A discourse Kaupapa onMāori Marae since the Native Schools, that stands beside the education system of its Treaty partner with stress on greater participation from the partner. Smith, G. (1997)

uthority was raised at the National reminds us that a separate84. MāoriThis area Education of participation, A the writer likens again to possibilitiesHui Tūrangawaewae of the third 19 space. Here, one of the first questions to address (in

notPenetito’s (p. 34) view) but, why would some not acts be, or‘why behaviours do Māori are fail definedin the system as achievements and others anddo others not?’ He then raises ‘intervention’ if not at the level of iwi groups, at the

conductedlevel of hapū through groups schooling or community has mostly as kinship occurred sources. at the Māori level education of community.

Natasha Gagne‘s (2004) ethnography Māori identities and visions: Politics of everyday life in Auckland, New Zealand and how it is experienced in the city. Relationshipsexamined what were being explored Māori in today the means

identitiescolonised andAuckland cultural space aspects perceived in sites as and being spaces alienating that were which created reaffirmed and that Māori

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were continually changing. Every day people’s kinships were explored by way of extended worlds andfamilies the figured and ‘city worlds houses’ of society based formed on ‘traditional the basis Marae’. of the Māoriinvestigation figured that concerned a pathway through decolonisation and the pursuit of self- determination (Gagne, 2004) distinct arenas: for rights recognition. Gagne identified as indigenous the struggle people, offor Māori renewed in four links with the state via the Treaty of Waitangi, for socio-economic parity, and for affirmation of identity particularly throug

h Te Reo Māori. In similar vein to Schwimmer’s explanation of biculturalism outlined earlier in

the chapter, Gagne refers to the figured world of Māori, specifically citing Holland et al’s definition of the figured world - ‘A socially and culturally constructed realm of interpretation in which particular characters and actors are recognised, significance is assigned to certain acts, and particular outcomes are valued over others’ (1998). Gagne draws upon Holquist ( p. 18) to confirm more defi

nitively, ‘a figured world thus cannot be referred to “in general”: it is the figured world of someone for someone about figured worlds are characterised by globalism, capitalismsomeone’. and Modern nationism; Māori all affected in a closer locale by historical colonialism. Some of these aspects in varying dynamics have impact and bearing on mainstream figured worlds.

presentAccess to day technologies kinship groups and cash within also colonisation contribute (Gagne,to changes 2004). to the Commitments whānau and to

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work and child rearing for example expose the flexibilities necessary to thrive in the city intangiblesas Māori. of comfort Gagne’s versus study dis opens-comfort. discourse and thought around the

‘placesParticipants are right associated when wairua comfort is withright’ the sense. presence Alienation of wairua/spirituality and feelings of in a discomfort were discussed and relationships formed between these intangibles and relative beliefs in how participants were perceived by others (in the greater world: work, kapa haka, community organisations and particularly on Marae) as bein

g Māori. How Māori participants were conceived as being Māori they felt was measured loosely by the ability to understand and speak Māori, and the anthologicalability to participate study offers in Māori based activities for instance. Gagne’s urban, engagement in these worlds.understandings of Māori struggles and our

In responding to Penetito’s call for support of intervention at the level of community, Ball (2004) and McCarty (2002) as discussed earlier have identified community-relevant sources that extend past conventional education.

Strong identity creates benefits beyond cultural affirmation to preventative health care, increased educational participation and improvements in employment rates (Durie, 1998), and as outlined by Ball (2004), First Nations programs have resulted in successes of learner knowledge acquisition,

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community capacity and contributions to social development goals. Community based knowledge removes from the learner ‘knowledge’ or ‘learning’ that originates from outside the learner, and replaces that learning with knowledge

familyfrom within connecting the community. to a shared In sense whānau of reality. terms Knowledgethis is knowledge dissemination from within and the connectedness with the wider world travels from the self, connecting with the greater world. The western paradigm has required us to work from the world to

and many indigenous peoplesthe community, this reversal importing of the alien flow ideas.of knowledge For Māori and connectedness with the world is fundamentally different and illustrates the often oppositional nature of cultural difference.

Within an anticolonial agenda, a high level of engagement in learning is required when ‘learning’ under the colonial mantle resulted for many in failure.

Engagement in learning is readily achieved with curriculum that is relevant and meaningful, drawing on learner known’s and experiences, providing self- direction and self-efficacy. Learners have the opportunity to use their indigenous voice, and to hear each other’s voice (Bishop, 2003; Smith. L,1999).

The Marae emphasises indigenous knowledge and experience. As an educational institution it demonstrates a generated approach to strengthening community capacity. It encourages broad community participation, inviting multiple perspectives. Participatory teaching practices draw upon various

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sources of knowledge. Students experience high commitment across the agencies or cultures and their education reflects the settings in which they live and intend to function.

1.2.4.2 Indications for the Study – Postcolonial Consequences

Themes emerged from the review of the literature that centred upon the

‘struggle without end’, ‘creative resistance’, and ‘opposition’ as defined by Bahri

(1996).

Theattachments education in of pursuing Māori faces indigenous the dilemma knowledge(s). of lessening the may lingering be left colonising with poor choices of neo-colonisation, re-colonisation, or combinationsMāori of both.

The theme of Political conscientisation is raised by (Smith, 1998) as he discusses the full potential of transformative opportunities.

Fernandez (2008) suggests that decolonisation is by way of our leaders in education who reveal indigenous ways of knowing and being as opposed to cloned copies from the other.

The ‘conceptual relevance’ of postcolonial theory is suggested by Kumar

(2009) in espousing authentism, rejecting colonial interpretations in the

-root initiatives. vein of Kaupapa Māori grass

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Hybridity is raised: negotiation that shifts opposed groups from their origins, and allows for the creation of commonality - suggesting that the curriculum of the urban Marae may meet the balance of indigenous and contemporary (mostly Eurocentric) knowledge systems.

Consideration needs to be made to what it means to be a colonised subject.

Treacher (2007) raises issues of resistance, power, commitment and enjoyment of life. Themes of shame, rage and anger accompany the belief that the colonised are deficient, alongside themes of ‘the painful journey’ and denial.

A mediating third space and possibilities of a new society complete with new understandings of the world – without privileging, assists in designing avenues for an optimistic future.

Penetito’s (2005) research provides themes of continuity between the home and family of the learner and the learning institution, the necessity of Te Reo in the curriculum, and the validation

of the Māori world. (Gagne, 2004) raises intangible notions of settled wairua, also alienation and

feelings of discomfort in terms of how Māori are perceived by other Māori as being – again centred within an arena of struggle.

Māori Community engagement is a key theme at Hoani Waititi Marae, alongside curriculum that is relevant and meaningful, that also draws on learner knowns

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and experiences.

Questions related to Marae curriculum, curriculum derivations, Marae curriculum outcomes, and postcolonial consequences, are further defined in following chapters. This connection with the review occurs through a bricolage of: the voices of poukorero, participant observations, visual representations, sound file, Marae documentation and documentation belonging to Dr Pita Sharples, where the themes raised come to fruition.

5 via the facilities of University of Southern Queensland, Auckland University and EBSCOhost Megafile Premier: Academic Search Premier, Aust/NZ Reference Centre, EJS Ejournals, ERIC, Professional Development Collection, Psychology & Behavioural Sciences Collection, also A+ Education, AEI-ATSIS Database and ACER Education Research Theses Database, following the application of search terms: indigenous, community, curriculum, education, knowledge, traditional/urban Marae, kaupapa Māori research, Māori, emancipatory, justice, pedagogy, praxis, colonisation, post-colonial, decolonial, and decolonising. 6 Statistics Canada, Ottawa Government of Canada, 1998 as cited in Ball, 2004, p.457. 7 Cultural capital: The advantage of having knowledge and familiar comfort in cultural awareness, language, and personal relations in the dominant culture, usually as a member (Harker and McConnochie, 1985, p. 178). 8 Praxis derives from Greek origin and is rooted in the theories of Aristotle. Aristotle contended the activities of man comprised of theoretical, to which the end goal is truth; poetical, to which the end goal was production; and practical, to which the end goal was action. Praxis, then, is the process or activity through which a theory or skill is put into practice. 9 Progressive Achievement Tests are commonly known as ‘PATs’: multiple-choice tests designed to determine achievement levels of Year 4-10 students in Mathematics, Reading Comprehension and Vocabulary, and Listening. The New Zealand Council for Educational Research (NZCER) developed the tests more than 30 years ago. 10 No census was held in New Zealand 2011 due to the Christchurch earthquakes 2010 and 2011. Statistics are drawn from the previous census (Thorndon School, 2009). 11 ‘Banking system of education, “(w)here the teacher transmits to the learner the teacher’s own analysis of and solutions to the problem facing the learner” (Armstrong in Roberts, 1999, p. 23). 12 Worse still, these educators are able to extend the knowledge imparted by repeating the narration, if necessary; over and over again. Freire’s (1971) notion of the banking system is a barrier to a critical view of the world as learners are not encouraged to question, form opinion or engage in discussion and participate in the act of learning. In this, the educator is an oppressor, an authoritarian director of a product orientated one-way process as he or she contributes to dehumanisation. 13 In his restudy of biculturalism thirty-five years following an initial visit from Canada to New Zealand, posited the heteroglossian13 nature of Māori representation of self, in his discussion of Māori ontology, figured world(s), positional identities, the authoring of selves and the making of worlds.

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14 Capacity development is the process by which individuals, organisations, institutions and societies develop abilities (individually and collectively) to perform functions, solve problems and set and achieve objectives (UN Development Programme 1997 as cited in McGinty, 2003, p.68). 15 Those who have arrived since tribal designations have been made apparent are referred to as ‘visitors’.

16 Institutional Marae differ from urban Marae in that they are designed to fulfil the specific purposes of the institution they were created for and are attached to. 17 -By way of pākehā or Māori definition.

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Chapter 2

Research Methodology

Unuhia i te rito o te harakeke

Kei hea ra te komako e k ?

Whakatairangitia, rere kiō uta, rere ki tai

Ui mai koe ki a au

He aha te mea nui i tenei ao?

Māku e ki atu

He tāngata, he tāngata, he tāngata If you take the heart from the flaxbush

Where will the bellbird sing?

Let it be told on the land and on the sea

If you were to ask me

What is the most important thing in this world?

I would say

Tis people, tis people, tis people

By Meri Ngaroto o Te Aupouri

The confidentialities that I have come to know that by choice and obligation I have not used for the protection of their owners and stakeholders; are perhaps the greater thesis for they illuminate the truths that even with anonymity cannot be masked. But what is culture without its secrets? Isn’t secrets part of the social order formula, to mind what is sacred? (Fine, Tuck & Zeller - Berkman, 2008). Is all knowledge cultural property widely available to everyone, or intellectual property of ownership and retention? (Simpson, 2006) In terms of insider research; some of

‘us’ must remain belonging to us, because let’s face it, these secrets are not secrets

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to us…

2.1 Research Construct: Critical Indigenous Inquiry

Denzin and Lincoln (2005, p. 1116) have described our qualitative research movement from the ‘methodologically contested present’ of multiple practices and paradigms to the 9th moment of qualitative research evolution that illuminate the reconnection of social science to social purpose and that escalate indigenous grown social inquiries and discourses to this, the decade of critical, indigenous inquiry (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005; 2008; Giroux & Giroux, 2008). The critical indigenous inquiry approach centres on the pursuit of emancipation and ultimately social change for the many indigenes by counteracting unequal relations of power (Smith, 2005). There are today 5,000 distinct indigenous peoples, who live in 70 countries, culminating in a world population of 300 million peoples (Battiste cited in Denzin, Lincoln & Smith, 2008).

Indigenous inquiries irradiate for humankind a plethora of perspectives; a

‘multilogicality’ that is transformative and that lessens the gap between the researched and the researcher (Kincheloe & Steinberg, 2008). Ensuring that cultural integrity is honoured and upheld is a prerequisite to decolonisation

(McCaslin & Breton, 2008), as ‘the process in both research and performance of valuing, reclaiming and foregrounding indigenous voices and epistemologies’

(Swadener and Mutua, 2008, p. 31) from Eurocentrism as a challenge to the academy (Dunbar jr, 2008; Kincheloe & Steinberg, 2008; Smith, 1999, Sonn &

Green, 2006).

In this domain a new ethic is discussed, characterised by prerequisites of access 125

to power orientations that point to a sensitive, cooperative research methodology; a practice that stands alongside, if not within (Grande, 2008:

Meyer, 2008, Pohatu & Warmenhoven, 2007). And, out of this advance can be heard the call, albeit wail18 of the indigeno breathe life! heralding tino rangatiratangaus and voice(s), the particular “Tihei wā 173 mauri year ora!”/quest19 I for recognised20 self (or rather iwi) determination (Bishop, 2003; Durie, 1998,

2005; Smith, G., 1997; Smith, L., 1999). The value and applications of indigenous cultural constructs are legitimised and shaped across the globe (Semali,

Ackerman, Bradley, Buzinde, Jaksch, and Kalavar et al, 200721).

Such an inquiry should meet multiple criteria: it must be ethical,

performative, healing, transformative, decolonising and participatory. It

must be committed to dialogue, community, self-determination and cultural

autonomy. It must meet people’s perceived needs. It must resist efforts to

confine inquiry to a single paradigm or interpretive strategy. It must be

unruly, disruptive, critical, and dedicated to the goals of justice and equity

(p.2, Denzin & Lincoln, 2008).

A praxis of the 9th moment is hailed; one grown out of the people(s) from the inside, one able to speak many languages and discourses via representations that call the laments and perform the arts of the many in words we are now learning to understand.

As a Māori woman educator of Ngāti Kahungunu and Te Rarawa descent, over twenty-

five years have been dedicated to the education of Māori and other 126

indigenous groups in mainstream, dual medium and total immersion programming, ministerial writing, resource publication, teacher in-service, teacher training and advisory service work. Having joined Te Whare Tu Taua o

Aotearoa/Māori Weaponry School of New Zealand located at Hoani Waititi Marae some ten-fifteen years ago, I now teach junior English at Te Kura

and have been doing so for nine years,

Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae, which was the location for a Masters level research project that (amongst other

things) laid the precedent for communicative whānau and researcher relationships. Having witnessed research undertaken on my own father’s life’s work in education as a ‘data plantation that serve(s) the researcher and exploit(s) those in urban communities and schools’ (Swadener & Mutua, 2008, p.35) by an alien, white researcher, not local to the community or city, this proved acceptable practice within the search for pluralism companions of the nineties, but it is not my position. My father Jim Laughton used a preamble in preparing to disseminate discussions of the pursuits of justice. One of his favourites was this of Tolstoy’s. It renders a cutting illumination…

I sit on a man’s back, choking him and making him carry me, and yet assure

myself and others that I am sorry for him and wish to ease his lot by all possible

means – except by getting off his back (Tolstoy, 1886, Ch 16).

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My personal concern is to not repeat the same act that I witnessed on my father’s work. Twenty years following his death, my prime motivation in methodological study is to break this cycle. I gain stimulus from

Māori research elders and leaders as they have effected education, such as

Rangimarie Rose Pere, Ranginui Walker, Ed Durie, Mason Durie, Moko

Mead, Māori Marsden, Graham Smith, Linda Smith, and Walter Penetito, in celebrating research: its people, processes, and places.

Kaupapa Māori

2.2 An Ethnographic Exploration

Ethnographies are ethno –people, graphic- representations of culture that are not limited in size from societies to two people interactions that aim to understand the culture of a group from the view of the participants (Burgess,

2006). The view exposes the way in which the culture members define, question, interpret and make sense of their world. Denzin and Lincoln’s (2003, p.620) ethnographical approach in the vein of Jackson (1998) is fitting:

…an ethnography that interrogates and illuminates those interactional

moments when humans come together in their struggles... that refuses

to retreat to abstractions and high theory. It is a way of being in the

world that avoids jargon and incomprehensible discourse. It celebrates

the local, the sacred, the act of constructing meaning. Viewing culture as a complex

process of improvisation, it seeks to understand how people enact and

construct meaning in their daily lives .

Ford’s (1950/1998) criteria for a critical, literary ethnography is discussed in 128

Denzin and Lincoln (2003) as 1) a work that is a compelling, minimalist narrative, centered on natural conversation 2) a work in which cultural issues, including injustices are obvious, 3) where a sense of hope is exposed and achievable in changing the status quo, 4) in which exposure happens through direct, symbolic and rhetorical means. The criterion fits well with Freirean ideas of reclaiming narrative as indigenous communities of difference resist the dominant discourse in order to be heard (Freire, 1977).

This study extends the literary ethnography as a performance defined as

‘performance in print22’ (Madison, 2008, p. 395) utilising personal narrative, participant-observation and thick and thin description. The researcher as a

- member/narrator discusses-outsider native voice(s) context as aand means methodologies to broaden fromthe scope the first of insider and/or second - representationrepresentations, (identified from both in societal/group italic text), in actsmembership of honoring, representation enlarging, engaging, and self interpreting, questioning, clarifying, reminiscing, historically recalling, wishing, correcting, justifying, accusing, idealising and actualizing (Madison, 2008). The performance is a subjective-objective movement woven from the narrative to the work and back again. It is not aligned to the text of the po stand alone minimalizing distortion. Theorising is lessenedukōrero/participants. as further acts These organically transpire and take precedent. Simple repetition of understandings is also avoided (Madison, 2008). The ‘performance’ illuminates critical, literary ethnography aspects of exposing and analysing cultural injustices with expectation that these can be or have been remedied.

Direct and metaphoric narrative relies on the natural conversation of

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who ‘tells thepoukorero/participants story’ in performance and etiquette the insider likened personal to the voiceMaster of ofthe Ceremonies author that provides improved direction from that of a narrator.

In line with Van Maanen’s (1983, p.38) description of ethnography, the evidence collection stage of this project involved in-depth investigation over a two year gathering timeframe that also drew on years of the researcher being a member of this Marae community. A range of techniques were employed including,

‘prolonged face-to-face contact…direct participation, and a greater emphasis on intensive work with informants’. Analysis and verification took on new

meaningsresearcher. as Van plausibility Maanen of(1983, poukōrero p.51) emphasizes disclosures thewere quest viewed for theby the‘faithful insider description’ rendered with less taken-for-granted by a researcher who is more with the truths.

The application of grounded theory methods and strategies according to

Charmaz & Mitchell (2007, p.160) assisted in comparing data with data from the beginning of the research rather than leaving it until the end, comparing the data with emerging categories, and identifying relationships between concepts and categories. This increased involvement in the research and kept the concepts close to the data.

The evidence collected for theoretical construction and analysis was shaped and reformed via simultaneous evidence collection and examination, the development of themes from the onset of evidence collection, identification 130

of social processes from the evidence qualified by the emergence of categories, and the compilation of these categories into a theoretical framework, ‘that specifie(d) causes, conditions and consequences of the process(es)’ . The aim was to enhance in the ethnographic work, an open-ended, human approach with less onus on the mechanics in theory application by affecting the inquiry process.

An example of this can be identified in the development of the learning conversation model whakawhitiwhiti rua by the author for this thesis (refer

2.5.2) which provided direction and control in moving closely with the evidence.

(Although line-by-line coding which keeps close to the data and is characteristic of grounded theory data gathering techniques was not used). Whole anecdotes were coded as data bits as is usual practice in ethnographic work (Charmaz &

Mitchell, 2007). It required sharing a conversation as an exposure followed by a further conversation – ero in identifying and namingrefocus emergent and themes finally asinvolvement a process of of capture. the poukōr Originally intended to ‘metamorphosise’ as ‘in vivo codes directly from the members’ discourse’ (Charmaz and Mitchell, 2007, p. 165), the themes offered by

-tuned the emergent categories and effectively reaffirmed poukōrerodecisions. Theoretical fine sampling was utilised minimally, allowing the researcher to return to gather specific data, and grow the categories as they naturally emerged, and to also develop greater depth in a small number.

Whakawhitiwhiti rua as a learning conversation process refined the theoretical

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framework as it developed and out of its rigorousness created higher levels of authenticity. It also acted as a check in alleviating lengthy transcriptions of less value and unfocused or generalised broad categorising. Complementing the coding process, memo making and journal keeping became a strong element in initial thesis drafting in a pre-writing sense and in autoethnograhical comment as personal conversations with the self throughout the written work (Burgess,

2006; Charmaz and Mitchell, 2007).

Anof humility approach (Lui, was 2005, undertaken Smith, 1999),for the wherebystudy within the researcherthe practice was of kaupapa defined Māori

poukōrero or ‘pillar of talk’. Influenced by thetauira/learner, Impressionis andt Tales the ofparticipant Van Maanen a (1988, p.101) named after the revolutionary impressionist painters who captured the familiar and every day:

‘often marked by earthy group scenes of an unposed character’ impressionist tales seek textual identity in attempting to lure the reader into the living act(s) of research. Speaking is mostly in the first person as the writer is a member having no need to assume a role and specifics are highlighted by dramatic recall that assist in reliving recollections or events.

Dunbar Jr, (2008) discusses being a member and how this shifts the dynamic from ‘Tales of the field’ perhaps more so to ‘Tales in the field’. Made more feasible by the addition of autoethnographic comment, the writer was able to move in and out of the work in a narrative that hoped to not distract the reader from the tale, but intended to give personal voice and in fact create continuity or flow - at best to harbour interest and discuss truth. As

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characteristic of the tale, fragmented knowledge shaped as bits that arose and formed the lenses of the kaleidoscope, offering sometimes succinct themes and at other times hazy ideas or feelings.

Visual representations aid the plot and these can be found interspersed throughout the thesis. A sound file offers emotion and passion and is deliberately organised into pieces of conversation.

asIn choosingPaora Sharples to be identified, suggested, the integrity. poukōrero All are have existing become entities living with characters with, recollections, truths and futures which aid in the dramatic control sought by ethnographers of impressionist tales as the characters here are real - not because the writer claims, because it is their claim. ‘Plausibility and believability’ can be fairly judged and ‘narrative rationality’ let loose as they tell it (Van Maanen, 1988, p.105). ). In such a narrative, the visual and audio adds a reality more than text alone allows (refer 2.5.4, Soundfile). Many varying paradigmatic scenes and events could have been played out here but while the adoption of impressionist tales by definition is not sought due to the pursuit of the voices of members, the realism of site, participants and history, the impressionist tales personality has, as it steers the writer toward a more probable narrative with a pulse.

Methodologies pertinent to this context are as a member with focus on process being more desirable than the outcome. The ‘lived experience’ of members has been a hallmark of the feminist intervention on the ethnographic research tradition as described in the 1970’s slogan, the personal is political providing a

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parallel for cultural or contemporary indigenous studies (Van Loon, 2007).

Culture is itself an interpretation and therefore most of the facts one goes

into the field to discover are themselves already known about and

interpreted in a particular light by the people one talks to in the setting

(Van Maanen, 1983, p.51).

2.2.1 Bricolage

Denzin and Lincoln (2003, p.5) refer to a research construction in montage type fashion; a ‘bricolage’ of ‘pieced together representations’ that parallel the intricacies of complex situations of people. Berry (2006, p.101) defines bricolage as not being preconceived in having no set plan or defined pathway in gathering up a range of ‘tools’ to research with a view towards “inclusion, diversity, plurality, complexity, multiplici . While a ‘linear, reductionist structure of traditional researchty, and thes socialis’ (Berry, justice” 2006, p. 95) was initiated here, the concept and influence of the bricolage has broadened the scope of possibilities, thought processes and view of the research since conception.

Bricolageand visual sits representations well within Māori manifested epistemologies, in the range which of depictions are characterised such as theby oral visual representations, sound file, and narrative as autoethnographical comment that forms a ‘narrative bricolage’ (Berry, 2006, p.112). However, the

Hoanimain audience, Waititi Marae purpose and and so l imiteddesign handsof the- researchon, daily accesshas been (as for with the most whānau of indigenous communities) to advanced technologies such as websites has been

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influential in determining the extent of the bricolage.

2.3

Kaupapa Māori Research

A pou/pillar of Kura Kaupapa Māori and indeed Kaupapa Māori research, Dr

Graham Smith describes Kaupapa Māori research as, ‘being related to being

Māori…connected to Māori philosophy and principles, taking for grantednd the culture,validity and legitimacyconcerned ofwith Māori, the struggleand the importancefor autonomy of overMāori our language own cultural a wellbeing’ in the quest for self-determination as a localised emancipatory, critical theory (1990, as cited in Smith, L. 1999, p. 186). Manifest in customary practice is

Mead (2003,the p. importance 12): of language and tikanga/culture, defined by Moko

Tikanga is the set of beliefs associated with practices and procedures to be

followed in conducting the affair of a group or an individual…established by

precedents through time, are held to be ritually correct, validated by usually

more than one generation and are always subject to what a group or an

individual is able to do.

In his doctoral work, The Development of Kaupapa Māori: Theory and Praxis

Smith (1997, p.477), transformative strategycontends because that it is‘Kaupapa flexible, Māoriadjustable, is a successful and critically reflective and as such, is able to readily respond to different challenges within multiple sites’. In meeting the tran be flexibly reactive to the sformativemany and varied necessity, sites he and suggests forms ofthat the Māori struggle need to against colonisation, and that in our flexibility proactive in an offensive- defensive type way to better engage in the war of position23

135 with pākehā. Thus,

Kaupapa Māori relates theory and transformative praxis grown organically out of the local community, Wharek via (amongst other framed initiatives) Te Kōhangari. Reo,

Kura Kaupapa Māori ura Kaupapa Māori and Wānanga Māo

Kaupapa Māori theory and praxis is primarily an educational strategy,

comprehend,which has evolved resist out and of transform Māori communities the crises relatedas a deliberate to the dual means concerns to

of schooling underachievement of

Māori students and the ongoing erosion

(Smith.of Māori G, language, 1997, p. 27).knowledge and culture as a result of colonisation

protectedAs an intervention by those strategy,whom it transforms.Kaupapa Māori It counteracts is therefore structural appreciated power and

isinequalities ‘overlapped’ in mainstreamwith critical society,theory and the developsunderachievement this thinking of Māori further in toeducation, a transforming praxis, has potential to assist in other sites of struggle, critiques the status quo, and advances upon structural change (Smith, 1997). Hoani

Waititi Marae is the emancipatory reality, or ‘the emancipatory project’ created

in Māori terms.

Theresearch: Māori Type Development 1 - Research Centre (2007) identified- researchfour types involving of Māori

research less- relevant to Māori, Type 2 methodsMāori as participants,and standards Type based 3 onMāori science, centred Type research 4 - that applies mainstream–

Kaupapa Māori Research knowledgewhere researchers systems. and This participants fourth category are Māori requires and theanalysis highest is based level ofon Māori

authenticity and better reflects the ‘of Māori,136 by Māori, for Māori’ sentiment in

line with the ‘9th moment’ (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005).

thusEssentially, we cannot as Māori remove researchers, the element we of cannot being removeinvolved being. As Linda Māori Smith people, (2004) and has said, ‘This has something to say about a kaupapa; about the place of kaupapa in

our lives. This is why we end up with a kaupapa Māori approach and why we can’t avoid it.’ For Kaupapa Māori research is centred upon how we as Māori

researchers incorporate being Māori into research (Smith, 2004). A concern of K

aupapa Māori research refers to research needing to be responsive to Māori needs. The question that Māori researchers are compelled

Pitato ask Sharples is how is(2004) this research asks, ‘What meeting are our the goals? needs Is of the Māori? research (Stanley, project 1988) relevant Dr to whom? Is your research project a passion of yours, or is it just a job someone wants done? Does your research fit into the real world, and if so who’s real world - ople? Do you think your

New Zealand’s, the worlds, or the Māori pe research is Kaupapa Māori research?’ and further, ‘Does the research promise a

Māori future and does it validate Māori knowledge?’ This exploration is conducted at a time when Dr Pita Sharples secured a position in parliamen

Makaurau in t,2005, in the and first again term in as the member following having general won election the Māori appointed seat of Tāmaki

, and Associate Minister of Education and

MinisterCorrections. of Māori24 Affairs

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In attending to the needs of , Justice Ed Durie (2005, p. 51) calls for an

Māori standardsinternalising in termscode for of ‘theMāori duty researchers you owe yourself, to develop the and duty improve you owe professional to your colleagues and the duty you have to your informants’. Establishing relationships and weighing them up in a duty owed sense is the lynchpin of researching as a

responsibilitymember in a Māori is reversed environment from Durie’s although (2005) in this approach: study the Mar order of debt and→ participants → colleagues → self. The duty owed to self, traversesae whānau technical and academic competence with the requirements of being worthy and comprehensible. Duty to one’s colleagues fulfils the necessities of respect and professionalism while the duties attributed to the participants involves

impartiality of one group over another. The duties to the Marae whānau reflect customthe duties and owed tribal to responsibilit the traditionaly. This whānau ‘duty which sense’ are aligns those with duties implicit bound cultural by lore, constructs of spatial composition that allows for clear designations that secure relationships, reduce ambiguity, and sloppy practice.

Bevan-Brown (1998, p.231) in her review of ten recurring compon

ents of Māori research identified the most important as being research from a Māori world view, conducted within a Māori cultural framework, based on Māori requirementsepistemologies, of incorporating cul all that is Māori. Further to this are the from the community,tural focused and academic on issues expertise,important a to commitment the community to Māori, resulting trust in positive outcomes, the involvement of participants throughout the research process, an empowerment of the researc

138hed, controlled by Māori, accountable

to the researched and of a high quality assessed by Māori standards within a

Māori methodology. , p.144) outlines an ethicalFor Kaupapa requirement Māori Research that researchers to be optimal, hold sufficient Durie (2005 background knowledge, have established guidance via cultural advisers and be competent in methods,

‘culturally congruent -views’ .

with Māori world

conductedHudson (2005) in asks that ‘research involving Māori and Māori knowledge be values’. Supportedculturally by Linda appropriate Smith (1999), ways that she legitimisesuggests an Māori elder knowledge selected as and a

Pipiguardian et al, and2004) possible discusses mediator th for Māori researchers. Cram (2001, as cited in and repositories of knowledgee intent (Adams of involving& Hopa, 2005; kaumatua/elders, Barnes, 2000), as guardians throughout the research process for mediation between differing power levels of researcher and participants25, for their knowledge base, and where Smith, L.

– respect for people. To this end, guardians(1999) discusses for the ‘arohaintegrity ki teof tāngata’the Marae, and the researcher were sought – the research authority and kaumatua, Dr Pita Sharples, and Marae and cultural advisor Paora Sharples, Kura advisor Beverley Manahi, and cultural advisor

John Matthews.

Necessary protocols were undertaken in seeking consent and fulfilling the research requirements (Bevan-Brown, 1998; Durie, E. 2005; Irwin, 1994;

Walsh-Tapiata, 1998). Lui (2005, p.112) as an insider researcher of the Torres

Strait Islands describes the benefits of ‘knowing and understanding…customs

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and traditions, communication and cultural protocols and kinship relations, the nuances of language…will avoid being duped and…constrained by always having to be accountable’ . Another consequence of insider research is while product orientation is not the focus; insiders have to live with the

outcome.generations In thein extreme world of cases. Māori The this insider impacts researcher on families remains and following and lives with the perceived results. ‘Outsider’ researchers can return to the world from where they came and not witness the impacts of their investigations (Jones, Crengle &

McCreanor, 2006; Smith, 1999). Pohatu and Warmenhoven (2007) in their

Porou,discussion raise of the insider issue community of involvedness based in research small communities; at their home how Marae we as in insiderNgāti researchers ‘wear many hats’ that create advantages for the research, but can also leave us in related matters,difficulty and from when Marae separating related matters work related matters from whānau work, private and public can be left wanting for lines. Personal, of demarcation. whānau,

Linda Smith (1999, p. 39), on the need for the decolonisation of ‘significant acts’ of research methodologies, states ‘(Decolonisation) is about centering our concerns and world views and then coming to know and understand theory and research from our own perspectives and for our own purposes’, rather than continuing the hegemonic power relationships apparent in research history between the researchers and the researched (Bishop, 1999; Selby & Moore,

2007). This is illustrated by a Marae member ‘being a part of this place, living it, creates a totally different perspective to others looking in…we all get and give something different during our time here, whether for a brief stay or a day to

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day reality’ (Waitakere City Council, 2001, p. 9).

2.3.1 Ethics

University ethical frameworks that are defined by tikanga, knowledges and

beliefs of Māori, while required in Kaupapa Māori research practice, are not consentnecessarily (refer required Appendix by pākehā A). Ethic ethicsal clearance committees was asgranted they administer for this research ethical to be conducted through the university: no H09REA081 (refer Appendix B). However cultural authorities while deciding whether or not research can be undertaken on indigenous sites are second to the consent required of some university ethics committees. A greater awareness of ethical parameters, issues and understandings of indigenous research is expected in this ninth moment

(Battiste, 2008; Jones, Crengle & McCreanor, 2006; Walsh-Tapiata, 1998).

Models of

Māori ethics such as that of Henare (1999, as cited in Hudson, 2005)

(which)and Mead deals (2003, with p.6) the validate norms oftikanga society’ as with ‘the Māoriaspects ethic…a outlined normative such as mana, system tapu, mauri, tika, and noa (refer glossary). The elements of whanaungatanga – the ethics around collective consciousness, wairuatanga - the ethics of spirituality, kotahitanga- the ethics of oneness among humankind, and kaitiakitanga - the ethics of guardianship (Hudson, 2005; Tapine, 1999) are fundamental in practicing in understanding and applying mattersMāori contexts of ethics and are yet starkly differing real, perspectives many and varied in

canbetween only beMāori undertaken and the academy.with perspective This is not from surprising as comprehending ethics

the culture. For Māori as with 141

other cultures, tika to be right or correct in life practices, is determined by what has governed our lives (King, 2005; Mead, 2003; Ormand & Cram, 2005). An example is discussed further in the thesis around the positioning of pseudonyms. Defined by the academy, anonymity is for the purpose of

negateconfidentiality. social responsibility In Māori world and view, lack integrity.there are situations where anonymity can

2.3.2

Whakapapa/Genealogy Whakapapa is posited in this research as a practical methodology and means of sense making as is practiced in the application of whakapapa lines as source and connection to others. Whakapapa is used to explain the derivation and purpose in any situation, cause or event. It is used to diagnose how relationships have occurred and how those relationships progress and develop. ‘In research the development and maintenance of meaningful relationships between researcher and research participant forms another axis of consideration for evaluating the ethical tenor of a research project and its associated activity’ (Putaiora Writing

Group, 2010, p.6).

understandWhakapapa theis an nature analytical of phenomenon, tool traditionally the orig employedin of phenomenon, by Māori to the

conditions and relationships to other phenomena, describing trends in

phenomena (Royal, 1998, p. 81).

Te Ahukaramu Royal’s tangible explanation of such a cause or event has it that when two phenomena are joined, they create a third; that all phenomena stem from an ‘organic source’. As with tracing whakapapa charts, traversing backwards reveals the parental phenomena providing explanation as to why 142

things occur. Continued backtracking reveals further generations of phenomena which begin to connect sideways when association to the original question becomes apparent, linking to other phenomenon which have their own whakapapa. Royal posits that it is within the larger field that the whakapapa dynamic gains its greatest relevance when positioned and proximate amongst other phenomena, as

Māori identification is situated amongst the broader– the chartedconcept spreadof family. of bloodline‘Family’ defined alliances by thatMāori literally is comprised connect of in this all directions,network whereas in the monoculture of New Zealand society, family tends to be defined in linear and nuclear ways.

2.3.3

Whakawhanaungatanga/Making Relationships Whakawhanaungatanga- the process of establishing relationships as interconnectedness has been discussed metaphorically by Russell Bishop (2003,

2008) in his concern for researchers, ‘giving voice to a culturally positioned means’ (2003, p. 228). The salience of

whānau to Māori people is evident in vocabulary and everyday language usage. The intermingling of Te Reo Māori when whānau are speaking English reveals some common references. The most interconnectednesscommon references ofthat people remain in referencein Māori are to kinshipthose that such express as whāea, the matua, papa and those words that depict values of the society such as aroha, mana, tapu or noa for instance (Rosenblatt, 2003).

According to Bishop (2003), three factors engage the metaphor of

whakawhanaungatanga as a research strategy: 1) the establishment of whānau 143

relationships; genealogical differences between nuclear and extended family are

ed asnot all usually these members.dissected orThis separated extends inpast Māori semantics definition. to cultural Family understandings,is thus constitut and for this study, how these understandings are to be effected in research on

thealso Marae. param ountThe maintenance in providing ofmore whānau consistent relationships and authentic throughout perspectives the research is

(Pohatu & Warmenhoven, 2007). Participation in the cultures of the Marae is apparent and establishes ‘spiral discourse’ which Bishop (2003, p. 228) refers to as, ‘using collaborative storying and restorying as a means of creating a collective response’. This research initiative intends to research individual voices as perspectives, as rigorously as a collective voice – cultures

2) The second factor requires the researcher to be physically involved in the research. In this study the researcher is a member (past and present) of a

number of wānanga/cultures: Te Whare Tu Taua/weaponry school,26. Open Language

Course,membership Kura ofstaff, M Kura parent and Te Roopu Manutaki whānau gatherings where araeparticipants whānau ofprovides the research the researcher are active, access thus creating to many avaried natural, rich source for observation 3) Bishop (2003) suggests that in establishing

power and control issues are addressed by way ofrelationships participant indriven a Māori research. context, Implications are through practices in ways that facilitate power sharing. Participant driven research attends to the power

ion and possible imbalances of researcherimbalances culturalafforded capital the Marae biases. as Greatera Māori institutsharing of power and control of the

researchfunction andbody, an purpose authentic, and collective implications ideal is evolves. achievable In count as whānaueracting relationships research

144

methodologies with strong hegemonic, Eurocentric flavour, autoethnography is able to aid indigenous based investigations in refocusing on a view from within as opposed to without, and in reclaiming the voice of Self in amongst the members. Increased meaning can be afforded the exploration improving levels of authenticity therefore fostering new definitions of accuracy (Austin & Hickey,

2007).

The researcher’s connectedness, engagement and involvement with Hoani

Waititi Marae assist to promote the self-determination, agency and multitude of

authorityvoices of the have Marae formed perspectives. a body of indigenous The whānau and of non advisors,-indigenous supervisors members. and

Being employed in the capacity of Junior English Teacher in the Kura Kaupapa

developmentMāori, fluid access of grounded and movement theory which amongst arose the from whānau the datacontributed rather than to the being presupposed (Glaser & Strauss, 1968, as cited in Sturnam, 1994; LeCompte &

Goetz, 1982). Existing relationships and familiarity with key personnel contributed to the exploration manifest in learning conversations, observations, collection and review of related and historical documents and visual representations.

The researcher’s necessity to remain respectful, observant, focused and humble in exploring one’s own community amongst elders and leaders of great authority, coupled with the obvious requirement to observe tikanga, steered to engaging as many learning conversations as were feasible on the Marae site: the

mahau/entrance of the whare tipuna, outside on the grounds, Marae offices, 145

Kuralonger and situated Kōhanga on theReo. Marae, In some learn cases,ing conversationsfor the convenience were heldof the in poukōrero their homes,

āori institutions, other Kōhanga Reo, and kaupapa spaces. Smith- the importance (1999), in her of beingreview seen of kaupapa and meeting Māori people practices face refers to face. to W‘Hehen kanohi situated kitea’ on the Marae, this affords the notion a greater sense of truth, purpose and accountability.

2.3.4 Research Authority

Dr Pita Sharples27 of Ng ti Kahungunu: Ng i te Kikiri o te Rangi and Ng ti

Pahauwera, provides theā authority for the āresearch as Kaumatua, foundationā

Marae Committee member and past director of programmes. ‘P p Pete’ is the main figurehead of Hoani Waititi Marae, having been central to āitsā establishment and drive, and remains so to the present day. Throughout the thesis P p

ā ā is referred to as Dr Pita Sharples, Pāpā Pita, or Pāpāp Pete. Pete. He In is thismost workcommonly however referred the use to amongstof identifiers the Waititi differs Maraedepending whānau on what as Pā isā being relayed.

It is contextual and not an error. While it may be construed as inconsistent, it is consistent with the writer’s perspective at that point of reference. P p Pete is more to the members than his labels. He is a mentor and father havingā ā provided guidance and sustenance for many Marae members. Further to this, he is the driving force and stable factor behind the growth and viability of most successful Marae undertakings. As a cultural construct, having the support of the most prominent and accepted leader, albeit, rangatira is a pre requisite of the research. Without this authority, the research would lack credibility.

P p -s authority allows the researcher to move in and amongst Marae members

ā ā 146

with greater confidence. His list of participants central to those who were part of the historical growth of the Marae and his full acceptance of the participation of anyone else is indicative of the integrity and truthfulness that he brings to the research process.

Fig 4: Pāpā Pita Sharples and Te Roopu

Manutaki, the haukainga/true home of Hoani

Waititi Marae at the opening 1980.

In terms of gaining support from

relevant elders (Irwin, 1994; Smith,

1999), P p Pete’s authority acts two-fold: the mana and weight associated with him has impactā ā on the acceptance of others of the work including the in pou of the researcher and the researchvolvement process. of poukōrero, and he becomes a

2.3.5 Advisors

A template was designed and applied to track and monitor advisors input throughout the doctoral work. Notes were kept of discussions, data gathering methods practice, advice, salient points such as alterations of coding categories,

147

feedback, orientation, relationship anomalies, scoping and grappling with the research dynamic, as reference and threads for maintenance and direction.

As drafts were formed from the culmination of data gathering, the t oneauira/researcher depending on theirmet with time advisors, commitments, preferably and discussed as a group, their sometimes views. The one on assistances and offerings of the advisory group allowed the thesis to be guided and aligned culturally, and to secure content and appropriateness as expected within the perimeters organised at the onset of thesis proposal. In similar vein

andtrafficking the researcher of chapters to facilitate occurred the backwards process ofand whakawhitiwhiti forwards between rua poukōrerodescribed further in 2.5.2.

Paora Sharples is a Marae and cultural advisor. Our relationship was formed via

Te Whare Tu Taua o Aotearoa, where I was trained by Paora and other pouwaru at Hoani Waititi Marae in the 1990s28.

Paora is the second child and second son of Pita Sharples and Te Aroha Paenga,

is a mentor who representsbeing of Ngāti the Kahungunu achievement and of Ngātithose Porouthings descent.important He and good, and he is also a friend. Kindness is central to Paora around most aspects of the life and workings

-dom in general. We share obvious interests and ofperspectives, the Marae, andgrew Māori up in West Auckland, work on the Marae, and are similar in

age. Paora brings to the research his wealth of knowledgeways. His unassuming of those things manner Māori, of Māori arts, of Māori language and of148 Māori

and gentleness in most situations affords the work a steady calmness and assuredness. Paora provides advice and guidance particularly around the workings of the Marae. In the third year of research, Paora became Marae manager, and he remains national co-ordinator of Te Whare Tu Taua o

Aotearoa, and leader of Te Roopu Manutaki. In sharing an artefact tangibly and visually representative of ‘what the Marae means to you’, Paora offers the following explanation in describing the actual and metaphoric ‘healing weapon’, perhaps symbolic of the resurgence itself.

Artefact of Paora Sharples (and Shane

White) – Te Taiaha: Paora’s discussion:

The taiaha is resilient because it has

lasted around a thousand years

empowering our people. Although we

used it as a weapon of war, we used it

to kill,but at the same time we used it

to heal because the idea of killing

was to enable your own whakapapa to

increase, so that your own iwi would

still be around. So it is like a double

edged thing: you kill in order that you

carry on to survive.

Fig 5: Paora Sharples of Te Whare Tu Taua o Aotearoa on the ātea/Marae frontage of Hoani Waititi Marae.

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It is like a healing weapon as well from the onset. But in terms of resilience it is still around today to heal us in terms of allowing us to be Māori…But it is also used for everything like we used it for the march, we used it on the hikoi. It is a good example of a weapon, but something that we’ve utilised from way back then all the way till now.

Fig 6: Artefact of Paora Sharples (and Shane White) – Te Taiaha (continued). It is adaptable, it is resilient, it has been around since then…it exemplifies being proactive through haka, through ihi. The Whare Tu Taua is about developing your potential in weaponry, not only in that but in everything you do. You take that out to every medium that you do which is what you realise once you are up in the higher grades. So you are expected to go out there and take your leadership role in the community (Paora Sharples, WR, 11 December 2008).29

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Beverley Manahi

Reo and the Kura.of She Ngāti is the Mahuta, longest Waikato serving descent staff member has worked of Te Kurain the Kaupapa Kōhanga

he position of Principal, Board of

TrusteesMāori o Hoani Staff RepresentativeWaititi Marae. Bev and has member held t of the Women’s Committee of the

, she prepares the whare tipunaMarae. forBev powhiri is a Reo and Karanga/first tangihanga voice and she of the works Marae regularly at the many and varied Marae hui. Her

Kura, and her partner son,Tom Tawera, has been was a Board schooled of Trustees through member the Kōhanga and is Reo and presently a staff member. Beverley aids in facilitating the research as a Kura advisor. We work together, share similar views and positions as indigenous

, women, teachers, professionals, mothers, and ‘Westies’ (West

MāoriAucklanders). We have become good friends over the nine years that I have known her. Bev is older than me. She is presently the manager of the

secondary school. She brings the richness of her knowledges coupledwharekura/ with her forthrightness, to the research.

John Matthews is a cultural advisor who was raised and continues to reside in the local community. Of Te Aupouri and Ng ti Kahu descent, Joh

ā n is a Māori mySecondary husband School and as Principal such, I have and ateacher limitless of Māorirelationship language with and him tikanga. that allows John ishim to walk through much of the research alongside me. Category meanings, appropriateness and data-bit classifications have been checked cooperatively with John due to this accessibility and also due to the fluidity that arises from a twenty-five year intimate and professional relationship30. John’s most pointed contribution to the research is in regard to steering me from intellectual

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colonisation in maintaining the

Māori worldview at the forefront of the work in

‘keeping one’s head in a Māori space’ out of the influence of other world views.

2.3.6 The Doctoral Relationship

The relationship formed with supervisors Jon Austin and in the third year,

Andrew Hickey is found here, in amongst discussions of Kaupapa M research. Some sorting and shifting of position has been required asāori this

female novice PhD

student worked

collaboratively

with white, male

supervisors and

academic facilitators

some several thousand

kilometres away, in

Fig 7: Andrew Hickey, Jacqui Laughton Matthews, and Jon Austin

another culture, in order to develop an approach to research that would allow the voices of the participants of the research to be authentically legitimised and amplified. As a rule, the university acceptance criteria had to be met which tends to be procedural and prescriptive across universities. The doctoral student–supervisor relationship is typically a clear-cut one, with established roles and expectations laid out in various locales, academic traditions and documentation. In this instance of the supervisor-candidate relationship, a

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Freirean flavour developed, as learning and teaching flowed in a strongly dialogic and dialectic encounter between the two. A variety of communication mechanisms were trialled over the research period: telephone calls across the

Tasman, emails, CD and sound files where concerns, updates, explanations and bonding occurred as this more realist and naturalistic method alleviated some miscommunication; embellishing intonation, aspects of humour, and emotion.

‘It has been from the intellectual exchange… (that) the power of ecolonizing the research process has become apparent to us’ (Matthews & Austin, 2008). In

Austin’s words,

The Fascination of Friction: As the project developed, what had seemed to

be fairly straightforward, ‘standard’ doctoral research practice very quickly

threw up perplexities. Many of the suggestions for research design or

methodological applications that would have been highly (and unthinkingly)

non-problematic in a white western research setting brought forward if not

objections, at least questions borne of scepticism from Jacqui. The engagement

with these questions …has led to a much more collaborative and ethical

approach to the research activity at hand (Matthews & Austin, 2008, p. 13).

2.4

Ngā Poukōrero/ Participants The author has approached the project not as researcher per se, but as t

auira/learner. This position affords the correct status in the research whorelationship represent to knowledge;the participants, the foundations acknowledged of the as poukōreroexploration. or Reference pillars of istalk commonly made in oratory on the Marae to ngā pataka iringa kōrero- the

representationsstorehouse of hanging of ancestor words,s and in reference histories tohaving the poupou/carvings voice. John Matthews and other 153

explains, ‘People speak to the walls of the house. It becomes impersonal and these words are stored in that house - are female elders are referred to as Kōkāavailable or Whāe toa all’. depending Those poukōrero on their tribal whom affiliations31and Pāpā is used in reference to all male elders.

n=10) forms the key speaking people basis of theThe study. perspectives Two central of poukōrero groups of ( participants emerged early in the proposal planning as social organisations of knowledge (Simpson, 2006): those participants with an historical input, who focussed passion and determination

thosein creating who mostlythe Marae engaged as an inaccessible the cultures resource and have for urban been affectedMāori (Group by the A) and curriculum (Group B). The research authority, Dr. Pita Sharples, provided guidance in the listing of participants necessary to fulfil criteria for Group A. Not all of these were approached as some were suggested as alternatives. Mostly elders, they also instigated the approach of other poukorero central to the embryonic beginnings and thus the list evolved. In not being acquainted with all prospective participants, it was necessary to learn about those few beforehand,

outinformation of respect to of allow their natural knowledge flow andof conversation contributions rather to the than whānau, following and alsostrict as interview procedures (Crewe & Maruna, 2006). In being an insider member, complicated politics or ‘pawn in power games’ manipulation did not

(knowingly) occur or contribute to the research dynamic (Simpson, 2006).

Bev Manahi, Novi Marikena and Paora Sharples, were initially approached from

Group B. They provided a particular level of support in that they accepted the

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work as serious and important. Their typically constructive sustenance rendered my own thoughts around the study as possibly informative. One gravitates to where one is extended from an individual to characteristic of -ness when encountering new situations.whānau, Burgess

(2006, p. 294) in Māorihis educational ethnographies of the same school over a ten year period encountered similarities of ‘vantage points’ of participants who

‘constituted a natural peer group’ being young and in tune in the first instance and of a ‘similar stage of career’ with participants he likened to in the second

(Simpson, 2006).

Following acceptance from Pāpā Pita that the exploration was potentially credible and ‘do-able’, these three poukōrero elevated plausibility to another level: open and honest thoughts and opinion that could ignite inquiring minds in readers to give the study an edge, of ‘want to read’. Bev, Novi and Paora contributed an element that extended the academic completing a task. I wanted to know what they thought, how they saw situations, how they were affected by the many pulses and beats of the whānau dynamic, but most importantly, I was very humbled in each encounter that our people, my friends would afford me the essence of themselves; their core, because to talk to Māori about being Māori is to open the rib cage.

There were many times over the course of conversations that I felt as if I were standing on high ground, torn and bloodied having conquered defeat, proclaiming the magnificence of Māori – such savage imagery not characteristic of the qualitative research gatherer…and this grew into a special type of pleasure; of being filled up from the inside, packed with the ancestral essence of life – Tihei

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Mauri Ora! /I breathe life!

Having lost my mother Tere Faye nee Andzue (Anduze) of Te Rarawa, a whāngai/adopted child of Ngāti Porou, during the second year of research, discussions arose with my principal supervisor around her discomfort on Marae being raised out of her rohe/area in Tokomaru Bay where Pita Anduze, my grandfather was killed in an accident when mum was six years old. Mum was raised by my pākehā grandmother, Kathleen Rawstron, but was left bereft of physical connection to her tūrangawaewae at Motuti of Ngāti Te Maara in the

Hokianga whom she had not known. Characteristic of those separated, colonised into indifference or fear, and those whose language models were silenced (in her case by the loss of her paternal model) she lived with and didn’t live with feelings of loss when on Marae to levels of alienation. She expressed these feelings the last time we sat on the ātea of Ngā Tumanako, Hoani Waititi Marae shortly before her death where we attended her granddaughter Laughton’s dress rehearsal in Te

Roopu Manutaki for Auckland kapa haka competition. Mum worked voluntarily in the Kura as an elder in the Kaumatua Programme. It was my supervisor’s suggestion probably for my own well-being coupled with research purposes, that as a perspective of this work I explore the generational growth from this, my mother’s loss, through my own determination, to my daughter’s strong attachment to the Marae: a three point evolution designed from the centre to negate the colonial violence of the past.

And so, Laughton Andzue Matthews became a poukōrero early in the investigation, the further-most point of this tri-spective. These three women sat on

156

Hoani Waititi Marae-s ātea representing the three generations it took to alter the indifference and fear of my mother’s generation; to me, who represented the conscientising act of placing the children in Kōhanga Reo and Kura, and to

Laughton, who after graduating Kura Kaupapa Māori, returned to the Marae seeking out her dream to be a performing member of Te Roopu Manutaki.

The Marae has affected a change axis between these three generations creating dynamic transformation from fear to fulfilment. Of note is Laughton’s artefact – a photograph of her maternal great grandmother. In tangibly answering the question, what does Hoani Waititi Marae mean to you? Her response was a visual representation of her most salient treasure directly through whakapapa lines suggesting again the transparent conceptual connection between whānau by kaupapa and whānau by whakapapa on this urban Marae (refer fig. 8).

Fig 8: Artefact of Laughton Matthews: Photograph of maternal great grandmother Horiana Te Kauru and daughter Kate.

She is my direct linkage...Māori in a Māori time. You can still see traces of her

in the rest of the family members. It is something we all carry. Her era of time

was not so long ago. It was a Māori time, and a time of colonialism. Māori had 157

to fight. It was the pivotal time in history when they had to deal with those

effects. To be married to a Reverend who was a colonist and still wear a

korowai/cloak and still be Māori (Laughton Matthews, WR, 7 September 2008).

Further descriptions of pouk D, Ngā

Poukōrero, in the order of learningōrero areconversations provided in held: Volume Novi II, Marikena, Appendix Shane

White, Te Aroha Paenga, John Tuoro, Letty Brown, Te Marara Hook, and the late

P p curriculumā ā Denis ofHansen. Ethel Paniora also assisted specifically in relation to

Te Kōhanga Reo. Elders are not listed nor approached firstly as per usual protocol. Younger adults were strategically selected allowing the researcher to become more fluid, gain confidence in the research process, and have greater sense of the research scope. This alleviated wasting the time of kaumatua by being less prepared and familiar with the material. As it was, elders devoted long periods of time.

Some conversations as with Letty Brown, Te Aroha Paenga and John Tuoro were many hours long and as such went beyond a perfunctory function - E kore rawa aku mihi e mutu, nōku te waimarie te noho ruru ai i o koutou māramatanga. He toka tu moana koutou moku, me tenei rangahau. Ngā mihi nui ki a koutou/my salutations will not end; it has been my good fortune to shelter in your light. You have been a rock for me and this research. Cyclic points were reviewed and renewed

conversationsconfirming the aim appropriateness to have both partiesof these informed, poukōrero having to the learned history. something As learning

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new about the other, these were both humbling and transformative.

Not all learning conversation questions or prompts were asked of every

topoukōrero, each of the however four research all poukōrero questions. who Some had learningquestions conversations not attended contributed to at exposure were visited upon entering refocus. The naturalness of the conversations far outweighed the need to cover all ten questions and as this became evident, they mostly emerged naturally without design (Volume II,

Appendix E, Learning Conversation Questions).

Two documents were created to monitor pou

kōrero activity in the research: Participant Grid (Vol II, Appendix F) and Representation of Marae Cultures (Vol

II, Appendix G). The Participant Grid research underway, undertaken or completed:identified eachsigned poukōrero: consent, exposure, sex, facets of refocus, capture, photos of site of conversation, categorising of data bits, artefact, sound file excerpts identified, number of recorded observations, observations categorised, visual ethnography and historical excerpts.

In working at various stag all requirements for maximumes with input a number was necessary of poukōrero, and maintained being able a to sense monitor of order and method in data gathering. The Representation of Marae Cultures

(Appendix G) ensured that all present Marae groups were embodied in the

dynamic. Poukōrero were also chosen from the spread of the whānau dynamic 159

in order to not limit the research (Burgess, 2006).

Fig 9: Te Roopu Manutaki – the late Mavis Tuoro is centre, with Te Aroha Paenga to her right.

The positioning was monitored. Wof people as managers, staff, whānau,-11- is learners, small, and and as members such can only portray snap hileshots, the it numberis important of poukōrero that they not be clustered or seen to be shepherded in view point, experience or politics. Representation from the pre-

Marae committee, Marae trustees, Marae staff, Kōhanga Reo staff, Kōhanga Reo

Rautahi,whānau, kuraTe Roopu staff, Manutaki,(past) kura Te student Ataarangi, body, Te kura Whare Board Tu Tauaof Trustees, o Aotearoa, Patua Te Te

Ngangara, Whānau Āwhina/restorative justice and Ngā Tumanako are voiced.

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2.5 Research Tools

2.5.1 Learning Conversations

Learning conversations are an interview type that promotes a greater understa inherent ndingin the ‘ofdialogue. others Learningthinking andconversations draw out solutions/ideas/goals focus on deep that are understanding…they are a fundamental building block of strong working relationships, creative solutions and smart organisations’ (Parallax, 2007). No expert conducts the talk, those involved in the dialogue listen rather than refute, questions focus on seeking illumination without entrapment and attention is given to the process, not one specific or predetermined outcome.

Janesick (2007, p. 111) in her discussion of oral history as a social justice project, presents the idea of recording the participant’s memories as an avenue for gathering, ‘thick description, analysis and interpretation of people’s lives through probing the past in order to understand the present’. Janesick’s post- modern definition describes discourse between researcher and participant that engages a ‘mutual process of translating and making sense of one another’

(2007, p. 112).

Le - storytelling which Linda

Smitharning (1999) conversations refers to as draw a research from the project Māori (refer literacy Appendix C). Russell Bishop

(as cited in Smith, 1999, p. 145), discusses storytelling as a research tool that represents the, ‘diversities of truth’ whereby the participant is able to maintain the control usually afforded the researcher. ‘(T)he indigenous community becomes a story that is a collection of individual stories, ever unfolding through

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the lives of the people who share the life of that community’. Citing the works of

Oakley (1981), Reinharz (1992), and Lather (1991), Bishop (1999, p. 108), describes an ‘enhanced research relationship’ achieved when little or no hierarchy exists between the researcher and participant, who have traditionally been in an expert-client association. He suggests forming strong bonds built on mutual trust and openness in order to achieve the participant’s thoughts and memories in their own words. Value is afforded negotiation, in constructing meaning, having participants involved in creating grounded theory, returning to previous conversations, and in modifying disclosures to fall closer to the truths.

Smith (1999) views ‘manaaki ki te – caring for people - as a kaupapa

tāngata’

‘kiaMāori tupato’ practice be careful,(Pohatu which & Warmenhoven, this researcher 2007); interprets a reciprocal as being practice watchful alongside of preserving the mana of all those, particularly eld the project. This care is particularly required in theers handling and poukōrero of knowledge involved in imparted in ways that 1) uphold the integrity of the teller and the subject of discourse in ways that knowledge as ‘an intellectual activity is socialised’

-existing culturally(Simpson, defined2006, p.134) social within channels, the aswhānau Simpson and (2006) 2) filter in through his research pre in Sri

Lankan society similarly discovered ‘knowledge is not splashed indiscriminately across the community but percolates in a highly structured fashion down conduits of a rather more primordial kind’ (p.134).

Fundamental to indigenous research are oral traditions, oral histories and story telling. Janesick’s (2007, p.111) definition of post-modern oral history broadly

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scopes ‘recording participants’ memories in some form’ and is a contemporary reworking of Thompson’s (1988) ‘recorded reminiscences’ and ‘first-hand knowledge’ of experiences. Janesick characterises the use of ordinary, everyday language to capture lived experience, the use of wide view points from participants, a range of interpretations or explanations are made for data, researchers are mostly involved in descriptions and there tends to be a need by the researcher to preserve the memories and stories conveyed.

2.5.2 Seeking Improved Levels of Authenticity: Whakawhitiwhiti Rua

Smith (1999)– be humble in her review in approach. of kaupapa In terms Māori of sharingpractices, knowledge explores ‘kia‘tauira’ ngākau as referentmāhaki’ establishes the power differentials and defines them. Learning conversations are facilitated as Whakawhitiwhiti Rua (refer figure 10): a tiered

conversation process between- Māori, focused on the topic of Māori, within a

Cram,Māori 2005;context Hudson, as a tool 2005, for re Smith,centering 2005). Māori research practice (Ormand &

Whakawhitiwhiti Rua Exposure memories. Refocus Poukōrero/participant relays stories, experiences and

throughTranscription negotiation is reviewed and exchange by poukōrero that increases and alterations understanding made. toTauira/researcher agreed levels. comes to perceive poukōrero discourse Capture identified data bits. ThemesPoukōrero become identifies first themes/furtherlevel categorisation. explanation to represent

Fig 10: Whakawhitiwhiti rua: learning conversation as a tiered process

Whakawhitiwhiti rua has similarities to Connelly and Clandinin’s (1990 as cited

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in Bishop 1999) collaborative stories, Thomas’s (1993 as cited in Bishop 1999), collaborative narrative construction, and Tripp’s (1983 as cited in Bishop 1999), co-authored statements. Whakawhitiwhiti rua literally means to cross twice and also applies to weaponry. In contextchoreography of learning in the conversations, weaponry art the form name of mauis used taiaha/long here to staff represent two stages with po and what has been said, and 2)ukōrero providing 1) reviewing understandings the transcribed of identified conversation data bits as an aid to get closer to the truths and meanings of the discourse from the authentic source. This extends past the traditional research protocol whereby

opportunitythe input of poukōreroto revise the is mostlyoriginal limited script, tomore (and characteristic in some cases, of nota research so) the relationship traditionally controlled by the researcher. The tiers undertaken for this project are as follows:

Exposure

thatThe poukōrerosteer the dialogue relays her from thoughts, the personal feelings history and experiences of the person around through prompts to their life and experiences on the Marae. This is an independent arrangement in that

the experience of the poukōrero is individual and divorced from the tauira.exposure The . discourse belongs to the poukōrero but is given in an act of sharing, an Refocus

The second tier of the conversation – refocus: creates improved levels of

understanding through extended poukōrero interaction (Macfarlane, Glynn, 164

Cavanagh & Bateman, 2007). Refocus follows the tauira transcribing the

has been recordeddiscourse for and the returning possible it perception to the poukōrero of causing who offence, may alter inaccuracy, what or because what was said is not what was meant (Tripp, 1983, as cited in Bishop, 1999).

Firstly collaborative, the two parties work from different sets of information.

Discussion takes place which gradually changes the learning context from collaborative to cooperative, the exchange becomes more in-depth as the tauira endeavours to understand the information offered. As greater levels of understanding evolve, less collaboration is evident, and greater levels of cooperation emerge from agreed, shared levels as cooperation is an arrangement of shared information generating shared understandings (Glasson,

1983; Laughton & Matthews, 1986).

This secondary tier ful

fils cultural obligations to ‘Manaaki i te tāngata’. ‘Manaaki’ essencebeing a culmination to encourage, of tothe empower. words mana/power Smith (1999) and discusses aki/motivate ‘Manaaki meaning ki te in

number of ways within the research process.tāngata’,32 care for people, interpreted in a -

If diligence is sought by the tauira in pursuing ‘Manaaki i te tāngata’ person,the construct is expected ‘Kaua toe takahia be redundant. te tāngata’/do not trample the mana or dignity of a

According to Van Maanen (1983), distinction needs to made between the

-s first order conception of what is going on in the setting (the facts), poukōreroand what has traditionally been the tauira-s second order conceptions of what is going on (the theories). In the collaborative - cooperative arrangement, the second order concepts are developed and discussed together as a shared task.

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With first order conceptions operational data occur (observed activity) and presentational data occur (the appearances portr activities are discussed). LeCompte and Goetz (1982)ayed describe by poukōrero such as these ethnographic attempts supported by rich primary data, as the most credible.

While insider research takes the research process closer to authentic, subjective understandings of particular contexts, in the final outcome, the world view that interprets the exposure belongs to the tauira. What is important and what can be left out is not decided by someone looking into the thoughts and memories of another. The learning conversation process, whakawhitiwhiti rua extends past that dilemma particularly in the third tier – capture: which may take place at a separate interview, but has mostly taken place as an extension of the second.

Capture

Capture first levelextends categorisations decision makingthat provide of themes greater to accuracythe poukōrero. and definition The themes in are

butentering rather the than categorising the tauira, process. The poukōrerodetermine engages the key in elements a shared of exchange, their

the poukōrero reflectioncontribution. and The discussion. tauira may Traditionally, assist the poukōrero the researcher in terms would of discourseidentify the key elements by imposing their view of participant contributions to arrive at patterns evident in the study (for example).

Some models of research meet the participant half way in collaboratively sharing out the knowledge, understandings, and with that, the power in the

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relationship. Whakawhitiwhiti rua as a process crosses twice; in the second tier of cooperatively reflecting and making alterations, and in the third tier by the

andpoukōrero understandings. determining the keys to their own experiences, memories, stories

Coding Categories

aroundThe themes the four generated research by questionsthe poukōrero which for are each bled data out bit into direct ten focal the categorising orientation questions during learning conversations. The themes provide an assurance and confidence that the final selection of category is a best-fit, with affirmation, (as it

mechanism to move fromresulted) the uniqueness by the poukōrero. of the individual The themes to asan classes, association act as of a membership that provides guidance, shaping and definition. Categorisation of these emerging themes is a natural but critical phase and is judgement dependent and compared

1998; Dye acrosset al, 2000; poukōrero Patton, contributions 1990). as patterns form for analysis (Dey,

Four categories evolved from responses to the research questions (refer

Appendices I,J,K,& L). Themes birthed naturally through the ethnographic exploration of the everyday lives of members of the Hoani Waititi Marae

Maraewhānau; documentation past and present, and recordsand via poukōrerobelonging toobservations, the Marae and examination Dr. Pita Sharples, of the researcher’s observations through being an active member, and autoethnography.

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Connections from these sources aligned to first level entry themes that arose,

- grounded in the data collected from poukōrero learning conversations whakawhitiwhiti rua. The first level entry themes such as those offered by

d poukōrero at refocus, were then grouped into subsets of topic themes as secon level themes (refer Appendix H, Coding Categories Research Question 1,

Appendix I, Coding Categories Research Question 2, Appendix J, Coding

Categories Research Question 3, and Appendix K, Coding Categories Research

Question 4). These are briefly described following the research question.

1. What is the Nature of the Marae Curriculum?

Educational experience-learning, teaching-key ingredients→

→ Constructive View → self-worth -ethnicity-upbringing-difference

→ Destructive View → racism- isolation, resistance-foreign cultural

dominance

→ Influences → educational-home environment-by others- unawareness

→ Cultural Maintenance → family-restoration-biculturalism

2. From Where does the Marae Curriculum Derive?

→

Mātauranga Māori/Māori knowledge → Specialised → -colonisation

→ tipuna/ancestor → conscientisation-intangible-

negativeAs Methodology, Kaupapa Māori

→ As Curriculum → learning styles-treaty- -

168 tika/correct, tikanga/custom

emotional values

3. What are the Effects or Outcomes of the Marae Curriculum?

→

Effects/Outcomes → Sacrifice→

→ Choices→ worldMāori-

→Mana→ alienationkaupapa/purpose-empowerment

→ Challenge→ renaming

4. What are the Implications for the Education in a Post-Colonial

World? of Māori

-Colonisation→

Impact/Post → →

→ Adaptation of Māori →kaupapa v whakapapa/purpose-determination v genealogy-reo

Restoration of Māoriuage tinoand customrangatiratanga/self-population, ethnicity

→me ōna tikanga/ lang →

→ Tāngata Whenua Recognition ownership/status→ standing

Tāngata Whenua Not Recognised 2.5.3 Transcription

A transcription key is adapted from the work of Poland (1995) and Du Bois,

Schuetze-Coburn, Cummimg and Paolino (1993) (refer Appendix L) supported by the associated protocols for attending to trustworthiness. A digital voice recorder Olympus WS-110 USB was used for accurately recording all conversations. Entire learning conversations were transcribed across

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whakawhitiwhiti rua , p.3) claims that ‘no transcriptfor all is poukōrerocompletely by theory the researcher.-neutral or Edwardswithout bias’ (1993.

Originally attempted, mnemonic marking was planned to lessen the workload, in a short-hand sense. This was soon abandoned as it was necessary for the

seemedpoukōrero more to berealistic able to and decipher natural their to transcribe transcripts. the A discourse key was provided. word for wordIt then as verbatim accounts (without alteration or tidying) authentically as running text in vertical format used most commonly by literary works for conversations

and(including others sighsnot familiar etc) in awith natural transcription style. This types is more (Edwards, recognised 1993). by poukōrero It lengthened the process considerably, but achieved a greater purpose. The transcripts

frombecame whakawhitiwhiti accessible to poukōrero rua exposure and to advisors, refocus assistedand capture, in a smooth and it also transition assisted in providing a tone for this aspect of the work-namely one more relaxed than the quantitative scientific-type procedural element that codes, keys and formats can create. It also aided in lessening bias and error in withdrawing a step in the process (where error may have occurred).

Discrepancies such as deliberate, unavoidable, and accidental alterations of the data have been addressed by ensuring the recording quality, transcriber practice of tools, reviewing checks’ (Guba & Lincoln, 1989,the astranscription cited in Poland, with 1995,the poukōrero p. 305), by via transcribing ‘member following conversations, and by having an advisor review recordings against transcript intermittently throughout the data gathering process. This aligns with research - the tauira added value by personally fulfilling all

kaupapa Māori 170

tasks rather than seeking the aid of research assistants creating greater opportunity for difference and variation, despite some of these conversations being very lengthy e.g. seven hours long.

Nonverbal communication types required recording alongside the transcriptions: proxemics – use of interpersonal space, chronemics – pacing and silences, kinesics - postures, and paralinguistics – volume, pitch and quality of voice (Gorden, 1980 as cited in Poland, 1995) have been recorded as they became obvious, for contextual worthiness on templates designed to gather a wider scope of factors that contribute to the communication (refer Appendix M),

Learning Conversations Information Template.

2.5.4 Pieces of the Bricolage

Visual Ethnography - Artefacts

. These took a varietySome poukōrero of forms and provided have been an artefact represented as visual as photographsrepresentation in this chapter and are the tangible representations of what Hoani Waititi Marae means to these members.

Visual Representations

A photographic history was compiled from contributions of Marae members,

Shane White, who has gathered a number of picture files while employed on the

Marae, Beverley Manahi, who has collected a visual anthology of the history of

Te Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae and– Teex WharekuraTe Roopu Manutaki Kaupapa memberMāori o Hoani and architect Waititi Marae, employed Maurits by the Kelderman Marae Trustees for various projects

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spanning the last two decades, and photographs taken by the writer in context of this thesis. Contextual representations occur where they define and support text, intermittently throughout the thesis.

Participant Observations

Participant observation as an anthropological approach, defined by Van Maanen

(1983, p. 38) allows, ‘a fieldworker to use the culture of a setting (the socially acquired and shared knowledge available to the participants or members of the setting) to account for the observed patterns of human activity’. Participant observations were carried out by the tauira as an active member or complete member researcher - (Angrosino, 2005) allowing for exchange, dialogue and interaction in events and conversations.

Examples are particularly relevant with Beverley Manahi and Novi Marikena

the latewith P whomp I workednsen in theand Kura, Shane Paora White Sharples, from the Kōkā Marae, Te andAroha also Paenga,

Laughtonā ā DenisMatthews Ha and John Tuoro who were participating in Marae practices of kapa haka in 2009. Further observations recorded by the researcher as an active member to a lesser extent were recorded of P p

Waititi Marae gatherings ā andā Pita Māori Sharples Party at Hoani gatherings. The researcher, Māori in these education situations gatherings was present in the observations

templateand did not was interact designed with to the record poukōrero, relevant such details as whānau in a standard member format at hui. A

(Appendix N, Learning Conversations Information Template) followed by unstructured field notes as anecdotal records in journal, diary type fashion.

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These were mostly recorded as bullet point notes, in some cases as narrative immediately following observations and in other cases during observations.

However, although participant observations are frequently used in ethnographic research (Burgess, 2006), their value was not completely realised in this exploration perhaps due to the historical and familiar nature of the insider research in the researcher being an on-site member who was able to draw from a richness beyond the value of the templates. Little was to be gained from on-the-spot snap shots compared with the wealth of data that evolved from established relationships.

Following writing up the observation, data bits were identified in a similar way as they were selected from transcripts of learning conversations. The data bits were then categorised through the same coding categories as learning conversations.

Initially it appeared that the observations of people in action was related to the recording of evidence; examples of how people have come to be as a result of being on the Marae, interacting with the Marae and indeed, learning from the Marae, for aren’t we our actions? We may say a lot, think a lot, perhaps dream a lot, but at the conclusion of it all, aren’t we our actions; what we do, the reality in a ‘proof is in the pudding’ sense?

The observations gravitated towards the third category, the acts of conscientization or the effects and outcomes of the Marae curriculum as the most appropriate and obvious category refined as:

 sacrifice -

Māori; 173

 choices -

 mana –empowermentworld or kaupapa/purposes; or loss of mana-alienation;

 challenge - renaming.

For thoroughness all data bits were reviewed under all four categories despite the fact that they leaned heavily in the third category. Following eighteen months of data gathering and a range of documented and analysed participant

record lengthy anecdotalobservations records, for each select poukōrero data bits as and they analyse arose, these the need became to less valuable as a point of saturation was reached. Nothing new was unveiled in the task, but as affirmation of belief systems in action, they were productive. From this point participant observations were noted as such, and recorded more as an inventory; separated from daily life and activity as memorable events or situations, as reminders or markers of our life. A new template was designed to facilitate a record that the event took place in more skeletal form and regular categorising ensued Participant Observations Template 2 (Appendix N).

Documents

Imperative to the history is the abundance of historical records stored at the

Marae: both Marae records and personal papers belonging to Dr. Pita Sharples.

An offer was made from the (then) Marae manager to view policies and other documents in early proposal discussions. Following consent from the authority,

Dr Pita Sharples and Marae manager Paora Sharples access was gained to ‘the shed’- a storage space where past documents of the Marae had been kept. An interim manager had relocated the library of documentation outside the secure and relatively mould-free internal areas of the Marae office and administration,

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and had also disposed of an undetermined amount of documented history once located there. While the historical records should offer evidence of the entire whakapapa of Hoani Waititi Marae from conception, the material remaining post the ‘throw out’ did not. It was skeletal. There were odd pockets of years represented in the timeline of the life of the Marae complex, initiatives, minutes

associatedof meetings, with, communications formed or represented, with tribal annualand state reports, agencies financial that Pāpā records, Pita jobwas descriptions, applications and CVs, email, letter and fax correspondence, plans, photographs and dreams.

PitaMuch on of behalf the sourcing of Hoani has Waititi eventuated Marae, from Hoani the Waititi many Marae submissions Committee, made Hoani by Pāpā

Waititi Marae Incorporated Society, and Hoani Waititi Marae Trust, or by himself. These discuss the Marae-s evolution in contextualising each submission. Funding applications were valuable for similar reasons, and they also described the scope of projects, intent, and planning. Part 3 of the thesis particularly chapters 5 and 6 are informed by these documents. An unrecorded number of hours were spent sorting through what remains of the archives, less financial records which were being audited at the time. The manager identified a work space for sorting, and with the help of wharekura students, a large number of boxes were carted from the shed to the administration building.

Those of less prominence were returned and a second-sort category set aside.

Hours of the first level sorting were erratic due to Marae undertakings,

thepowhiri/formal author was emplo welcomesyed at for the example kura, and when such. most However staff vacate, the task the wasoffices, days

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enjoyable, staff and at hand.

whānau helpful, and coffee Throughout this first level of document sorting, I felt immensely privileged and I would describe my ‘finds’ to advisors and kura staff. While I attempted to remain calm and level headed there were times when this was difficult. For instance when I found Pāpā-s original hand scribbled notes as he and others

(the late Kōkā Katerina Mataira and also Kōkā Te Aroha Paenga) brainstormed curriculum possibilities in scoping out Te Aho Matua. They had planned subject streams from the aspects, connecting and webbing schemes. While these guidelines are not presented in Te Aho Matua today, the commitment of these initial developers was beyond the philosophical statement. It was not until uncovering this that the enormity of the Kura Kaupapa Māori movement took hold. And this was only one aspect represented in the archives. In imparting this to Kura staff, it was received with ‘oohs and ahhs’ due to the potency of Te Aho

Matua to us, the practitioners. I also remember thanking the kura and tumuaki

for allowing the

wharekura boys to

haul boxes. My

explanation

was around Te

Korou, Te Waaka,

Tolokana,

Tuwhakairiora,

Fig 11: Final sorting pile of Marae documentation and Papa Pita’s files.

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Makoha, Kiwa, and Tautari not being box carriers but more being responsible for helping to bare our history, and who better to do that than those whom the years of dedication had been for? The privilege factor in being allowed to read the history has substance. It charges one’s life force as an avenue into the past, like transgressing genealogy as we do with whakapapa charts. Its power is supported by events, reasoning, responsibility, ethics and humility. And I came away very big - not bigger than others – again the definition of ‘Māori big’ of being filled up from the inside…

The final sorting took place as Paora-advisor and Marae manager allowed me to take a car boot load of file boxes and cartons home over the summer break of

2009. The undertaking took some eight weeks, the first five was holiday period so I could work long hours without interruption.

Autoethnographic Research and Personal Narrative

Identified as typical of the impending moments of qualitative research (Austin &

Hickey, 2007), autoethnography poses problems as a vehicle for personal voice

(Davis, 2005; Jones, 2005) or ‘a revealing narrative from the self-of-the-writer, from a lived experience’ (Ricci, 2003, p. 594). A threefold problem appears as was raised at the initial introduction: 1) the self represents the individualistic, colonising construct in opposition to holistic whānau-ism and mostly suggests that the self is important (Pere, 1997). Individualism became reified as individualized land title lessens the mana of the asgroup land by was shifting taken theoff Māorifocus to for one, the thereforepākehā 2) implying the self

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others have less value and 3) strength and power is gained from the group - the

whānau, by the connectedness of the individuals, and the whānau, by genealogy-

Driscoll,or kaupapa/purpose 2005; Bishop, is 1998;the fundamental Mead, 2003). base of Māori existence (Ahuriri

How then does an indigenous researcher fulfil the cultural prerequisites to which we are accountable within the dynamics of Denzin and Lincoln’s (2005)

9th moment of research? Are we still determined by the canon? Is the personal voice a neo-liberal construct in conflict with the indigenous voice(s)? Can the indigenous voice express the self?

The researcher’s personal reflection and experience in a process of internalizing and comprehending is organised in this thesis as autoethnographic comment or personal narrative and is identified in blocks of italic text: posing questions sometimes rhetorical, in poetic verse and one-sided discourse (Creamer, 2006;

Davis, 2005). An attempt has been made to bring the voice of self to the work without impacting on, or distracting from the genuine cultural constructs of

whanaungatanga/relationships, whakapapa/genealogy, and kotahitanga/unity. Ricci (2003, p.593) refers to autoethnography as, ‘the practice of attempting to discover the culture of self, or of others through self’. He goes on to suggest that ‘It also aligns, and perhaps more easily with that of auto- phenomenology when one thinks of its search for the meaning of experience or local reality’. Austin and Hickey (2007, p.1) refer to the ‘individual-societal dialectic’. Defined as a shifting of the gaze, from paradigms of ethnography,

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suggesting that autoethnography may contribute to a necessary type of consciousness raising.

While the other research tools used are ways to access the truth from the lens of

researcherthe poukōrero, (Davis, autoethnography 2005). Used as allows reactive the comment, reader to autoethnography view from the eyes in ofthis the work is a window for the reader that allows an insight to the perspective(s) garnered in conceptualising the dynamics of the study. For this writer it entails connecting and reflecting upon personal knowledge, experience and emotion to the culture (Adams & Jones, 2008; Dunbar Jr, 2008; Ricci, 2003). For insider research particularly, autoethnographical comment remains valid within the voice of the studied in that the researcher is a member. Goodall (2000 as cited in

Ricci, 2003), refers to autoethnography as ‘the new ethnography…shaped out of a writer’s personal experience within a culture…It is the use of self and self’s experiences to garner insights into the larger culture or subculture of which you are part’. While Ellis and Bochner (2000, as cited in Davis, 2005), emphasise communication as ‘the negotiation and performance of acts of meaning’ (p.748).

Sound File

Excerpts from all learning conversations at exposure level of whakawhitiwhiti rua are shuffled in a sound file. Amongst data bits identified for historical purpose and categorising, sound file excerpts form a version, a menagerie of

poukōrero voice: opinion, historical recollection, dream, intention, experience, hope,a more argument, whole person, and belief. better Mixed depicting excerpts the emotion, from the passion poukōrero and serve closenes to identifys of recorded voice. Having experimented with Wavesaur, Audacity and Free Audio

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Editor a more user friendly sound file manipulator has been utilised to create this aspect of the bricolage as a means of extending the thesis, text based representation.

In Conclusion

Critical indigenous enquiry has formed the context of this ethnographic exploration of the curriculum of Hoani Waititi Marae. Undertaken by an insider

Māori researcher as a form of performance ethnography, the project is in culturalkeeping authoritywith the tikanga, - Dr Pita guidelines Sharples, andtwo ethicsuniversity of kaupapa supervisors Māori - research.Drs John A

Austin and Andrew Hickey, and three cultural and Marae based advisors - Paora

haveSharples, provided Beverley direction; Manahi, from and academic John Matthews to spiritual, formed motivational the whānau and team that structural support throughout the project. Grounded theory methods and strategies have assisted in shaping how evidence was collected, thought about, represented and analysed in the final sections of the thesis.

∼ A plethora of Māori literacies evident at Hoani Waititi Marae have been gathered and are provided as samples from poukōrero via whakawhitiwhiti rua, a learning conversations research model I developed to better facilitate the working of this research project. They are found in Volume II as Appendix C,

Gathering the Menagerie of Richness. It is truly the voice of the people.

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18 Wailing is a Māori cultural act of grieving - tangi. Wailing likened to karanga (call of welcome in formal gatherings) is carried out as spiritual connection to loved ones residing in the other world (Wānanga Aotearoa Workshop, Noho Marae, Level 1, September 2006). 19 The Treaty of Waitangi was signed 1840 between the British Crown and 538 leaders of Māori Iwi (peoples). It forms a political basis as the founding document of ‘agreement’ between Māori and pākehā and remains the lynchpin of constructs and relationships between the groups. Since the treaty signing, by way of war, law, marginalisation, religious indoctrination and education, Māori have become perceived as culturally inferior and essentially powerless. For fuller discussion see Bishop, (2003) and Simon, (2000). 20 Within Western culture. 21 Semali, Ackerman, Bradley, Buzinde, Jaksch, and Kalavar et al (2007, p.9) comment on excellence in indigenously-informed research in collaborating between African communities and the academy where community engagement is identified as the key to shifting the culture of the academy to better act in response to the needs of the indigenous. Utilising the processes of visioning21 and mainstreaming, local residents developed community strategies to deal with concrete issues of poverty and prevalent issues within their Tanzanian community. 22 ‘Performance in print’-Performance ethnography 23 War of position re Gramsci - Smith (1997,p. 31) describes as ‘the critical task of utilizing transformative praxis…that is, surrounding the ‘taken for granted notions’ developed by ‘traditional’ intellectuals, policy makers, and political decision makers, and working to undermine, change and/or overthrow these ideas which sustain relations of domination and subordination’. 24 A large number of supporters from around the country gathered for Pita’s Maiden speech in parliament, including three bus loads from Ngati Kahungunu and one bus from Hoani Waititi Marae and Waipareira Trust. Poukōrero of this thesis travelled from the Marae: Te Aroha Paenga, the late Denis Hansen, Paora Sharples, Shane White, Laughton Matthews, (and the writer). 25 For example, for situations when the researcher may be interviewing a very prestigious leader of the people, the support of a kaumatua aids in allowing the process of interviewing to be more comfortable for the researcher. 26 Both children; Laughton and John are performing members of Te Roopu Manutaki. 27 Born in Waipawa, Hawke’s Bay, Dr Pita. R. Sharples attended Te Aute Māori Boys’ College, and went on to study at The University of Auckland and Auckland Teachers’ College. In 1976 he graduated with a PhD in Anthropology and Linguistics. He became head of the Office of the Race Relations Conciliator for eight years, and later became Director of Culture at the Department of Māori Affairs. He was also a Professor of Education at The University of Auckland. Pāpā Pita has been actively involved in the West Auckland community for much of his adult life, having raised his family there with his first wife Te Aroha Paenga and children Keepa, Paora and Rangimarie. In the late 1970s he was instrumental in establishing Hoani Waititi Marae. He has belonged to numerous Māori, community and education organisations and has been a consultant to many government agencies and professional boards. In 2004 he became Co-leader of the Māori Party, and was elected as MP for Tāmaki Makaurau in 2005. He is currently Minister of Māori Affairs and Associate Minister of Education and Corrections. Pāpā continues to reside in West Auckland close to Hoani Waititi Marae with his wife Arapera and children Te Hira and Rongomai. They are blessed with a growing brood of mokopuna. 28 A great impetus of loyalty arises from the membership of the Te Whare Tu Taua, a commitment and bonding that extends to ‘the brothers’ (and sisters). An instilled form of whanaungatanga/relationships presides, an urban whānau by kaupapa driven again by Pāpā Pete, in response to those bereft of specific epistemological knowledges and those deprived of or simply extending the umbilical whānau by whakapapa. It is this ideology in practice that initially compelled me to celebrate the Marae in doctoral form. 29 Referencing of poukorero learning conversations are recorded as per the poukorero, WR- Whakawhitiwhiti Rua, date, e.g. (Paora Sharples, WR, 11 December 2008). Quotes are taken from

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the exposure level of whakawhitiwhiti rua except where refocus quotes are also referred to. In this case the quotes are labelled exposure and refocus. 30 John Matthews and I met at Richmond Road School in the mid-eighties. John taught in the Māori Bilingual Unit and I became Associate Principal before we were married and left to raise a family and to both teach at Papakura High School. While we were teaching at Richmond Road School, my father, the late Jim Laughton was principal. We were also members of the Ritimana Kōhanga Reo Committee: Jacqui being foundation secretary and John being the second person to Chair the committee. 31 Kōkā/aunty is used for tribal affiliation to Ngati Porou. 32 For fuller discussion see Smith, Chapter 4, Denzin and Lincoln, 2005, p. 98.

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Part 3

The Curriculum Focus

Chapter 3

Curriculum Definitions

Education can never be fully and properly related

to the life of the community until the whole community

takes its share in the work of education

(Ujam & El-Fiki, 2006, p . 270).

Four themes were raised in the review of the literature: a) the Marae curriculum, b) curriculum derivations, c) Marae curriculum outcomes and d) postcolonial consequences. This chapter investigates the first theme expressed in the research question, What is the nature of the Marae curriculum? The methodological approach undertaken to investigate the research questions is discussed in the previous chapter (refer chapter 2, ‘Research Methodology’).

The anticolonial pursuits of indigenous education assist in determining the

of Hoani Waititi Marae’s curriculum, the curriculum’s inherent features, qualities,type/s and character. For the past 173 years, curriculum has been as Maina

(2003, p.11) has expressed, ‘a tool of cultural alienation, whereby the learners gradually acquire the cultural identity of other people’. Similar to Ball’s

(2004) exposé of the First Nation’s Partnership Program as discussed in chapter

1, the community-based education of Hoani Waititi Marae values the relevance

of Māori language and culture today, in this urban setting amongst a people of a number of iwi and hapū. Indigenous identity184 is visited and revisited in learning

arrangements that are intergenerational; that celebrate the place and status of elders as knowledge bases. The guiding principles of the First Nation’s community-based program centre upon aspects of cultural validation that are identified similarly at Hoani Waititi Mara

e, in that Māori epistemologies remain approachat the content of personally core, Māori meaningful pedagogies learning are practised, with an andobligatory a participatory factor (of reciprocating as teacher of the gained knowledge) drives the curriculum.

Hoani Waititi Marae has established and continues to maintain a transformative education model responsible for cultural revival via curriculum that is intended, instrumental, available, recommended, taught and actual (Glatthorn, 1987;

2000, Skilbeck, 1990). In reference to Glatthorn’s definitions of curriculum,

Hoani Waititi Marae offers a curriculum that extends the scope to include a transformative curriculum. Moana Jackson (2010, p.327) has described his preferred use and application of transformation in discussing ‘constitutional transformation’ as opposed to constitutional change or constitutional reform.

For transformation unlike its pseudo-synonyms does not accept the status quo established by the coloniser. Transformation advances to a new space, a new reality.

In utilising an antithesis of Shapiro’s (2005b) explanation of the hidden curriculum (refer chapter 1), the transformative curriculum is culturally validating, draws from indigenous epistemology, pedagogy and practice, is fuelled by agency, and effects personal change in the learner that contributes to

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building communities of respect and care. Madeline Grumet’s (1988, preface xiii) description is fitting, a curriculum that is a ‘settlement between the lives we are capable of living and the ones we have’. Te Arataki Manu Kōrero o Tainui is an

Aotearoaexample of in transformative 2003, its purpose curriculum being to instigatedensure ‘the by cultural Te Whare continuity Wānanga of Tainuio traditions and identity...to recover, share and weave into a coherent whole those aspects of knowledge that are distinctive and unique to Tainui’ (Adams & Hopa,

2005, p.1). A sketch of the curriculum provided by Pei Te Hurinui and levels decided by Te Papa o Rotu, the Tainui ancient school of learning, formed the basis of a course outline completed as specific topics by kaumatua such as

classicalTainui whakapapa, to contemporary history, studies navigation, (Adams settlement, & Hopa, 2005).and karakia/prayer from

Hoani Waititi Marae offers a humanistic Marae based curriculum that is balanced in being challenging and achievable -

Whare Tu Taua o Aotearoa, Te Ataarangi levelshence of reo the and pou/levels vocabulary of Te

competency, andri. The the design total immersion of competency constitution levels achievable of Te Kōhanga by all Reo (whether and Kura childrenKaupapa orMāo adults as learners), as with the obligatory nature of learning, is a

ogy that is humanistic in essence. Eurocentric based learning

Māoriclassifications pedag of the mainstream are specific and pre-requisite orientated, requiring demarcations that allow some learners access and others only at particular stages (of achievement, age or mastery as in classes of eight year old children classified as Standard 2 or Year 5 for example). The Māori-ness pedagogy is in the open access for all who desire to learn (unless safety of Māori

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examples prohibits,are youth whoor tapu/exceptional learn beside elders knowledges in kapa haka, are at weaponry, the core). languagePractically or weaving classes. All learners while given the status of their stage in life, discover knowledge, practice knowledge and are assessed in knowledge alongside each other. They are not classed by gender, age or years in knowledge.

gy centred upon challenge that relies less upon competitionA humanistic against Māori pedagoothers (although this applies in some contexts), but rather emphasises the progress of the individual against the individual when progress is measured - bettering of the self, accomplishment of the self, as opposed to defeating another. Progress in Eurocentric based models of education measure the self against others of the same age, others of ‘the national standard’ by achievement level, or others of the same gender. Humanistic models tend to diminish these competitive, conventional power relations. Again, the obligatory nature of sharing knowledge gained in a teacher role following learning the knowledge, achieves a new definition of power differentials. Just as ako- forms the base to learn and to teach, of knowledge attainment. The inpure the excitement Māori language, and also so isconcerns the reciprocal expressed nature by

whakawhitiwhiti rua – poukōrerolearning conversations, in gathering informationhas provided for varied the study and in via-depth examples of features of humanism that characterise the fun, exploratory nature of learning, and the

maintenancewarm, receptive via andthe categorysupportive, of family whānau strongly based environment.voices the inherent Cultural desire for whanaungatanga.

Māori epistemologies discussed in chapter187 4 form the curriculum content of a

confluentdefinition educationof health is that holistic, is a strain integrating of humanistic the mind, curriculum. body, spirit Whilst and emotions the Māori of the being, so too does the content knowledge of the curriculum draw from all

dialoguethese facets became of the prominent being as a tolearner. the point The of place creating of emotions a category in poukōrero in the following chapter under the first level theme: as curriculum - emotional values where information revealed an emotional view of life balance, two sides to everything; warfare- paramountpeace, in the spirituality. curr Emotional values were expressed by poukōrero

iculum of Māori knowledge. Shapiro (1987, as cited in McNeil, 2006) suggests that personal meaning is created for whole people fit for human society from content that integrates attitudes, values and emotions with knowledge and abilities as the curricula of

Shapiro’sthe Marae identification is portrayed. ofFrom confluent the Māori education pedagogy espouses types discussedparticipatory earlier, education with relevant curriculum, aimed at self-growth for a well, whole contribution to the community that lessens the possibility of social division and intolerance.

Elements of consciousness education, another strain of humanistic education

Theemerged search from for thepurpose information and meaning gathered in life by ispoukōrero at the crux and of dataeducation gathering for tools. cultural revival. Personal power (synonymous here with mana) is achieved

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directly via acknowledgement of –ness. McNeil (2006) discusses self- directed learning that aims to buildMāori accountability of the learner for their own success. A curriculum that is self-directed by design poses problems, conflicts and situations of collapse. It is concerned with the learner gaining understanding of cooperative and competitive roles in society and individualistic and group orientations. Questions of morality, ego, self-respect and respect for others are prominent.

As is clear in ‘Te Ira Te Aho Matua, the philosophical statement of

Tāngata’ of

Kura Kaupapa Māori, education is not primarily an employment orientated childrenpursuit, ‘Teand Ira the Tāngata importance focuses of nurturingon the physical both in and their spiritual education…the endowment role of of the kura is all round development of its children rather than career orientation’

(refer Te Aho Matua, 2008, p. 8-9).

The consciousness education strain of humanism recognises other forms of knowledge that contribute to personal meaning for the learner as in currere

(Pinar, 2004), being in the case of the curriculum of the urban Marae, the wide subject matter of culture.

However, where humanism can lay too much focus on the individual albeit as one of many; social reconstructivism attends to societal aspects. For the learners and teachers of Hoani Waititi Marae, the problems of the community

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and New Zealand society at large centre mostly on issues of access to power and social justice. As a twofold approach, attending to curriculum that supplies greater achievement for learners (such as culturally relevant curriculum - mau

33 rākau credits in NCEA at wharekura/secondary school for example) and educating learners about society’s imbalances, attends to a transformative curriculum. Shapiro (2005c, p.437), augments a similar call for educational institutions to ‘challeng(e) injustice and inhumanity’ in striving for ‘lives of meaning’ (refer chapter 2). A critical consciousness is gained by the learner questioning the status quo, and becoming involved in alternatives that seek improved power sharing. Critical consciousness raising via a transformative curriculum, has emerged as routine and common at Hoani Waititi Marae.

Examples form baseline discussion material offered by pou to everyday life practice. Attending meetings kōrero in reference local body council, wharekura students attendingto support a march a Māoriin the candidateCBD of for

SupercAucklandity Citycouncil, to protest standing the for lack Waipareira of Māori representation Trust elections, on speaking a proposed at Marae committee hui, and attending te reo classes, are examples that engage people of the Marae across all generations, in acts of social reconstructionism and conscientisation. Helpful to this, organisation and focal point of Hoaniby Pāpā Waititi Pita Maraeand others’ as a venue design, where is the meetings, presentations and gatherings of people for specific kaupapa are undertaken. A case in point is the first hui held where the concept of the present day Māori

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Party was birthed, leaders were proposed and the people prepared for mobilisation.

As per Illich’s (1971) Deschooling Society learning (as opposed to learning as preparation, Māori forpedagogies employmen behindt) provide lifelong education throughout one’s existence, and as such, the learning involved offers richer situations. In Skilbeck’s (1990) fashion, life-long development is guaranteed via the urban Marae. Curriculum is extended to a learner-Marae- community relationship (Kerr, 2000). The hui nature of the Marae that organises members to engage in discourse on all manner of topics in gatherings in the whare tipuna, is a pedagogical praxis; the means and organisation for self- reflection (and group reflection) of tikanga, concerns, and events of the Marae community including its teachings; its curriculum. Bishop (1998) has referred to this cultural practice and construct of thematic layering of topic issues as

‘spiral discourse’.

Rich situations of life-long learning contribute to an education that draws from both humanistic and social reconstructionist orientations as revealed by pou strategickōrero planning as practice, of the and Marae, is evident and is in recognised observations, in the documentation experience of and the writer as a member. The combination of both curriculum conceptions by the Marae creates holistic transformative education that in essence is caring, that nurtures

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self-actualisation that blend raises critical consciousnessis inherently andculturally advances bound personal by whānau power orientation. of the learner The while building loyalty and affiliation to wider purpose: the Marae, community

As a whanau member, the author experienced optimum learningand the urban (Csikszentmihalyi whānau. & Csikszentmihalyi, 2006); being in a condition of physical flow when a positive state is created of higher self-esteem, increased motivation and concentration (refer chapter 1). This feeling of ‘losing all thought’ and transcending the self was particularly evident as a student of Te

Whare Tu Taua, via kapa haka, and by way of weaving as a meditative, elevating performance.

3.1 Hoani Waititi Marae-s Application of the Nature of the Marae Curriculum

Explanations of the information gathered form the initial steps in ‘learning to dance’ with Pinar’s discourse on currere. In developing grounded theory around the research question, what is the nature of the Marae curriculum, a number of themes emerged from the curriculum ontology around what is real, what is true, what knowledge is, how we come to know – epistemology, and what is valuable and good - axiology.

Themes emerged from

1) learning conversations utilising whakawhitiwhiti rua

2) pou

kōrero observations

3) written responses from poukōrero

4) organic knowledge accrued by192 the tauira/researcher as Marae

member-insider.

Themes developed, transformed and settled naturally to four, first level coding categories that illuminate the sort of curriculum evident at Hoani Waititi Marae: constructive view, destructive view, influences and cultural maintenance.

Research Question: What is the Nature of the Marae Curriculum?

Educational experience-learning, teaching-key ingredients→

→ Constructive View → self-worth -ethnicity-upbringing-difference

→ Destructive View → racism- isolation, resistance-foreign cultural

dominance

→ Influences → educational-home environment-by others- unawareness

→ Cultural Maintenance → family-restoration-biculturalism

The curriculum portrays a constructive view of self-

worth, of Māori ethnicity, of racismwhānau or member’s isolation, upbringing, resistance and and foreign of difference. cultural The dominance type of curriculum negatively views. It is characterised by educational influences, influences from the home environment, by others, and from unawareness. The curriculum is centred upon cultural maintenance of family, of biculturalism and as a practice of restoration.

3.2 Constructive View

What is valuable and good formed the basis of a constructive view of the nature of the Marae curriculum positing a humanistic curriculum that balanced the

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emotional and spiritual being alongside the physical and intellectual being of the learner. Where a humanistic approach fostered a healthy attitude towards self, others and learning, a positive perspective appeared as a major premise to which other topics became classified of self-worth, where a constructive view of self is portrayed related to achievements and self-realisation, ethnicity-where a constructive view of race is dominantly represented by the poukorero including

upbringing thatreferences reflects to a beingpositive proud view to to be background, Māori , indigenous rearing, and/or childhood other, experiences

difference that shows a celebration or productive view towardsand/or memories, difference. and Th is difference may be racial, economic, gender, or age based.

These were strongly evident in the portrayal of Marae members as they went about their lives on the Marae, reminisced about their involvement

d. McNeil (2006) points to the humanisticover the years, ideals acted of personal out and/or development, were observe uprightness and independence achievable via a constructive approach identified in the grounded information.

Pine Taiapa, Charlie Maitai…Jack Colvin, they came here to bless the

ground…well years later I thought to myself what an honour eh?...I had

come to the realisation by then that Hone Waititi was the project, not

Denis Hansen (Denis Hansen, WR, 12 November 2009).

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I work for the people in Waipareira. I do not work for Waipareira. I work for

Waititi and the people in Waititi, Waipareira and the people in Waipareira, so

we can have unification (Denis Hansen, WR, 12 November 2009).

Instances of Maslow’s thoughts about self-actualisation are evident throughout all constructivepoukōrero view conversations theme where and esteem again, areresides particularly at the upper identified most inlevel the of the physiological needs pyramid. Awe, mystery and wonder can be realised in a positive state, and positive states are commonly represented in the data.

3.2.1 Constructive View of Self Worth

Information was included in this coding category where a constructive view of self was represented related to achievements, self-realisation and view of self- accomplishments in the kaupapa, as a result of being a member of the Marae

thewhānau. pursuit While of individualism; this can appear this ‘pākehā’ is not its in placeessence, here that and identity therefore of self deserves is akin to further comment. The emergence of self in the data alludes to the growth factor for members in a pre-curriculum versus post–curriculum sense (measuring against the self). The measure in difference between what or who I was before the Marae as opposed to what or who I became after Marae membership (in whatever form that takes) is so apparent to these members, that their recognition of it is marked.

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A constructive view of self was evident in pou the nature of the Marae curriculum centred uponkōrero the identifyingdevelopment episodes of self- whereworth.

While it could be considered to negate the importance of whanaungatanga and group affiliation, the building of the individual essentially contributes to the ability of the whānau to function in constructive, healthy ways.

The late P p contributeā toā theDenis construction Hansen talked of the about Marae: his need to be Māori and his need to

(A)round about ‘65-‘73…I was organising

Waikato, Bay Of Plenty, Tai Tokerau, AucklandMāori and games the proceedsand Māori would teams: go

amto Hone going Waititi to leave Marae. to go Thenback toI felt varsity I wasn’t to learn a Māori. Te Reo So I and…my asked my last boss, job if was I

Universitya Māori All andBlack went Selector…so 24-7 on that…and I walked awaystarted from working it all andon the went Marae back and

I sent bulldozers in here and flattened out the place and primed it. And

everybody was going, “Where

that time we were getting $50 diddollars all these a person things from come the from?” labour But department it was

to go towards the project. You were not allowed to buy anything, but you

could use the money for a project. So I thought gee, if we had 20 people

that is $1000 a week. If I get 40 people, that is $2000, and I started going

up to 100, that is $5000, going 200 that is $10,000 a week 300 that is

$15,000 a week… (Denis Hansen, WR, 12 November 2009).

John Tuoro comments on being a young member of Te Roopu Manutaki and first

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generation member of the Marae:

Manutaki was really good, most probably a pivotal part of myself, looking

. If you look at me now, most

at being Māori because, I knewk and I was go Māori out and yeeha around town…That

wasprobably for me a pākehā…justreally quite a drin pivotal changing point in my life, just to do that

performance and from that my uncle said …to my mum (in reference to

the late Master Irirangi Tiakiawa) “I want you to bring him down here so

I can teach him the wero” (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

Via leaders of the Marae such as the late Tuini Hakaraia, the late Mavis Tuoro, the late Gerry Graham, the late Don Rameka, the late Tapu Henare, the late

George Tuoro, the late Denis Hansen, and also Pita Sharples who were

muchspecifically credence, named the by nurturing poukōrero of whole,as figure complete heads to people whom appears these members in the quest gave for self-determination.

(someA great had number seen hardof whānau times) member particularly in the initial years were gathered to the

Marae by those early pioneering

Fig 12: Symbolic of the generations who have workers, collected by the likes of P p grown on the Marae, is the tui that regularly comes to feed at the kowhai in the wharekura ā ā where students sit for lunch. The tui feeds undisturbed no matter how many visitors Pete and Kōkā Letty Brown in the wider arrive. Summer after summer his family return to feast here. specifiWest Aucklandc purpose. Māori The passioncommunity of these for this pioneers who have become present day

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leaders, today. Secondfor healing and third others generation remains Marae a resonating members theme are amongstthose affected poukōrero by the original leaders and also by the curriculum of the cultures or branches of knowledge(s) that these leaders created as foundations on the Marae. Laughton

Matthews comments:

Ispeak was at the Te Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoaniotal immersion Waititi Marae. school, I learned so my howtwo yearsto

there was Māorifocussing language. on the It language…a was a t positive experience for me (Laughton

Matthews, WR, 14 July 2008).

Growth and worthiness of the self is extended to others. Once a member has achieved at an identified level (mostly determined by the tutor) then an expectation that they in turn become teachers of that knowledge is a commonly identified pedagogy (see also Vol II, Appendix C). It is after disseminating knowledge acquired to a wider body of others on or outside the Marae that the original learner-cum-teacher is able to move on to other pursuits.

Obligation accompanies learning; obligation to the kaupapa; that being to widen the knowledge, and to become a part of the curriculum as an authentic participant in all facets. This continual role movement is a life aspect and pedagogy that informs members and contributes to high levels of ‘natural’ skill in teaching and learning. Natural skill pertains to that which is organically

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grown across many, varied life features: sought and unsought, expected and unexpected, planned and unplanned.

Marae members are obligated and accomplishment of many kaupapa towards the greater umbrella kaupapa of self-determination is desired. Once the role growth of learner-teacher-disseminator of knowledge is passed on to other learners (to also become teachers and disseminators of knowledge) then the member is able to assist in other areas of need, where their support would facilitate their personal growth in contribute to the movement as a whole.mātauranga Māori/Māori knowledge and

(Mariu)(T)he thing was with there. the Everything Māori Women’s was going Welfare - I left. League There I feltare thatso many Aunty things June

out there that are to be done and that is when I left to do court workers, set

up a halfway house for girls and things like that (Letty Brown, WR, 6 July

2009).

A ‘tough- of the Marae.nut’ attitudeThose who exists had towards worked survivingin mainstream outside New the Zealand Māori world society and took life on a different persona to those of the Marae. Beverley Manahi comments on 1)

life in the pākehā world followed by 2) life on the Marae: 1) If you want to get up to there, you just respect you and only you.

2) When I worked on the Marae it did something. I cannot even tell you

what it did. It gave me back me being Māori, in being me (WR, 10 April 199

2008).

Elements of self- affiliation that necessitateworth widens being to the ‘at selfground in relation level’. Similar to the whānau to grounded and an theory, being at ground level is a baseline communication level, a level of rapport. It is one where the participants are not hindered by difference. Some differences in particular contexts inhibit communication such as difference in status, age, and gender. Comment has been made earlier in the methodology to difference in generation (particularly when relating to kaumatua or kuia) and how this impacts in a cultural space with its own peculiar constructs and nuances. Some differences also contribute to communication.

Attention is given here to a zone of ground level communication that strips the participants of difference allowing the conventional status demarcations to no longer exist. Novi Marikena draws on this in the teaching profession.

I find that I have got a good rapport with the kids because I listen to them.

I will hear what they have got to say, and then we will talk about the issue

rather than me lecture them. It also helps having a rapport with the parents

(Novi Marikena, WR, 29 September 2008).

3.2.2 Constructive View of Ethnicity

ethnicity is dominantly presented by the

A constructive view of Māori ing proud poukōrero. References have included being200 proud to be Māori and be

to be indigenous. The nature of the Marae curriculum is around the escalation and maintenance of this pride. It has permeated every learning conversation

variouswith poukōrero reasons, and this across element observations still resides. of The people constructive in conflict view and of or ethnicity pain for is clearly fundamental in the design and programming of curriculum. It is an obvious statement and description of the purpose of resurgence. However, what is evident as emerging data is the glue-like effect that this positivity has and how it manifests in all members and exchanges. Being proud to be continues past 173 years of colonisation, loss of lands, and near annihilation. Some members of the Marae are now divorced of others surviving second generation existencetūrangawaewae/standing in the city, somewhat estranged place,

urbanfrom the Marae hapū, curriculum and yet a learningcontinues and to teachingfeed the Hoanidialogic Waititi of Māori Marae knowledge, an

whānau. The towhānau a target undertakes of self-determination purpose that that fuels surpasses individuals indigenous and ultimately conformity the movement to imperialism.

(I) f you look back in our history, three things that we are good at: we can

adapt, we are resilient and we are proactive. That’s the three things that

Sharples,separate usWR, Māori 23 October I reckon, 2008). from all our other indigenous partners (Paora

In raising issues around difference, also emerging was the acknowledgement of

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how different members can be, while striving for one kaupapa. Beverley

Manahi, ‘We are on the same boat, but we are so different’. She does not acknowledge difference by age, gender, or socio-economic status, but rather people unlike in their ways and desires.

Indications were evident of learning and teaching around the kaupapa being more important than the self, therefore, the ability to work with others

(whether or not) whom one would not usually associate, is another strongly representedMāori pedagogy, life aspect and cultural construct.

itsMahitahi/working members, and it together is an accepted and kotahitanga/unity given that when problemscan extract occur, a high they price are from attributed in the main to a lack of adhesion to this principle. The nature of the

Marae curriculum in fuelling the continued resurgence is centred upon a

-ness, and that celebration overrides personal difference amongcelebration members. of Māori

A motivating factor in attracting members to the Marae is the whānaureside nature, (in notbeing having part ofto atravel wider some collective hours of out Māori of Auckland in the setting to reach where it). Thiswhānau attraction was

physicallyparticularly constructing evident in first the generationMarae (and poukōrero in other ways). who were able to be part of

I always remember Daddy-Boy (Waiora Arama) digging a hole in the

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ground and I thought, that looks pretty good. So I left my job…The only

reason I went to work on the Marae was so I could say I had some part

of building it…so I got to do some of the tukutuku panels which are in

the meeting house now and a lot of the kowhaiwhai along the rafters…

if I look back now it is something that I was part of; just wanting to be

part of it…in saying that in history - I had something to do with that (John

Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

Having a constructive view of ethnicity is in part reliant on being a part of

Māori anthe active Māori member. people, according This traverses to the obligation. information It isgathered motivated here: by beingdesire, a amember, need to belong, to be one of the others. This belonging is manifest in the motivation to be recognised, welcomed, and respected, and further, for

this membership to be extended to the children of members. Whānau are child‘paving a way’ for a wider whānau by kaupapa to which their children’sper

ren shall be born. Having the desire to be part of the whānau (as whakapapa affiliation) is the security for the womb to the grave education

must desire to be members of the kaupapa.

Shaneconstruct. White Concurrently, illuminates whānauat the more severe level in discussing working with methamphetamine addiction as he counteracts an epidemic in Aotearoa:

processes…andWe are quite reactive… instead Iof have going taken round this banging approach on theof lets door follow and sayiMāoring,

karanga“Hey, we us have because to come I feel here that to would clean yourbe the house” best time we wait to go for in themthere to and 203

help them clean the house when they know its dirty (Shane White, WR,

16 December 2008).

As discussed earlier and in Appendix C in

describing some of the Māori literacies evident amongst the whānau, sacrificing was identified and examples

Paenga.provided This from aspect the kōrero is also of prevalent John Tuoro, here Beverley as it contributes Manahi and to the Kōkā constructive Te Aroha view of ethnicity. An element of membership is the condition of sacrifice required in a compromising sense.

The desire to acknowledge the achievements of members is raised and sits alongside the constructive view of self - the individual. This has mostly been orientated towards the education of youth.

Moving as one and progressing as one, is fundamentally practiced and examples were provided of how this occurs in learning situations. However in some practices and example provided is one from the Kura, students were taught a skill over time in repetitious fashion. Following a period, the instruction resumed again as not all the students were able to apply the skill. This continued for an exhaustive period in the view of th onus in this instance was on the application of progressinge whānau in unityparents. which The was

studentdebated ability,(by the and whānau) questions in terms arose of around instructional those who levels mastered of learning the matchedskill early to

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on, and those who had not mastered the skill. The point needs to be made here that this practice is not the sole practice of learning and teaching, levels of ability are identified and programming and assessment caters for the mixed ability of students in other situations in the Kura. Its place here in this thesis (as relayed by pou their view of ethnicity,kōrero) theyis to comment that while the whānau is constructive in

are committed to a whānau membership by desire to remain and grow in being Māori, the practice of this continues to be reflective of pedagogy in a true praxis application. Striving for sound practice to accompany the dream is part of everyday life, and, continue to practice-reflect-adjust, practice-reflect-adjust. All arethe capablewhānau of growth. It is the commitment to that model of growth that gi cause to celebrate. This example may be considered in lightves ofthe the whānau following chapter,

4.8.1.1 Preferred Pedagogies on the Urban Marae.

3.2.3 Constructive View of Upbringing

Upbringing as a coding category includes information that reflects a positive view to the member’s background, rearing, childhood experiences and memories. Its place here is around what these members offer to the milieu.the culture(s) The early of years urban of Māori Marae people establishment and were in and a nupart affected by workers of socialthe time welfare building dependent a refuge, werefor local gang Māori members,mber were of potentially this whānau at wererisk, or were brought from the courts as P p

205 ā ā

etty, the late welcomed

Pete,the youth the late of the Aunty urban Tuini, migrants Kōkā Lexposed to thePāpā city Denis‘trappings’. and others

Aroha Harris (2002, p.103) in her work, Letty Brown, Wahine Toa conveys the

tyle of Te Araroa ontrek the that East Kōkā Coast, Letty and her whānau made from the tribal lifes

to Auckland City at the height of Māori urbanisation, Letty’s approach to the urbanisation emphasises the continuation of those

things she most valued from her east Coast upbringing. It is a story of her

aspirations for her young family, and her ways of maintaining links ‘to

home’ and including traditional values in her new life in the city. Adjusting

to Auckland meant a great deal more to Letty than securing a good job and

decent accommodation; it also meant shaping a future for generations to

come (Harris, 2002, p.103-104).

Harris’ work shows the necessity of early city pioneers to draw on the knowledge and experiences of their tribal societies in helping to create an urban model. Aspects fundamental to this pursuit are described by Harris

(2002, p.105 & 107),

These qualities of home are evident in memories of her school years,

educationalcharacterised achievement, by whānau supportand the influenceand participation, and role anmodelling emphasis of onstrong

-created in Te Atatu the things she most

Ngātivalued Porou about women…she life in Te Araroa. re

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Further knowledge and value(s) were brought urban model: by Kōkā Te Aroha Paenga to the

I was brought up by my grandparents. I was born six months after my dad

went to war - - the East Coast…my dad’s

Māori Battalion C Company

morewhānau or hadless sixteenlooked afterso all me. his Therebrothers were and nannies sisters andwho heaps were ofat oldhome people

…So I was very fortunate…and rich I would say being brought up in that

culture (Te Aroha Paenga, WR, 5 April 2009).

however are a different generation and have grown on the

TheMarae whānau to some of degreetoday spoilt by a ‘ready-made’ and opportunities. The rearing of these members (aswhānau, with all facilities members) has immediate impact on the mix. Upbringing is viewed constructively by most

members.poukōrero Onewho member spoke on who the didtopic, not whether have a constructivefirst or second view, generation who would describe his childhood as destructive refers to the initial years of his life as the point from where he is able to grow and change the world- if only his world.

Some members divulged strategic undertakings of the quality education for their children, even at a ir whānau to achieve sacrifice is evident. cost to the whānau unit. Again,

(T)hree from my family were adopted to this particular family…they saw

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it as an avenue for at least three of their children to get a really good

education…we are talking 50s-60s…it was a quite innovative upbringing.

I thoroughly enjoyed it (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008).

todayPoukōrero in the describe house they being were some raised of the in. first Māori families in the area and living

I was born 1954 here in Auckland and where I was brought up was the

front house over there. That was the whanau home. ..that is where I was

brought up for at least forty-five of my years…forty years of my life was

in the house in the front (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

3.2.4 Constructive View of Difference

A constructive view of difference appears from information that shows a celebration or productive view towards difference that may be racial or economic for example. (This is balanced in the following category where a

weredestructive not specifically effect identifies identified racism). as such, And the while context some and poukōrero description explanations of the events revealed a constructive view of difference in that descriptions of life were

school.positive despite the fact that they were amidst a minority of Māori students at

Whāeain depth. Marara She remembers Te Tai Hook the describes names of growing up in Avondale in the late 1930s

the other Māori students who attended 208

with her.

Wedoing had well no inproblems our classes, being but Māori at no at time school was and I ever I put ‘put it downdown’ to or all ‘left of usout’

Composition, 3

becauseNovember I was 2009). Māori (Marara Te Tai Hook, Written

Having a different background from the usual whānau unit and being adopted context.by pākehā Another was one was such premised constructive on being view. racially Alienation different was while negated away in thisin a foreign country:

(O)ne of my teachers …had been to New Zealand and…she thought that

I was quite unique and everyone was awed by the fact that I was New

Zealand Māori and I(Laughton could perform Matthews, a Māori WR, song…I 14 July guess 2008). they had never

met a Māori before

And, another discussed being different at school, growing up amongst pākehā childrenand enjoying and theirthe fact families. that as Māori they were different from the mainstream

3.3 Destructive Effects

However, a negative perspective also appeared as a major premise for some

in design thatpoukōrero. addresses The nature of the Marae curriculum is also impacted on

these experiences that poukōrero bring to the conceptualising of 209

learning and teaching, and to the setting. Destructive effects is the second major theme identified in branches of isolation or alienation, racism and foreign cultural dominance. Sharples (1992a, p.2), explains the underachievement of

y responsible for this view in submission to theMāori Parliamentary in the education Select system Committee partl on Education:

theThroughout education this entire century, all efforts to raise Māori achievement in

system have been of a “Band Aid” nature. They have all failed to m

underachievement is as prominentake a significant as ever. difference and Māori

The main problem is that there is a basic clash of philosophies between

our mono cultural ‘do it yourself’ school programmes and the general

‘communal’ or w – or

whānau way hich is the essence of being Māori

Māoritanga. philosophy of education which relates directly

Kaupapa Māori is a whānau

to contemporary Māori culturalent values, in New and Zealand therefore schools is ideally. suited to

redress Māori underachievem

3.3.1 Destructive Effect of Racism

Toillustrations follow the of constructive racist actions view or behaviourof difference, towards other them,poukōrero their providedfamilies or iwi.

Some were those who also had examples of a constructive view of ethnicity in describing productive episodes. A number of references were imparted

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indicating the presence of racsim, ‘That you were singled out because you were black’ (Beverley Manahi) was predominantly in the school context as children at the mercy of a greater, authorative power, and particularly when there was a minority such as one or two in the class or team.

An apparent pedagogy of possible in one-to-one situatiMāorions is as the opposed administration to public of reprimand verbal discipline to alleviate when shame and others becoming included by their attendance or observation.

Witnessing the discipline of others is as much a making-small, embarrassment to the witness as it is to the perpetrator. Refraining from putting another in this position, including when in s such as

is a practicesuperior/inferior that remains today. relationship Therefore, not only were pouteacher/student, y accusedkōrero, they able were to cite also a requirednumber of to incidences be accountable where for they it by were what wrongl amounted to public shame .

of themselves and other Māori Some shared painful memories of radical racism (in that its application was unhidden and delivered with an arrogance of right: both I have the right and this is correct in Eurocentric, imperialistic, New Right fashion) were described.

-deprivation: it suited everybody that the poorest family in the whole area

were the -

Māori s…the neighbours were all pākehā farmers, so any

interaction was, “Fucken, fucken, fuck”. They would drive past and scream, 211

with“DON’T our FUCKEN, neighbours GET (Shane OFF THE White, FUCKEN WR, 16 ROOF”. December That was2008). how we interacted

Names were pronounced wrongly by teachers in schools and there was little

onconsideration not identifying given themselves or attempts as tobeing be correct. different In from hindsight, others, poukōrero and not identifying comment

ori as being different. Difference was conceptualised as a prerogative of theother power Mā group, those who determine the mainstream.

Exposure

I would think there would most probably be about a quarter of the class

and for some reason I didn’t actually recognise

know? (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008). Māori as being Māori you

Refocus

You had good people and you had bad people…now looking back on it,

obviously other people did - stigmatising…we do not categorise people

on the Marae (Shane White, WR, 16 March 2009).

3.3.2

Destructive Effects of Isolation/Resistance Information was included of situations, experiences, or memories of isolation or

sharedresistance. experiences Rebellion where and uprisingby accusations by poukōrero of uncleanliness, are clear indicators. lack of hygiene, Poukōrero theft, dishonesty and law breaking were attributed to them, again publicly and without reservation.

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Commonhindsight toprobably these memories due to issues was aroundthe recognition hegemony of isolation/resistanceand cultural habitus, in and the fact that as youth in vulnerable and societally powerless positions; one accepts one’s fate and believe the administrators of the world to be wise, fair and just. ‘I didn’t realise’, ‘This is in hindsight, looking back’, ‘We didn’t know’ were shared as signatures of children growing up, making the best of their world and unknowingly being subject to another ethnicity’s domination.

Some who did well at school had vivid memories of isolation followed by racism as their class buddies fell away from the higher streams of ability grouping.

Others were the only

Māori family in the school. ‘I was the only Māori too;

Iabout so know other I was dynamics. the only Māori person’. The alienation from other Māori brought

Itw ithwas (us). the Wechoice we rethat black Māori as theat school ace of made.spades They and didn’tI think want we made to associate our

atown school classmates uncomfortable. uncomfortable…we They didn’t also know made how the to otherdeal with Māori us that(Beverley were

Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008).

Rebellion followed these sorts of dynamics. Racism became oblique as isolation

own’occurred (Beverley from both Manahi, pākehā WR, and 10 Aprilother 2008). Māori. ‘We actually got more hurt by our

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There are Marae members today who suffer isolation and alienation as forms of

estrangement and there are occasions when hostility arises within the whānau atdynamic. the Marae Poukōrero revealed and the information types of issues gathered being whilescattered: in attendance perceptions of huiof held concerns of nepotism across Marae cultures, failure of the kura to deliver value to the womb to grave concept of education, the lack of management ability of

decisionthe kura making,to maintain the anpursuit ethos of of person kaupapaal mana Māori over within the theirpursuit practice of the andkaupapa, accusation of the kura steering towards mainstream education, blame making

(in general) of a wider unreachable source rather than the lack of participation or commitment of the members, compliance issues in conflict with tikanga on the Marae, and other forms of not accepting responsibility across the cultures of the Marae.

A dynamic shared in detail is expressed as ‘city wh spent some yearsMāori raised versus in country the city Māori’,and who regularlyereby urbanvisit whānau who have for various events and occasions find theirthey haveturangawaewae/standing been alienated by tribal places cousins. Upon returning to their tribal home, -ness, calling

theirHowever, cousins in accuse them of losing their Māori them, ‘City Māori’. ceremonial occasions such as ,tangihanga/death and tikangarites, the city whānau knowledges who had proved developed more theirskilled reo than/language their cousins who had

/culture 214

grown on the homeland. It was an awakening for all in attendance, including the

Hoanihome people.Waititi whānauSome of whothe home were peopas surprisedle had not at developedthe knowledge a path difference at all and as left the the home Marae deft of future leadership. This dynamic is not unusual and is

The resurgence in catering for the staffingregularly of commented tribal Marae on has in inthe part Māori achiev world.ed this via the training of

city whānau city institutions including urban Marae.

3.3.3 Destructive Effects of Foreign Cultural Dominance

dominancePoukōrero raisedor colonisation specific information over their belie attributedfs. Again, to pākehā,this life experienceforeign cultural and world view directly affects both the design of the Marae curriculum and how the curriculum is internalised by learners.

First generation Marae members recall the initial expectations in the period of urbanisation. Groups of tutions.

An example has Māori reinvented pākehā ownforms where of colonial she voiced insti her disapproval been referred to by Kōkā Letty Br

at one of the early West Aucklandunishment Māori Committees to a child reproducing who had theshoplifted pākehā in criminal the community. justice model Other in such issuing examples p expose our ‘first port of call’ strategies, where re-colonisation issues forth because it’s all we know.

Letty offers hope in suggesting that there are now working relationshipsKōkā

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between the courts and community, such as the Youth Court’. These relationships are accredited to her work and the work of those tireless few, most of who no longer reside here in this realm.

Marara Te Tai Hook remember theOther foreign first generation cultural curriculum: members such as Whāea

Thereof Waitangi was nothing …I knew Māori more being about taught the Magna to us, Carter,no tikanga, about no the reo, Royal no Treaty family

whakapapa and knew all the British songs like Rule Britannia than I did

Composition, 3

Novemberordinary waiata 2009). Māori (Marara Te Tai Hook, Written

, ‘I suppose theyAnd Kōkāsaw us Te as Aroha little Paengabrown children…piccaninnies’recalls the pākehā view (Te of Māori Aroha Paenga, WR, 5

April 2009).

byExamples mainstream are highlighted children who by secondattended generation Scouts, Brownies poukōrero and of Girl being Guides, surrounded and how these community groups were unreachable and certainly unfathomable by

Māori children who generally did not attend. Poukōrero as children growing up

rarely visited pākehā children’s homes, if at all.

Theretime. There was a was big differencenot much interminglingbetween Māori outside kids and of pākehā kids at that

school…most Māori 216

29stayed September with Māori 2008). and pākehā stayed with pākehā (Novi Marikena, WR,

Perceptions aroun children: ‘they alwaysd pākehā want toculture be older today than in theythis third are’ (Laughtongeneration M ofatthews, Māori WR,

14 July 2008).

foreignThe vocabulary cultural useddominance by poukōrero unveiled who the sharedimpact thisthis negativedomination view has in hadrelation on to their world view: ‘abnormal’, ‘not normal’, ‘half positive and half negative’,

‘failing’, ‘their view of the. world’, and ‘not wanting to be Māori’ are examples

from across the whānau

Others of the second generation cite pākehā succeedinging part better of theat studying system, notMāori than Māori students, of seeing themselves as not be putting down roots and making friends (with so few Māori around them), losing ofidentity undervaluing to pākehā self: identity, ‘I was named after a cowboy’, and occurrences

Exposure

We came to Form 2. They put me in the brainiest class in the school and I

thought, I am sure they made a mistake, in fact I went up to the teacher and

I said, “Are you

sure I’m in this class?”(Paora Sharples, WR, 23 October 2008). Refocus - me thinking I was not good enough and my environment changed

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(Paora Sharples, WR, 11 December 2008).

For others, surviving was the battle, ‘to mum the big shame was we had to steal food’. And thus, for a number of pou transpired. kōrero feelings of vengeance

3.4 Influences

The nature of the Marae curriculum is in part affected by influences that are educational, about the home environment, by others and of unawareness.

3.4.1 Educational Influences

Information is included here where aspects of educational influences are

apparent such as learning and teaching that is Marae based, wānanga based or discourse.are school experiences as dominant in situations or ideas from poukōrero

In an Apirana Ngata sense of E tipu e Rea34, arise around employing from the

d discarding that which is not while retaining pākehā-ness that which is useful, an - the mainstream education of New

Zealand,Māori were. Aspects afforded of pākehā value as education tools that ha

These were commonly specified by first generationve equipped Marae Māori members, for this although century. not exclusively, and were identified as being literacy based. The necessity to

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read and write, and its attraction motivated by reading being a leisure time activity in the home was expressed by Beverley Manahi partly raised by a white

New Zealand couple. ‘I always had books around me and surrounding me so reading was never an issue’ (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008).

Also identified were explicit examples that revealed warnings for

Māori to not duplicatingrepeat or heed the pākehāBritish courtmodels, model processes in administering and applications. punishment As expressed for ‘crimes’ earlier committed was objected to along with separate curriculum for boys and girls at intermediate level of state education.

Private education was experienced by some members (two at separate times at the same school - Queen Victoria, Parnell, Auckland and two, both Sharples men at Te Aute College, Hawkes Bay). These institutions were examples of the leading models of

Victoria (no longerMāori in operation) education an of all the-girls time school and were espoused much an aspired eclectic to. ethos Queen of

the maintenance of Māori languagewomen’ and in the customs, manners and and the academia teachings, of preparation the foreign andculture grooming (hence of the ‘fine name). Māori Te Aute College has returned to being an all-male institution and is acknowledged as having been the school where past leaders of

-dom such as Sir Apirana Ngata35, Sir Ma

PeterMāori Buck and Moananui-a-Kiwa Ngarimu VC uiwere Pomare, educated. Te Rangi Ideas Hiroa/Sir of

education for these poukōrero reside in219 a separate space from both first

generation members of the Marae and second who attended their local state schools, or travelled and attended many. Sponsorship was achieved from The

Victoria League by Beverley Manahi where she gained school Dux. High

expectations,with ‘white people’ fitting are in with other Māori shared groomed memories. in white disciplines, and boarding

3.4.1.1 The Nature of the Curriculum: Learning & Teaching

specifiedTeachings as collected salient and across with poukōrero exact purpose. raise aHow vast these number pedagogies of pedagogies were applied contextually, with whom, and resources utilised have been detailed by these members. Particular to this urban Marae environment is the teaching of ‘hard and fast’ learning which reflects the resurgence urgency around the agency of

d resources to ensure the survival ofurban language Māori and in gathering customs. knowledge,Discipline is tools remarked an on as having been initially severe; as in the first time the need for correction arose for behaviours on the

Marae that were unacceptable, they were issued with what is described as an almost crippling force by leaders of the time, ’You learnt that there and then, fast so you never made the same mistake again’ (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April

2008).

Still reflected upon today in the everyday workings of the Marae, is the concept that juxtaposes the previous harshness of initial correction; that learners were

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surrounded and supported by many elders who buffered or took the blame

whenWihongi, facing Waitangi entities Bill, outside all of thethem, whānau, they were ‘Aunty all Tuini…around…She Don, Unclewould Jack growl us but we were never pushed to the front to take the blame’ (Beverley Manahi, WR,

10 April 2008). Situations of distress have arisen on the Marae over the period of this thesis where the behaviour and alleged lack of responsibility of some

Marae staff have been called into question. At these times, the pedagogy of functional leadership by elders is raised, as it becomes apparent that without elder direction, reflection and onus, t susceptible to ill alignment. These eldershe Marae brought whānau with thembecome explicit more

whileknowledge(s) harshness of intribal discipline Marae, is whānau recalled, and together associated with understandings. support, the elders And, wh o

teachershave guided who the spent whānau much are of theiralso remembered lives on this Marae,as being creating generous, a refuge giving and a world for others. They are endeared and named almost in a ‘roll of honour’ list for their dedication and for their knowledge, but mostly for being loved.

Whole whānau support while atribal crutch transplant, of the ethos is less in the apparent conception today. years ‘It hasn’t and gotcharacteristic anything to of do Māori with via us’, the ‘that is them, that is for them to work out’ negate baseline tikanga and have been addressed by recent Marae management and trustees in a concerted effort to return the organisation of all Marae bodies to a

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single, one-purpose unit of kaupapa . The tikanga versus policy dialogic has at times manifested in a quest forMāori the Marae as a business sacrificing its design and purpose. All past and present Marae members recall gatherings of the Marae people where whole community participation was necessary, expected and accomplished. Past fundraising and large scale purposes, the

u was very much the adhesive in the initial era.

concept of whāna A network of supporters was and is afforded those who commit to the kaupapa.

todayComments reflect in a retrospect scattering compared of cultures, with not thoseas connected associated as inwith the whānau past, now support infiltrated by outside agencies such as the Education Review Office and the

culturesMinistry atof theEducation mercy offor their the Kurafunding Kaupapa bodies Māori, and a and more Kōhanga frightening Reo, elementother

amongst some whānau of ‘I’m right Jack’ colonial ways. Doing things well from the onset and setting up training arenas to consolidate learning by becoming the teacher of others and ‘walking the talk…otherwise your credibility is shot’ (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009), is raised throughout the study by poukorero. Being at one’s best as a type of burden was also expressed and driven by, ‘Do it well and make sure you do it. Do not ever, ever let someone else do it for you because you will feel the outcome of it’.

Learning as a life long journey is regularly noted along with the value of

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maturity, not just as a ‘rite of passage’ from adult to kaumatua, but as an amalgamation of knowledge and understandings.

A pursuit of integrity and honesty for individual members and for the Marae community is recalled by second generation members as the functioning and aims nurtured by the original Marae leaders. The methodology for these pursuits was via humility, identified as prerequisites for leaders.

I actually get frightened of becoming an arrogant, out of control, fat

headed person…that is my monitor because some people think it’s about

no,me itbeing is not shy that and at scared all. For and me, have it is aboutsaid, “You being don’t humble…I want to have step seen up” butso

many people get carried away (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

Reciprocity of ‘reaping what you sow’ is paramount as commented on earlier ‘all those things you have done…stuff comes back and eats you’ (John Tuoro, WR, 24

May 2009) as a form of social control, treating others well, to some extent for reciprocal measure is aligned with integrity.

Skills and knowledge being passed on to those who were not going to

‘bastardise it’, people who might have been, ‘mana hungry people’ is a common theme particularly in the urban milieu where previously unfathomed opportunities became more frequent occurrences. Using the tribal ways of creating a challenge for the learner, as in the learner having to seek knowledge a

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number of times, in a number of ways, has been referred to by members and is still regarded as an important practice of knowledge safeguarding. As John

Tuoro, exponent of sacred and preciously guarded knowledges of his people as taught by the late master Irirangi Tiakiawa of Te Arawa, continued - It’s about,

‘how much you can prove that you not only want it, but also about how humble you are going to be with it because the stuff most probably given to you could become quite dangerous’ (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009)

The way that function as vehicles for success and

Māori performance arts

Theapplication need to to redress Māori theknowledges, demise of is cultural acknowledged knowledge by athrough number curriculum of members. of the

s, weaponry school and Kura Kaupapa

Marae, Te Kōhanga Reo, kapa haka group kapaMāori haka curriculum in the Kura, is a given. Laughton Matthews comments on the curriculum of

Kapa haka was like… I am great at kapa haka…Our sort of fun in learning

was learning new actions…and that sort of thing…we don’t need to go to

school to feel smart (Laughton Matthews, WR, 14 July 2008).

While kapa haka as a common learning medium is supported by a number of members, others would like to see an emphasis on other features of knowledge and a greater balance of other knowledges to create varied pathways for careers. One scrutiny is that until teachers are employed who represent a wider

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spread of skill (than kapa haka) the Kura may focus in an insular way in this respect. An irony occurs wi

th whānau who raise their children in Kura Kaupapa childrenMāori to forseek a lackMāori of knowledgeachievement including in specified kapa curriculum: haka, then withdrawreading, writing their and math as example. Paora Sharples cites this paradox as ‘joining for tikanga –

choicesseparating has for increased English’. in The recent number years. of whānau who have ultimately made such

localFor those community poukōrero an adherence who have tobeen remaining in teaching learners, roles onis apparent the Marae,, Kura or

I try and reason and explain and I am always telling the kids how more

advanced they are than I was at their age. I never try and hide behind a

cloak of mātauranga (Novi Marikena, WR, 29 September 2008).

The continuum of learner-teacher-learner; remains as a lifelong pursuit also in conventional ‘teaching’ roles.

In line with resurgence, teaching for the purpose of empowerment is an obvious characteristic of the continued resurgence via Marae cultures and can be easily identified throughout talk by members, by observation on the Marae and from the experience of the researcher. Empowerment in the selection of curriculum itself, such as kapa haka, the ways that curriculum is arranged such as mixed ability grouping on the Marae, how the curriculum is delivered in adhering to

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Māori pedagogies, and the assessment of curriculum that equips staff with less andonus applied on national levels standard measures and more on the criteria of Māori tikanga

Sharples (1993b, p.20of poutama/knowledge) exemplifies this empowerment stratification located is abundant. in essential Pita practices transposed into school organisation on the Marae in his submission to the Secretary of Education on the wharekura project:

The principles of whānau operate at all times within the life of the school.

toIn theall teaching life of the the Wharekura… traditional concepts of whānau are upheld as essential

is one of its distinguishing feaThis whānau concept of the Wharekura

concepts are dominant over ‘school’tures from concepts all other . school types. Whānau

Being representative of one’s family, applied in learning and teaching situationshapū and to create iwi is belonging,a cultural construct power, proxy and accountability to a greater source than oneself.

responsibilityHoani Waititi Maraeto the knowledgesis seen as a legacy learned by here poukōrero is to reinvent and the and fore impart mentioned those knowledges as a reinvestment in the institution.

Catering for individual needs (as in whānau needs), and adjusting the kaupapa characterisedconcerns for the by whānauthose in athealth, the time justice (without and education, compromising ‘because integrity) we are is all sort

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of different…using the processes of whanaungatanga…sharing a meal together normalises everything and puts people on the same level…treating them like normal people’ (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008). Shane describes his preferred ways of working in dealing with the world of methamphetamine:

You walk onto a Marae,

tutor, you might be the councillor,you are just or a you Māori might and be you the might drug actually addict. Who be the

knows? So just get that out of your head. You are just another blacky and

we have a very unpolitically correct way, “Ehyah, shut up have a kai and

rebuildingSHUT UP”…you that (Shaneare Māori…the White, WR, basis 16 of December all healing 2008). is that you are Māori…

3.4.2 Home Environment Influences

The Marae curriculum is influenced by the home environment and upbringing of members. Incidences are included that identify the home environment, and

whānau environment as being the major influence. Being raised prior to the whourban attended whānau privat was commentede schooling oncarried as being the obligationmore responsibility of being given placed. the Those opportunity, ‘I knew I owed them and I knew I had to do really well’ (Beverley

Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008).

Atheir number upbringing. of poukōrero They have referred not required to the influence a similar of level the church, of attendance some strongly to the in church by their children. Hoani Waititi Marae has an appreciation of all

227

churches and this was evident in the many doctrines that are represented and at the service held to open (refer fig. 13).

the Kura Kaupapa Māori

acknowledges(The Marae) promotes the process Māori of colonisationknowledge in and pure how form the from ancestors Io/God adapted, and as in

yet also

how Māori embraced (the) new religious healing of the coloniser,

resurgenceretained Māori of the religious 1980s (Paorapractices, Sharples, until (the) WR, time 23 October was right 2008). as in the

Fig 13: The late Archdeacon Hone Te Kauru o Te Rangi Kaa, Pita Sharples and the late Sir Paul Reeves at the opening of Te Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae.

Paora suggests and whanaungatangathat church for example. influences Suffice are into everysay, while whānau; the Marae evident espouses in belonging no

particular Eurocentric or tauiwi/foreign religious doctrine, it typically accepts 228

the many and varied belief systems of the world where they complement the practices of

the Māori world. At present Erika Edwards of the Ratana Reverendfaith and moreJudy Cooperrecently of returned, the Anglican Te Hira Church, Paenga, Pāpā graduate of Te

Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae and Minister of the Anglican faith, all administer to the community in its requests of communal and private nature.

Mixes of doctrines and faith representations also occur comfortably on the

is the focus, and constructive guidance for the

Maraepeople whereis sought kaupapa and adhered Māori to.

‘ t weekends

Whānau time’ for poukōrero growing up as children tended to be a that were spent at hui with whānau. Those who lived locally attended Māori hui

or local clubs where Māori frequented such as the rugby clubs. 3.4.3 Influences by Others

Information gathered as ‘influences by others’ reveals situations, experiences

or memories of other people beyond family and/or their expectations which are thisa main vein, influence the influence for the of poukōrero, elders and forleaders example in the schools, community teachers especially or peers. in In relation to the conception of the Marae is commented on by all members who contributed to the research. Role models and those who offer counsel are the

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‘true strength’ of Hoani Waititi Marae (Paora Sharples).

Hoani Waititi worked for everybody not just his own people, not stuck

-A-Apanui doing his mahi…he belonged to everybody.

Indown fact in he Whānau never gave much to his people (Letty Brown, WR, 6 July 2009,

refer fig 14).

Fig 14: Presentation of photograph of Hoani Waititi at the Marae opening in 1980 by Whānau-A-Apanui and accepted by the late Sir Kingi Ihaka.

Teachers and mentors were those who posed challenges both positive and

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gh’ or negative for members. Whānau were told that they were ‘not good enou notthat uncommon. they would Reactions‘never make to thisit’ by s ourcethe pākehā of negativity or via their were institutions. as intended, This was

‘Now that taught me, that the only way that you can go forward is to just trample on everybody- and it was Uncle Pete that rescued me…’ (Beverley

Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008). circumstances around Te RoopuIf it wasManutaki, not Pāpā or the Pita late himself, Mavis then Tuoro others who recount were instrumental in changing life courses

for Marae whānau. The Marae is a place for everyone; for people of all walks and stages in their lives. Role models are f ranks to the poor and downrom, astrodden’. the whānau have expressed, ‘the highest

A lot of people have passed on - a lot of people who were totally dedicated

to that Marae like Mavis….Tuini was there all the time…she was at the

inKōhanga, the kitchen, she was you at know the Kura. hassling Every everybody time there and was she a has big gonehui she (Letty was Brotherewn,

WR, 6 July 2009).

‘YouElders were and taught leaders to of be the proud Marae of yourcontinue iwi but to have don’t lasting get caught impact up on in poukōrero.the insecurities of the past’ (Paora Sharples, WR, 23 October 2008). They share the commonality of being able to practise the values nurtured on the tribal shores,

231

to which many whānau raised in the city adhere. Exposure

Thewonder Marae now has where been thevery direction good to ofus, our our whānau. Without the Marae I

whānau would bep at Pita this (Novi time if

Marikena,we had not WR, had 29 that September interaction 2008). with Whāea Tuini and Pā ā

Refocus

PHep is Pitaa big does part notof my look life at for wh whatat you he look gave like, me heand makes same anfor evaluation Whāea Tuini… on

whatā ā you say…they were a good team (Novi Marikena, WR, 11 December

2008).

Novi Marikena remembers the late P p Fraser Delamere:

ā ā (T)here was just something in his reo, the way he would run the pae – it

would not matter if there were two people or a thousand people, he would

never change…Fraser had a way of coming down to the level of whoever he

was talking to…it was that hari koa in that fella…his whole demeanour was

about empowerment (Novi Marikena, WR, 29 September 2008).

3.4.4 Influences by Unawareness

Not having required knowledge or being in a state of unawareness was common

alludedfor poukōrero to earlier, growing masterful up as hegemonic children in practices both rural were and aturban play communities.in many and As

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varied situations; children were at the mercy of teachers and schools. These influences affect the nature of the Marae curriculum as responses to this

– their experiences, beliefs and urgency fashion a new world earlierorder. Beverley era of Māori Manahi describes her uncharacteristic situation,

Nothing suited us, nothing fitted in with us and other than doing school

work, and instead of taking our frustrations out on our sport we…went

off on the wrong road, not bad, but not at the expectations set…from our

school and both our parents…and it was huge to carry. We did not quite

meet that goal…we pulled our finger out but hey, it was too late by then

(Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008).

Experiences on the Marae, kapa haka trips overseas and the hosting of different cultures were contexts where members learned about other peoples and outgrew their own racisms. While Auckland coped with an influx of Pacific

Island peoples in 1960-1970s, and consequential racism had developed a

pu Manutaki to Western Samoa in an era decade later, Pāpā Pita took Te Rooori and Pacific Island peoples was not common andwhen interaction relationships was between characterised Mā more by name reference a.k.a ‘bunga- coconut’ versus ‘hori-kumara’. John Tuoro discussed how these types of experiences impacted on him as a young man and changed his world view.

I used to hate Samoans because they used to threaten me and beat me up

…but from that trip I went on (with Te Roopu Manutaki) these are a

different kind of people. They were really different and I was actually

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wondering why, and then I realised…(John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009),

(refer fig 15).

Fig 15: Te Roopu Manutaki

and non- was

Oppositionraised in discussion against building around thean urban influence Marae of unawarenessfrom Māori . AnimosityMāori from

234

Māorinot be centredreal and upon that fundraisingloyalty to tribalism. should be Suggestions focussed on that the an Marae urban ‘back Marae home’ would were obstacles negating the creation of whānau ties in the city. Today however, at times similar nuances arise and failings not as much as a result of being unaware, but of resistance.

Anciting example visitors is froman occasion far away, of Kurafrom staffthe Waiu discussing Gisborne definitions area, and of how manaaki/caring at that time,

whoparticipation raised the from issue, the central whānau to wasthe ethosminimal. of the The kaupapa, staff member spoke anddirectly poukōrero to members of the iwi c region) reminding themoncerned of obligations (particularly to tikanga those and affiliated how these with obligationsthe Ngāti Porou apply in the urban context. The possible resistance under the guise of urbanisation, and the potential ‘plastic-ness’ of the situation cannot undermine what is correct particularly in ones behaviour towards people.

ers unaware of waysIncidences and means were recountedof surviving by in poukōrero the city, fell whereby ‘easy prey’ city todwell ‘rip offs’ and ‘scams’ or engaged in them to ‘make a fast buck’ via street gangs or organised gangs.

‘Tagging’ and marking graffiti became part of the Westie youth crime culture.

Shane White talked about lateral violence when discussing how difficult it can be in ‘unnecessary’ situations as a teacher on the Marae when only half the

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equipment is supplied, some of the essentials are locked away, or items that people do not need are stolen, in what he refers to as poverty mentality,

(N)ever wanting to miss out, you have got to GRAB AND HOLD ON UNTIL

SOMEONE PULLS IT OUT OF YOUR HAND…powerless people, when they

finally do get power, they over use it because they have had no practise.

They have to kiss the foot to get it off…therefore the violence becomes

lateral-out to your level or below …on the one hand he wants us to succeed

but at the same time, he does not think we are capable…and he celebrates

our failures (Shane White, WR, 16 March 2009).

Concerns are raised around working relationships. In our ever increasing ventures of quality assurance and appraisal driven performance, the necessity

obviouslyto be informed founded and on ‘up communication, with the play’ is although paramount. definitions Māori organisations and working are understandings exist around what knowledge for whom. Nevertheless, it is sound leadership, the Marae members’ abilities to share information and operate with transparency that ultimately contributes to a harmonious environment. In this category information being in a state of unawareness in situationsis gatheredto be the mainthat shows influence. poukōrero These situations were generally described as having been identified in retrospect.

3.5 Cultural Maintenance

Discussions around creating a Marae in the city began as early as return from

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World War II,

Lou Poka…Graeme Latimer, Whina Cooper, Mira Sciasi, Ani Tia…and Bill

Noble…Pop Peters -Te Apotoro…at that time, there were people like Monty

Affairs), Pita Awatere

Wikiriwhi (Māori Affairs), Browny Puriri (Māori

(Māori Affairs)…they had all been coming back from the war…there was

wantingMāori Marsden –just talking …you aboutwould a hear Marae all going…andthese different Aunty elders Sue goingTe Tai… on thenabout

those people that…were very strong personnel working in Auckland and

they were good leaders: Eddie Bidois…Aunty Grace Bidois, Carrie Lorne…

Annie Taylor, there were a lot people doing a lot of mahi.

There would always be Ratana Hui at the Māori Community Centre… You

Club.would There have wereHokianga all these Club…Te different Arawa people Club…Te playing Rarawa rugby Club…Ngāpuhi or rugby league

…Netball club. They would have all these activities going on and there was

still talk about a Marae somewhere. Land in Panmure, land in Titirangi,

that’s the only places that they were thinking of in reference to Marae

(Denis Hansen, WR, 12 November 2009).

of‘Creating the urban whānau thrusts ties of in the city’ stated by Whāea Mavis Tuoro, as the purpose establishment and functioningMāori has of beenHoani the Waititi significant Marae. factor Cultural behind maintenance the far

Maraefrom home-s purpose for the disseminated majority of city via borna number and city of p dwellingrogrammes, Māori courses remains and the

237 facilitations. The Marae curriculum is directly concerned with the Māori

language and culture as a course of resurgence and maintenance.

3.5.1 Cultural Maintenance: Family

Information is included which identifies the family as being the architect of cultural maintenance or the desire for

- whanaungatanga/whānau/whāiti/whānui relationships/family/smaller

Marae,family/larger being on family the peripheral memberships. and Poukōrerodesiring membership; discuss being being affiliated attracted with to the acquiring enough knowledge or enough ways kapa haka groups, travelling and supporting theto feelperforming Māori. Joining groups the or Maraebecoming employed with youth are examples of ways members became involved. In learning conversations, members discuss situations of supporting families and individuals in need where their own families were scarce or had become unknitted. Sacrifices are described again for the sake of the kaupapa or its members.

Novi Marikena describes the nature of the Marae curriculum in how he sees the distinctive relationships that are formed:

The special relationship that we have got on the Marae is one stop for

education. The problems we have had and some of the successes we have

throughhad as well…the this process majority on the of Maraeour kids, from over pre 90%-school of our right kids through, that have have come

238

donehave hadwell. relationship The kids whos and have are got comfortable a relationship with with each us other and andalso canthe talkwhānau to

each other and we do not have to sugar-coat things (Novi Marikena, WR, 29

September 2008).

Membership is achieved by being a participating member who gives time and works for the purpose of the Marae such as the smooth operation of hui; to which all individuals including children can contribute. ‘It is where you belong so it is sort of like; you have no problem going back there…being there, contributing’ (Laughton Matthews, WR, 14 July 2008 thing…we should have been more inspired by our own). ‘Itand is looka whānau at developing driven

-belief’ (Novi

Marikena,our own…the WR, whakawhāiti 11 December of 2008). the whānau…it is about self

aBeing strong a member element ofreferred a family to and/or by members. wanting ‘If to we b ecan Māori get themfor the into sake a place of family where is they are feeling good about themselves that means they will be good about their families, they will be good about your other people…’

Main families involved in the initial conception of the Marae, as discussed, brought their tribalism with them, and each was informed, motivated and resourced. These families representing amongst them a range of Aotearoa-s resource were guided and directed by their own books and authorities who

239

embarked on the urban journey alongside their members. Each felt they were being represented, and as a consequence bore the weight of ‘if you fall (trying to complete the urban ause you are us, everyone knows you are us, andMarae knows task) you we, represent the hapū us fall’. Perhaps ‘bec for this reason alone, the success of Hoani Waititi Marae was and is somewhat determined; no one tribal affiliation holds it up. The mana whenua original inhabitants of the land stand-alone but remains supported - /

the hapū and iwi engaged from the onset.- -

As some individuals gained profile over the Marae venture, their whānau hapū iwi support reigned in resources, money, skill and knowledge as a protection for

the iwi, not only as a support for the individual. So is the nature of Māori. Energising and motivating the people to embark on the journey was the task of

Mavis Tuoro (refer fig 16) Letty Brown, Tuini Hakaraia and others.

3.5.2 Cultural Maintenance: Restoration

Te Aho Matua (is about) tiers of growth and development. This is like the

mahuri stage. Back then the Marae was just beginning and now it is at the

middle growth stage. So once the parents who can speak have kids who can

speak and those parents are here as kaumatua, it will change again. So this

is the kaupapa (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008).

This category is concerned with cultural maintenance that shows restoration, revival, growth and resurgence as being the major salient factor rather than

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cultural maintenance for family or the purpose of biculturalism.

Fig 16: Te Roopu Manutaki 1980. Mavis Tuoro stands far left.

is mission. Hoani

Waititi’sRestoring life tikanga work andhas beenpractices mostly of Māoriattributed are uppermost to this quest in- th

(H)e worked with all these people and he was coaching different schools

Aucklandin kapa haka Grammar…Teachers and he was coaching…Tipene, College…And Queen so, you Victoria, have the Pākehā different schools,

colleges enquiring after his services because of his ability. He was always

on TV looking at how to promote Māori te reo Māori, tikanga Māori, nga

Hohepa…Johnmea Māori. That Tapiata, was back Billy in Tawhai, the 50s. Judge Then Mickyou had Brown, Matiu Winston Rata, Patu Waititi,

Eddie Whatarau and Pat Ross they were all at training college…Hone

Waititi was always the centrifugal point of organising…anybody that had

talent he would bring them forward (Denis Hansen, WR, 12 November

241

2009).

Instances of the restoration of tikanga are many and form the structure of the

Marae functioning and purpose. The initial restoration of te reo, the most fundamental of practices of the people for the Marae, was led

by Kōkā

Katerina Mataira and Kōkā Ngoi Pewhairangi who engaged the Hoani Waititi Te Ataarangi lessons in the early years. Their support was sought by whānau in

Pāpā Pita and the whānau: (T)hey were here every day and slept here. People came from all over

AfterAuckland a week to learn learning the thereo methodwith Katerina they were and Whāeapronounced Ngoi Pewhairangi.to be the tutors.

would“Go back get to a yourbag of home cuisenaire or where rods ever and you “Off came you from and start”. They

WR, 5 April 2009). go!” (Te Aroha Paenga,

The curriculum of Hoani Waititi Kōhanga Reo has evolved from this initial knowledges,beginning of reopractices acquisition and b eliefsto a curriculum that are loc thatalised has to attended the Marae, to Māoriand that acknowledge and celebrate the tribal-ness and individuality of each child. The

exploredkōhanga yearprayer, has greetings, begun with the whakawhanaungatanga/relationships value of working as one, playing as one, that the have study of friends - , family

gifts, thought and language, culture of Kōhanga Reo and new grandchildren or whānau members, greeting elders and Marae 242

whānau, living and being in the ndwhare welcoming tipuna, livingvisitors and onto being the Marae. This curriculumin the whare prescription kai/eating house has formed a the content of language exposure, experience, practice and life of the pre-

school whānau of Hoanicade. Waititi The Marae.

The National Te Kōhanga Reo Trust prepares for its fifth de

Reotransformative nationally) curriculumcontinues in of topic Hoani organisation Waititi Marae with (as ‘Ko characteristic Au’ – the study of Kōhanga of self

mavia the traditional cultural indicators of pepeha/tribal boast descriptors:

unga/mountain, awa/river, moana/waters, whenua/land area, Marae, and studytoku whānau/my themselves; family. their looks Following and feelings. the base Experience of pepeha/identification and growth of Maraechildren practices and culture as daily life on the Marae continues. Visitors continue to

arrive,continue food to die.continues The life to of be a prepared…whānausmall child continues continue to be shaped to be born and nurturedand they in

-dom. The origin of this microcosm of Māori fire according to Māori epistemologyfire usage by people follows today. in the Following Kōhanga Reoweeks curriculum, investigate along departmental with fire safety Gods andand their realms: Tangaroa of the sea and living safely in the sea enviro

Mahuta and his forest beings, and Ruaumoko of mountains and volcanoes.nment, Tāne

-dom and the community,Holistic Health, and Caring also including for Visitors, Batman Famous and Peoplehis hero (of friends), Māori Marae visit

(traditional), Spring, Animals of the World, Commonwealth Games, and

243

Christmas, form themes of content knowledge through which values, beliefs and

practices of Māori come to life (Te Kōhanga sReo discussed o Hoani further Waititi in Marae, chapter 2005). 6).

(A recent conception of the Kōhanga Matua i In terms of restoration of practices, building the wharekai as the first building on a Marae site, in providing a house to host and feed the workers of the Marae is a fundamental, recognised custom of tribalism in urban culture. Additions to

urgencythis particular also centred case are on aired the then by poukōrero Mayor, Tim in Shadbolttheir claim suggesting that at the that time, the

Marae Committee act decisively in erecting a building (any building) on the

Marae site in order to secure the parcel of land. Opinion varies as to whether the proposed site was about to be taken by the council for another purpose. As the

Major and his councillors were fulfilling their term and were to be replaced, information was offered in an attempt to support the impending plans for a

West Auckland Marae complex.

Restoration and particularly the building of an urban Marae complex were supported across the community, through the schools and for the schools in the establishment of a whole community resource. The era was characterised by people being involved as it created agency, and was compelling and fulfilling.

Kōkā Te Aroha Paenga recalls, I just thought it was great…and then getting to know the community…it

244

was exciting to me and there was a lot of learning…of getting in and being

part of the Marae’ (Te Aroha Paenga, WR, 5 April 2009).

The present nature of mainstream school choices and curriculum differs from the need created by the pioneers of the time. The ‘Marae experience’ was the

main curriculum offered to schools by Kōkā Te Aroha and Whāea Mavis. We had only just opened and we used to get 3-5 busloads during the week.

Our job was to come in and programme and plan hundreds of kids to make

sure there was a powhiri, a karanga, the etiquette, make sure they studied

the Marae before they came. We would have whariki over there and they

would be learning a song over there. They would be doing stick games all

around the Marae. So there would be 6-10 different activities. We would

have 200-300 primary kids or secondary (Te Aroha Paenga, WR, 5 April

2009).

Again, a recurring theme that contributes to the success of the restoration is the support given to those early pioneers by the next generation.

We had papa-s and nana-s always here on the Marae and they always

came. They were always here, you know they never missed. In the

afternoon the kids would go down for a sleep and if they were tired

they would go and sleep with them. There was a lot of old people here

(Te Aroha Paenga, WR, 5 April 2009).

It appears that in keeping to the restoration of Māori while designing a new 245

concept in the urban context, peculiar dynamics and applications of tribalism

buildings,were created not previously tipuna name unseen.s traditionally Poukōrero appropriate. discuss the Questions names of were Marae raised at the time around how a whare tipuna or Marae complex could be named in a multi-tribal context. These discussions were mostly undisputed due to being unchartered.

g with youth in building common levels of communicationKōkā Letty Brown within remembers the community, workin in the period prior to the Marae establishment.

We used to have gangs from South Auckland. We used to bus them all the

way from South Auckland so they got to know each other and then we had

all our gangs from Kelston Sharks and the Huhu Gang…(the Mayor) was

so impressed with what we were doing that he set up $100,000 for a

…it was heaps and all the community had to put in $100,000 and it

pūteawas to be distributed to West Auckland Youth groups in Auckland and it

started from there. It was an awesome period of our time when we had all

these young people.

They would invite us, all our kids over to Otara to the Community Centre…

one Sunday they would come here, another Sunday we would go there. It

was a lot of work and a lot of time taken up but it was really necessary

because at that time there were rumblings underneath that could have

been really, really bad - gang fights or gang wars or gang murders and

those things (Letty Brown, WR, 6 July 2009). 246

Restoration extended to the preservation of tribal identifications as in the basis of one of the Marae-s kapa haka groups, Te Rautahi-s clothing pattern

originating from Ngāti Hinekura of Rotorua via Tu Morehu. More than personality markers, these specific identifications exist as embodiments that obligate the forebears associated to this Marae, forward into unprecedented time. Initially knowledges were taken from tribal areas and taught on the urban Marae as a restoration technique; the knowledges being utilised in ceremony. These knowledges disseminated to groups via organised levels of curriculum such as the weaponry knowledges affected by the Te Arawa school of the late which later becameIrirangi Te Whare Tiakiawa, Tu Taua and o the Aotearoa. Ngāti Kahungunu Today the turnaroundweaponry school of a greater population in urban areas has the schools taking the knowledges from the cities back to the tribal areas as home Marae suffer the depletion of human resource as discussed.

Leadingaspect of by the example restoration has been of cultural expressed maintenance. by poukōrero Members as an not acknowledged only express the long hours worked and the high commitment of elders, they also viewed the lack of stamina shown by the next generation as wanting and noticeable. The importance of being a seen, active participant of Marae activities is raised in most conversations e in arriving in

. Kōkā Letty Brown’s247 process undergon

Auckland city amidst the urban shuffling is a pathway now widely acknowledged and published.36

In conscientised process, Kōkā approached the education ofMāori their parents children to engage them in becoming active participants in

; in an education for all Māori children. After holding meetings,

Waipareirasetting up a Playcommittee Centre andwas securing established training, for thirty a Māori-five playchildren centre, per the session.

nt population of Te Atatu in West

AucklandFundraising became began active. and the A cultureMāori pare group and art group were organised by the

established. The same whānau, who engaged others and similar groups were etty and networking culminated in the body of women who in support of Kōkā L

Women’sthe late Ellen Welfare Wineti League were (Harris,responsible 2002). for Further the Te Atatu community branch initiatives of the Māori evolved

Marae.before KōkāThese Letty earlier Brown training became ground involved skills, inknowledge the establishment of community, of Hoani Waititi networking and people resource became vital tools in the Marae project.

That is why I was wanting the Marae there because we were already a

community, but you see these women, even though it was a long way for

them to travel to fundraise for Hoani Waititi, they still came. They still

travelled those long distances (Letty Brown, WR, 6 July 2009).

neighboursMembers spoke and communityabout being members raised in thewho local acquired community among Māori

248 surrogate whānau member

-ism by kaupapa was well established within the community in roles.advance Whānau of the building of Hoani Waiti

ti Marae. A receptive whānau setting is environmentsignificant today is commented in allowing on for throughout the growth conversations, of the kaupapa. ‘It’s This being whānau in the

ense of

Māori environment…and it is that same environment that has the s

whānau’ (Laughton Matthews, WR, 14 July 2008). The next stage of the restoration evolution is dependent on the present generation of speaking adults being able to lead the Marae and cultures of the

re their children, the third

Marae such as the Kōhanga Reo and Kura whe generation are now being schooled - Ka pu te ruha ka hao te rangatahi/the old net is cast aside, the new net goes fishing however relies on a ‘power shift’ as

Novi Marikena has claimed,

(N)ow is the time to let go of the reins. They (graduates of the Kura)

are the future of this Marae. They are the taumata that we put down,

that we worked towards…but they are going to go way past that because

…they have grown up here. Their kids are now here in the

kōhanga, in

the kura. They are now the mātua in the kura. They need to be in every

Marae,governing to the position Board, on to this tumuaki, Marae to from HODs. the These kōhanga are reothe toones the who tari areat the

going to take us to the next set of taumata. Until we relinquish the reins

to them, we are never going to get there (Novi Marikena, WR, 29

September 2008).

249

The upkeep of momentum that drives the kaupapa and fuels the restoration is

owledgeable, and committed, and dependent on upcoming whānau versed, kn in their interactions with the whānau continuing to think Māori and be Māori -worn and easily each other via Māori pedagogies and practices that are well important. These identified. Prior relationships are cited by poukōrero as being

extend across whānau and the Māori world. As Shane White has shared, When on the Marae it is about having a bit more prior knowledge rather

than just coming along for an interview aye? There has got to be more

relationship. A Marae needs more than you can professionally bring…more

than within the confines of your job description (Shane White, WR, 16

December 2008).

As stipulated in layering effect from the learning conversations and throughout the thesis, ways of being ri are expected. A text book type prescription is relayed and is obvious forMāo Marae members of varying levels (of membership over time, with associated family members, participation in Marae activities for instance). These ways of being such as soughting adventures face-to-face, sharing the load and the profit, observing elders and so forth, require maintenance and repair as does the upkeep of buildings and plant.

3.5.3 Cultural Maintenance: Biculturalism

Account is taken of information that ascertains cultural maintenance

250

importanceunderpinned of by cultural a quest maintenance for or a practice that ofpurports biculturalism. biculturalism Poukōrero and araised united the community quest. Importance is placed on the many nationalities of people of

the West who contributed to the fundraising and Marae beginnings and Māori cause.who had Being gathered able to from achieve a spread in both of tribalworlds affiliations and united in the urban Māori-ness is the aim expressed holding onto one’s Māori

by all poukōrero.

Theare in real we challenge have all got for these Māori rules people and today regulations…policies is no matter what and organisation procedures we

that we have to follow legally or whatever else. But the KEY

within those rules and regulations (Paora Sharples, WR, 23 Octoberis to stay 2008). Māori

In Conclusion

The nature of Hoani Waititi Marae-s curriculum is centred upon anticolonial pursuits of an indigenous education, with a community-based curriculum that draws from and .

Intergenerationalvalues learning the arrangementssignificance of accompanyMāori language a cultural and culture construct of valuing elders as leaders. Indigenous epistemology, pedagogy and practice is the basis for a culturally validating transformative curriculum that effects personal change in the learner and contributes to building a respectful and caring Marae

. whānau The curriculum type draws upon an eclectic humanistic orientation that

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emphasises dagogy of measuring the progress of the individual against the individualthe Māori (aspe opposed to measuring against others) in a warm, open

environment coupled with a social reconstructivistand supportive, whānauorientation centred that centres on societal issues of access to power and social justice. The combination of these curriculum conceptions creates a type of curriculum that is caring, nurturing, and that fosters self-actualisation that develops the personal power of the learner while strengthening affiliation to the wider group; the Marae community. The Marae curriculum is

conscientising in nature as whānau members engage in acts that redress the

loss of Māori language, culture and ultimately power. The type of curriculum channels a constructive view of self-worth, of ethnicity,

difference. It is also affected by the member’sof whānau destructivemember’s upbringing views of racism, and of of isolation and resistance, and of foreign cultural dominance. Influences are educational, by way of the home environment, by others, and when being unaware. From the information gathered, the nature of the curriculum is firmly a cultural maintenance type centred upon family, restoration and the pursuit of biculturalism.

33 National curriculum educational achievement standards 34 E tipu e rea is a reference to the writings of the late Sir Apirana Ngata. This well-known reference in Te Ao Maori, supports the call for change while holding onto those things dear to Māori. 35 Sir Apirana Ngata became the first Māori to graduate from a university which he did from Canterbury with an MA (Te Aute College, 2010). 36 See Harris, A (2002), Letty Brown wahine toa, In Shifting Centres: Women and migration in New Zealand history, Fraser,L., & Pickles, K (Eds), Otago: University of Otago Press.

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Chapter 4

Identification of the Context

This chapter of the thesis deals more explicitly with what knowledge is and how we come to know – the epistemology in exploring the second research question b) from where does the Marae curriculum derive? A frame of reference assists in sourcing themes to which poukorero refer, from which curriculum programming is drawn by Marae curriculum designers and outside agency designers. Curriculum learning styles on this urban Marae are also detailed alongside preferred pedagogies utilised.

4.1 Curriculum Derivation of the Marae

“If we keep this place absolutely sacrosanct then it will never lose its aura,

it will never lose its ethos. And those are the things that make me what I

ohn Rangihau (1977, p. 170).

am” J

wheEvery Marae belongs to a group of people who collectively constitutepre its-European tāngata contact.nua/people The late ofJohn the Rangihau land. It is defineda foundation the Marae which as, remains ‘the repository from of all the historical things, of all the traditions, all the mythology and other things which all make up the intangibles of (1977, p. 170). It is the definition of

Marae provided by this TuhoeMāoriness’ elder and friend of my father and grandfather, that this thesis sources its name. Hiwi and Pat Tauroa (1986, p.15) further illuminate,

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(S)ome understanding of the real place of the Marae in the life of an

illustratesindividual aMāori, dynamic, and someliving -understanding albeit intangible of Māorithing. Farspirituality…it more important

tothe the spiritual Māori significancepeople are the of theintangible buildings, values in exchanges that are embedded between people,deeply

and in the events that take place on the Marae.

Thus, it is from the thoughts of the late John Rangihau and Hiwi and Pat Tauroa, that this thesis draws inspiration for ‘the urban -ness’.

intangibles of Māori Traditionally the Marae was an area of land directly in front of the main

gathering house of the pa/fortified village complex and was associatedso with refers towhānau, a cluster hapū, of buildings or iwi groups associated within with a particular that piece location. of land The (Hoani Marae Waititi al Marae,

1980; Pere, 1985; Tauroa & Tauroa, 1986). These constitute buildings for

house,receiving wha visitors: whare tipuna/ancestral house, whare whakairo/carved for hosting revisitors, nui/large activity house houses, or whare ablution hui/meeting areas and house, other whare amenities kai/house

depending on the aspirations and resources of the tāngata whenua. Across

Aotearoa, Marae now extend their facilities to include Kōhanga Reo, Kura, and

various forms of social services (Te Wānanga Aotearoa, 2006).

A Marae is where Māori celebrate being Māori on Māori terms through language, art forms and relationships guided254 by tikanga and kawa/etiquette

(Pere, 1985; Tauroa & Tauroa, 1986). As the ‘last bastion’ Marae have been and are the refuge defended from Western cultural action and thought. Here culture is explored, practiced and debated inter tribally and cross tribally. People gather, visitors are hosted, and the dead are mourned and returned to the ancestral homeland. The Marae is the pinnacle venue that shelters the spirituality of the people of a designated place and allows them to function as a group.

Marae is part of identification. In accordance with traditional practices,

ofindividuals genealogy identify of people being and Māori a history in relation of land. to This a collective landmark identity; address a identifiessignposting where the individual is ‘born to’; the land to which the individual belongs identified as touchstones:

Ko Moumoukai te maunga Moumoukai is the mountain

Ko Ngā Nuhaka te awa

Ngā Nuhaka is the river Ko Takitimu te waka Takitimu is the canoe

Ko Te Kauru-o-te-Rangi te tāngata Te Kauru-o-te-Rangi is the ancestor

Ko Rakaipaaka te hapū Rakaipaaka is the sub-tribe

Ko Ngāti Kahungunu te iwi

Ngāti Kahungunu is the tribe Ko Tanenui a Rangi te marae Tanenui a Rangi is the Marae

Ko Jacqui Matthews toku ingoa. Jacqui Matthews is my name.

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I te taha o toku mama On my mother’s side

Ko Tamātea te maunga

Tamātea is the mountain Ko Hokianga te moana Hokianga is the water

Ko Ngātokimatawhaorua te waka

Ngātokimatawhaorua is the canoe Ko Tamātea te tāngata

Tamātea is the ancestor Ko Ngāti Te Maara te hapū the sub-tribe

Ngāti Te Maara is Ko Te Rarawa te iwi Te Rarawa is the tribe

Ko Tamātea te Marae

Tamātea is the Marae

vehicleThe practice that brought of the pēpeha passage is fromthe acknowledgement the ancestral land, of a mountains, prominent rivers,ancestor, the

to whom one belongs, followed by the tribe of people, the Marae to whichthe hapū one belongs and finally, last of all the individual. The Marae referred to by the author is iwi based. This particular sequence of elements that form the

a is firstly drawn from those beings greater than ourselves that have existedpēpeh for immeasurable time, down to those beings small, less significant and

measurable (Te Wānanga Aotearoa, 2006). Different types of Marae are in existence today:

i) Iwi based - tend to be rural, historical, founded on genealogical lines and

centred on a particular land designation within tribal boundary lines.

ii) - arise from a community need and are pan-

Urban/community based 256

tribal, ‘ ’ tend to live in a close geographical proximity

rather thantāngata be literallywhenua ‘of the land’.

iii) Institutional- fulfil a specific function, tend to be education, health or

social services based (Durie, 1998; Tauroa & Tauroa, 1986;

Waitakere City Council, 2001).

4.2 Epistemology: How the Knowledge can be understood.

Mātauranga Māori/Māori knowledge sources its beginnings to the creation of

the universe in three eras of growth: Te Kore, Te Po and Te Ao Mārama.  Te Kore - the emptiness of space when seeds of matter came together to

form earth and sky. This was a timeless epoch, determined by voids:

Te Kore - the void

Te Kore Te Whiwhia - the void where nothing can be obtained

Te Kore Te Rawea - the void where nothing could be done

The notion of Te Kore is ‘of a vacuum in nature, wherein nothing existed’ (Hiroa,

1949, p. 434).

 Te Po - the darkness of inner space was also timeless with its own

epochs. It was a period of darkness and ignorance and thus the term for

night is used

relayed by Percyto describe Smith (1913) it. Moihi names Te Mātorohanga six phases: (refer page 16) as

Te Po- the night

Te Po-kakarauri- the age of great darkness

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Te Po-aoao-nui- the age of great dawn

Te Po-uriuri- the age of deep black dark gloom

Te Po-kerekere - the age of darkness

Te Po-tiwhatiwha- the age of gloom

Ranginui Walker (1996) suggests that the metaphor of darkness -Te Po, represents the state of the mind. Without light there is no knowledge, ignorance exists in a state of darkness. He names the phases of Te Po as:

Te Po Nui- the great darkness

Te Po Roa-the long night

Te Po Uriuri- the deep dark

Te Po Kerekere- the intense dark

Te Po Tangotango- the intensely dark

Te Po Te Kitea- the dark in which nothing could be seen.

Tribal differences prevail in terms of descriptors for the first epochs of space and knowledge; the beginnings of knowledge formation. Past variables, history proceeds with the first cause, the primeval pair: Ranginui

Papatuanuku Earthmother. Their coupling created the darkness,/Skyfather and and within this darkness/ an evolution of sapient beings grew…

Te Pu the root cause

Te Weu the rootlets

Te More the taproot

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Te Aka the vine

Te Tipuranga the growth

Te Rapunga the seeking

Te Kukune the growth

Te Pupuke the swelling

Te Hihiri the energy

Te Mahara the thought

Te Hinengaro the mind

Te Manako the longing

The children of Ranginui and Papatuanuku grew between their embrace. They were all sons, seventy in number. Their longing and seeking eventuated as a result of the cramped conditions. The children suffered, existing squashed between their parents. The separation of Ranginui and Papatuanuku was caused by their son Tane Mahuta who pushed them apart when his brothers could and would not. In doing so he ushered in , the third era of the world of light and knowledge. Te Ao Mārama

 - the world of light in which we live today. Time is

designatedTe Ao Mārama in periods of mua muri

/past and /present. Along with light, conflict entered the world. The brothers disagreed over the separation of their parents and fought. Each brother today personifies the temperaments of humankind and remains the source of knowledge. The subordination that resulted from the brothers fighting, transformed

259

descendants of the God beings into profane earthly levels (Smith, 1913; Walker,

1996). This in turn introduced duality between sacred and profane.

Tapu emanates from the Gods, and only they cantapu/ undo tapu fromnoa/ their creations.

These male beings embodied ira atua, a divine principle of the Gods.

Mahuta fashioned from the earth , the human principle in Tānethe form of the first woman, Hineahuone. Breathingira tāngata his into her, she was given life37 (Wal -Nui-a- mauri/life force permission to climbker, the1996). heavens Tāne – from TeRangi Toi -/Greato- - Tāne of Heaven sought

Heavens from the place called Rauroha of the WhatuNgā-kura,Rangi/The Mareikura, Highest and of the the many hosts of the Rangi tuhaha. There he was given three baskets of knowledge

Tuauri, Te Aronui and Te Ao Tua-ātea: Tuauri meaning ‘beyond in the world of darkness’ is the place of twenty-seven nights (Te Po) representing eons of time.

In this world, rhythmic patterns of energy function behind the world of sense perception. It is not accessible to most of humankind, and not readily accessible

– ‘that before us’to matakite/seers meaning the natural or tohunga/priests world around (Marsden,us to which 2003), our senses Te Aronui are attuned

(Marsden, 2003) and Te Ao Tua- eternal world of the spirit. The knowledgeātea is the of world both past the kauwaespace and runga time, of the celestial things, and the kauwae raro, of terrestrial things, was passed on eventually for use by humankind (Smith, 1913).

Percy Smith

(1913, p.130) again from the260 source of the Ngāti Kahungunu

tohunga, Moihi Te Mātorohanga names these baskets of knowledge as:  Te Kete Uruuru Matua, of peace, goodness and love.

 Te Kete Uruuru Rangi, of prayers, incantations and ritual.

 Te Kete Uruuru Tau, of war, agriculture, woodwork, stone-work

and earthwork.

Cleve Barlow (1999, p. 156-158) classifies:

 Te Kete Tuauri of occult knowledge held by Whiro or the Devil and

contained the practices of witchcraft and many other evil doings.

 Te Kete Tuātea of ritual knowledge containing the special prayers

and rituals in order that man might conform to the goodness and

commands of…God.

 Te Kete Aronui of secular knowledge about the world including

fishing, carving, weaving…man can acquire secular knowledge for

good or evil purposes according to his motives.

Three domains are revealed across the definitions, presented as the knowledge groupings of Tuauri of ritual and prayer, Te Aronui of everyday practices, and

knowledgeTe Ao Tuātea for of us warfare/dark all (Smith, G., arts. 1997) Tāne and, went in accomplishing on behalf of humankind that task, we to seekhave knowledge differentiated in three aspects.

Today as with every day, in reference to this cosmology, Te Kura Kaupapa Māori 261

o Hoani Waititi Marae begins its morning with the following karakia/prayer: E Io God ko te pu the very origin ko te more the springing forth growth ko te weu the rootlets ko te aka the creeper vine ko te rea the growth ko te waonui the great wood ko te po the night ko Ranginui e tu nei Ranginui above us ko Papatuanuku e takoto nei Papatuanuku lying here ka puta te ira begat mankind into the world of light

tāngata ki te whaiao ki te ao Mārama. -nui-a-rangi Yours Tane are the baskets from the

Nahau ra e Tane ngā kete o te wānanga wānanga kia tu i te mohiotanga to establish the knowledge kia tu i te ora to establish well being

so mankind can receive kia whaikoha te ira tāngata a uriuri atua i te taiao nei. the ancient gifts of the Gods of this ki ngā taong world.

To hold on to the customs

Kia mau i ngā tikanga and the important purposes. me ngā kaupapa matua. . To enter into the heart and embed in

Kia kuhu ki te ngakau titi tonu ki te wairua Māori the spirit.

This is the beginning of the story.

Koia nei te tīmatanga o te kōrero. Be humble.

Kia ngākau māhaki. 262

He oranga ngakau he pikinga waiora A healthy heart improves the spirit kia ngatahi te whakaaro a te tane me te wahine. to be united the thoughts of men and

women.

To gather together the words

Kia haotahitia ngā kupu a tuairangi from the ancient heavens a tuainuku from the ancient earth a tuawhakarere iho. from the beyond.

Kia piki te kaha To improve the strength kia piki te ora to improve the life

in the remnants of them ki roto i ngā morehutanga a ratou ma kua haere ki te huinga o te kahurangi. who have gone to the gathering of the

treasured ones.

Kia noho pumau kia manawanui To stay firm, to be proud

to achieve the objectives kia tutuki ai ngā mahi a kui ma a koro ma. of the old people.

Ma ratou hoki ko te karapinepine They are also the reason for gathering ko te hono i wairua the uniting of the spirit

tied together to hold tightly, tightly, tūturu whakamaua kia tina! tina! hui e! taiki e! held together.

TakaparaeKarakia o te Papuni, ata/Morning Te Whare prayer: Tu Taua Te Kura o Aotearoa. Kaupapa38 Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae compiled by

Belief in all things tangible and intangible is connected on a number of dimensions discussed earlier as physical, emotional, intellectual and spiritual.

ori knowledge recognises the interdependence and interrelatedness of all

Mā 263

things, is directed by the natural environment, and is governed by mauri and tapu (Durie, 2005). All in existence hold reason, purpose and meaning – mauri.

When mauri is affected or acted upon, those tangibles and intangibles connected

withto the each life forceother, are the affected environment, also. Mauri and the underpins world. how and why Māori interact

Tapu is a related dimension and is best described as a state of sacredness.

Counteracting or removal of this state is noa, being a common state. Particular situations and contexts require a state of tapu, and in the sense of a continuum, at other times and situations, these states may be returned to a common state of noa (Durie, 2005). An example of this is the tapu n land frontage of Marae (refer fig 17). This area is inature the realm of the of Marae ātea, the

areTūmatauenga/God upheld at ceremonial of War times. and is However the place when where these the highesttimes are forms concluded, of etiquette for

commonsome Marae, space the that ātea can returns be used to fora state other of activities.noa in that it returns to being a

4.3 Conceptual Frame of Reference

- Gifts that have been handed down from the God source

Ngāare th taonga tuku iho

ose concepts that sustain our connection with Io Matua Kore/Supreme God (refer fig 18). Pere (1985, 1997) as referred to in the literature review, has

named these as ancient teachings that have originated from Hawaiki/ancestral 264

homeland, having survived twelve thousand years.

Fig 17: Approaching the waharoa/gateway of Hoani Waititi Marae

Some are discussed here: mana, tapu, ihi/psychic vital- which force, is me given te wehi/fear. mauri in the

These elements penetrate tāngata/the human being form of mauri ora, via the tinana/body,People are governed hinengaro/mind, and directed wairua/spirit through life’s and coursewhatumanawa/emotions. by tikanga. Tikanga is able to function within the milieu of

whanaungatanga/relationships. This pathway gives us our wellness, connectedness, and wholeness to seek our destiny- -determination as reflected in Durie’s (2003)

tino rangatiratanga/selfties referred to in chapter 1: five gifts and capabilities valued by whānau capaci 265

Māori being to care, to share, for guardianship, to empower and to plan ahead.

Fig 18: Frame of reference of Māori concepts by Jacqui Matthews, 2009.

4.3.1 Mana

Relationships are maintained and sustained by the presence of mana. Mana refers to the place and standing of a person in a group. Meaning authority, power, and influence, people with mana tend to be leaders; people with specific or sought after knowledge or experience. Some forms of mana extend from

prestigious lines of whakapapa to greater266 mana sources in tipuna/ancestors.

Other forms are acquired by gaining skills, works or contributions for the people (Mead, 2003; Tauroa & Tauroa, 1986). The late

(2003, p. 4) exemplifies, ‘a lawful permission delegatedRev. by the Māori Gods Marsden to their human agent to act on behalf and in accordance with their revealed will.’

4.3.2 Tapu

Critical in every aspect of tikanga i –

moderates sthe the behaviour heart of Māori of society’s religious members, thought placing sanctionstapu/sacredness. on people, Tapu objects, and places. The greater the status attributed the individual – the greater the tapu; thus social conformity and lore was and is a given, a reliable understanding followed by the populous (Tauroa & Tauroa,

1986). Defined as sacred, forbidden and confidential; tapu descends from the

Gods (Mead, 2003). Varying degrees of tapu are evident in relation to situations and contexts having a special nature either temporarily or permanently.

Marsden (2003, p.5) describes the state of tapu occurring when a person, place or thing is dedicated to, or used in some way by a God or God source. The ‘thing’ is taken from the profane and designated tapu, removing it from common use and common practice-it has become sacred. Reference to it as common is breaking the law of tapu. This tapu state is conferred by the Gods and reinforced with man.

4.3.3 ic Vital Force

Ihi/Psych 267

‘Manliness or vigour in battle’ is defined by Marsden (2003, p. 3), as “Haere ake

- a sense of vital force and power preceded the ana te ihi me te mana o ngā toa whichadvance is takenof the overwarriors.” by adrenalin Commonly in an accepted act of power as a sense and determination. of fearlessness; Ihi that is a psychic and natural force.39

4.3.4

Wehi/Fear Fear, anxiety, or awe in apprehension of the Gods, or the mana or ihi of a person

(Marsden, 2003).

4.3.5

Mauri/Life Force All living things have mauri or ethos (Tauroa & Tauroa, 1986). It is part of and interacts with the other elements of the Earth, applying to animate and inanimate things.

For example, one may refer to ‘te mauri o te whare’ (ethos of the house)

or ‘te mauri o te whai

object has a mauri, andkōrero’ the sum (life total force of allof thethe speeches).characteristics Each of person a person or

reflects his or her personality (Tauroa & Tauroa, 1986, p.149).

Humankind operates on a higher order from other living things and is

fromdesignated energy mauri originally ora/life present principle. in the It realm is Marsden’s of Te Korekore, belief that from mauri which is derived the

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universe was created (Marsden, 2003).

4.3.6 Tikanga

One of the most obvious forms of is as an act of social control in terms of group and individual interactionstikanga/customs with land, forests, waters, air spaces and other life forms, including each other as people. Mead (2003, p. 6) refers to tikanga as, “the

(tika - to be right), tikangaMāori can thenethic”. be Deriving said to focus from on word a sense sources of what of ‘rightness’ is correct, what is moral. Mead also suggests that tikanga, if based on a sense of morality, is normative in that norma society’s agreement of correct ways oflity behaviour, is a representation methods andof society; procedures Māori for dealing with incorrect behaviour. While not fastidiously monitored, tikanga is a code of practice.

The belief that misfortune can result in trampling tikanga is adhered to across a number of tribal groups. As a structure for rituals, tikanga is obviously prevalent in ceremony and public occasion, and less obvious but firmly rooted in everyday life. is disseminated through tikanga, tikanga adds to this knowledgeMātauranga correct Māori methodology and practice, “People then see tikanga in action, and they do it, feel it, understand it, accept it, and feel empowered

philosophy in through experience. Tikanga might be described as Māori practice, and as the practical face of Māori269 knowledge” (Mead, 2003, p. 7). Some

practices and protocols of tikanga are kawa, the modus operandi or rules of practice for carrying out tikanga. Etiquette is a commonly used descriptor.

Examples of kawa are some of the ‘rules’ which differ across tribal groups such as the order of speaking in ceremony, the giving of koha, or how to physically

, for instance.

approach the deceased lying in state at tangihanga/death rites 4.3.7 Whanaun

gatanga/Relationships The fostering of positive and caring relationships; extends past the derivative

198whānau5). to relationships with all people, and aroha is central to this (Pere,

Sometimes in defining these customary concepts and values for ourselves we make them less intangible and closer to something we can literally take hold of. And, sometimes their intangible/tangible connections are thrust upon us, as happened to me after the birth of my first child…in stepping out on a high balcony overlooking the Waitakere Ranges on the third night following her birth, I was swallowed up by the constellations, perched out on a high ledge from the hospital building I became part of them, offered up in the expanse of God’s display, and overpowered with the enormity and infinite parameters of understandings of

‘aroha’ in relation to this vastness… more than a decade later while standing aside

Waimirirangi40’s tomb in Whirinaki, Northland and over my own sister’s grave I tried to define ‘aroha’ once again so I drew from that empowering memory, back

270

on the balcony, years before while my new babe slept…Aroha is more than the size of the expanse of the sky; it is greater than all you can see out of your eyes. The night sky; assists in fathoming the breadth of space…when opening one’s arms as wide as possible, the number of stars cannot be embraced. There are far too many.

In attempting the crush and condense the enormity of sky into one’s arms, down into the chest - this feeling is reminiscent of the touch of aroha: colossal and overwhelming. Aroha is far greater than we are ever able to ‘grasp’ (there are always far too many stars to take hold of). We only ever have an indication of its potential greatness. For aroha has three vast arms: tolerance, forgiveness and compassion. In every application of aroha as we engage with each other, each other’s children, in the work place, and so forth, we must be diligent in applying aroha as an exceptionally powerful connection.

andOn tribal, the ancestor traditional it identifies Marae, whānau trace their genealogy to the Marae around which all decision making(Tauroa and & participation Tauroa, 1986). of people Whānau evolves. is the Itpremise is a way of constructing the social world. Individuals have a responsibility to care for other members of the group, whether deem common purpose (Bishop, 1999). ed whānau by genealogy or by

4.3.8

Manaakitanga/Caring Tikanga is strengthened by the concept of manaakitanga, the act of caring.

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Looking after people, hosting and caring for their needs and feelings is a cornersto

ne of Māori methodology. 4.3.9 -determination

Tino Rangatiratanga/Self

rangatiratanga.One of the paramount Defined issues as chiefly for kaupapa control, Māori tino rangatiratanga is the concept isof the tino right to determine one’s own destiny, expressed as the right for, self-determination.

Mason Durie (1998, p.4), defines self-determination as, “the advancement of

Māori people,. asThe Māori, aims andof self the-determination protection of theare environmentthree-fold: i) advancementfor future of economicgenerations” sufficiency, social equity, culture and political power ii) affirming a

environmentalMāori identity viaprotection personal, of whānau, land, forests, hapū, waters iwi, and and Māori air sp nationaces and strands and iii) humankind.

Russell Bishop (2003), referred to tino rangatiratanga as ‘indigenization’ or

‘cultural nationalism’ implying the struggle for self-determination (and usually self-government) in other nation states worldwide (Ismailova, 2004). Nearing

theindigenous end of the (Smith, twentieth L., 1999), century, the placewith 15%of of the New Zealand population being documented by Mason Durie (2005) and describedMāori in society in chapter was 1evident,. James asAnaya, for the United Nations wrote in his 2011 report on the rights of indigenous

272

people(s) in New Zealand, ‘The Special Rapporteur cannot help but note the

comparisonextreme disadvantage to the rest in of theNew social Zealand and society’.economic He conditions continued of by Māori adding, people ‘this in

(Uniteddisadvantage Nations, especially 2011, p.18 manifests-19) itself among Māori living in urban areas’

The controversy and debate over New Zealand’s foreshore and seabed is

. Many differing example of hows stated Māori mobilised in an act of tino rangatiratanga cal

Māoripossess groupion and the Treatythat Māori of Waitangi have rightful when Theclaim Foreshore to title based and Seabed on histori Bill 2004 designated the tidal strip around New Zealand as belonging to the Crown except

- fromthat privately across the owned country by pākehā.to oppose 50,000 the possible Māori people enactment (and to non lawMāori) ‘The Hikoi’ gathered or long march has been claimed in

-domthe in history,Māori world and it to is have from been this movementone of the largest of an amalgamationprotest gatherings of diverse of Māori The Māori Party was born, co-led by

Tariana Turia (then a labourMāori party groups minister) that and Dr Pita Sharples (refer fig 19-

24). Paora Sharples, a frontline protestor says of the hikoi as an act of tino rangatiratanga, ‘When have you ever -s turn up for a kaupapa? (Paora Sharples, WR, 11 Decemberseen thousands 2008)’. of pākehā

Despite New Zealand’s divided views, law was passed by Parliament on the

18th November 2004, deeming title to be held by the crown. The Foreshore and Seabed Act was enacted 24 November 2004. Sections of the Act came into

273

force in 2005. It was then

repealed and replaced by The

Marine and Coastal Area (Takutai

Moana) Act 2011 (One News,

2011).

4.4 The Heart of Kaupapa

Māori

If we dig to the core, the heart and

essence of Kaupapa Māori is solid

and requires no deviation. From

initiative to initiative, across grass

root beginnings and state

institutions the vision of Māori

remains constant. Its application

only varies in the sense of

completion-what already exists?

Fig 19: ‘Hikoi’ busload of supporters bears the tino rangatiratanga flags. The controversial Foreshore and Seabed Bill (2004) drew 50,000 protestors to the capital, United Nations, 2006).

What is missing? …working from a recipe, a formula…such as, aroha cannot exist 274

without whanaungatanga, whanaungatanga cannot reside without manaaki/caring and so forth. It is easy – very easy. Well, at least now it is – now that the powerhouses of ‘the movement’ of the past and present millennium have carved the era of resurgence into tablet. For example, in education Kōhanga Reo,

Kura Kaupapa Māori, and Wharekura Kaupapa Māori are taken-for-granted. We move to a new town we expect them to be there, we expect them to exist. They are themselves constant. Māori resurgence is today either about hanging onto what is left i.e. foreshore and seabed, restructuring pre-existing state demands, or reworking grassroots initiatives that are now mostly shaped in existing Kaupapa

Māori ethic and practice. We have a number of leaders to thank for our present position. In fact, the business of finding ourselves has been well initiated for us.

Fig 20: Māori protest the impending seabed and foreshore legislation led by Pāpā Pita Sharples and Te Whare Tu Taua o Aotearoa. Paora Sharples is to Pāpā-s right flanked by some Hoani Waititi Marae whānau.

275

Fig 21: Protesting through the night.: the impending seabed and foreshore legislation, culminating in the formation of The Māori Party, elected to parliament in 2005.

4.5 Te Aho Matua

One of the important ocurriculum Ngā Kura Kaupapastatements Māori conceptualised, formulated and written on Hoani Waititi Marae, was for the – the philosophical statement Te Aho Matua. Compiledfirst Kura to appease Kaupapa the Māori Ministry of

Education’s demands and terms for legitimising state definition, Te

Aho Matua tr is written in Te Reo Māori firstly and was later, reluctantly

anslated into English. It is presented by the pioneers of Kura Kaupapa Māori to build on the foundation of Te Kōhanga Reo and is the foundation document to

Office.which, As(finally) is ev all Kura Kaupapa Māori are reviewedTe Aho via Matua the Education was written Review with the urban milieuident close in theto the third heart aspect, of the Ngā kaupapa Iwi, at that point in time in the writing. It remains pertinent today.

The document, Te Aho Matua, points to the body of knowledge which is

indigenously Māori, originating in Nga276 Rangi Tuhaha to uphold the holism

crushedof the Māori by missionaries child. It was onthat behalf body of of the knowledge state and which by the was state actively education

system when it was established last century. It was finally outlawed by

establishedthe Tohunga to Suppression validate that Act body in 1907. of knowledge Kura Kaupapa (The Runanganui, Māori was cited

in Sharples, 1998e, p.13).

In searching the records of the Marae, I came across a folder of Pāpā-s writing not unlike the others. This one was typical of a hui that would have occurred regularly, where whānau may have been working on a growing kaupapa. In amongst the file were records - doodles; the kinds we form when someone else is talking, hand written scrawls, diagrams and …Mātauranga Māori… followed by columns of what this could mean (I think) in terms of talent, in terms of capacities, in terms of wellbeing, in terms of joy…describing teaching practices and health and innovation, and fruits of learning. THEN, a few pages on, I found a number of curriculum statements aligned to what we now affectionately call, ‘Te Aho Matua’.

Was there a plan to attach subject/content curriculum prescriptions with Te Aho

Matua, or perhaps it was part of a process to follow the philosophical statement through to the curriculum? Maybe Pāpā was planning with Aunty Kath (the late

Katerina Mataira) and working with staff on how to interpret the document to practical classroom application? Whichever, it appears that at the foetal stage of the philosophical development, curriculum plans for subject knowledges were explored (refer fig22 of Kura Kaupapa Māori opening).

277

Fig 22: Te Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae opening. Prime Minister the late David Lange, Pere Maitai of Te Karere, and the late Sir Paul Reeves with Pāpā Pita and the tamariki.

As a philosophical statement, Te Aho Matua provides the curriculum base for learning and teaching, programme development, policy guidelines, and charter development. It is presented in six parts: Te I

Tino Uaratanga (Referra chapter Tāngata, 2). Te Reo, Ngā Iwi, Te Ao,

Āhuatanga Ako, and Te An application of grounded theory has unveiled Hoani Waititi Marae-s

gatheringapplication too ofls Māori (refer epistemology chapter 2 & Appendix which has C been Gathering collected the Menagerieby way of the of data

Richness) around the research question from where does the Marae curriculum derive? Themes emerged from the information by Marae members-

poukōrero, 278

participant observations, Marae documentation, autoethnography and records belonging to Dr Pita Sharples. And again, these themes arose naturally, despite

andthe variedrose to tools the surface, utilised thenand crossclustered section mercury of poukōrero style into engaged; three first they level bubbled

orcategories kaupapa of M Mātauranga Māori that is specialised, that is around methodology

āori, and that is as curriculum (refer fig 23). 4.6 Specialised Knowledge

have

specialisedWhen we talk in howabout it Māoriderived, knowledge where it cametūturu from, then there’sunless youvery, very few

aboutpeople aspects who can of talk it (Beverley about Mātauranga Manahi, WR, Māori. 10 April We may 2008). be able to talk

specialised and not generally

Theaccessible premise is athat given. Māori Despite knowledge Hoani Waititiis sacred, Marae -s known attribute of engaging the contemporary, this view of where the knowledge derives is common to the

whānau members. A balance occurs between holding to traditional beliefs while surviving over generations with these beliefs intact, and navigating forward. Contemporary modifications of cultural aspects therefore are superficial surface applications that do not impede on baseline epistemology. Rather, the base guides as a control to where and how far the evolution of the culture can stray from conventional tradition without losing too much of itself. impacted on continually being susceptible to absorption from other cultures,Māori are technology, environmental change, law and the many colonising tools 279

Mātauranga Māori

Specialised Kaupapa As Māori Currriculum

Colonisation Intangible Learning Emotional Tipuna Conscientis - Negative Styles Tika & Values Treaty -ation Tikanga

Fig 23: Coding categories of derivation of the Marae curriculum

Two further categories evolved from discussions that arose around knowledge that is specialised; specialised knowledge that is tipuna based; guarded and often reserved for leaders, and specialised knowledge that is colonisation based; guarded in context of an alien view.

4.6.1

Specialised Knowledge: Tipuna/Ancestor Based ledge that is specialised and separated out as being tipuna

Firstly, Māori know 280

based, has arisen from the information around references to knowledge that is guarded and often reserved for tohunga, sages, and leaders, however some is accessible to ordinary people. This knowledge is instinctive or intrinsic.category includes the concept that Māori

describesFor knowledge the baseline that is tipunacurriculum based gathered but also toaccessible, facilitate Kōkāthe concept Te Aroha of KuraPaenga

back in the initial stages.

Kaupapa Māori

back(W)hen – Kura Kaupapa Māori was born, the theory there was going way

and tryingte wa to o go neherā, back into of when their ourera ancestorsas a basis forwere the and curriculum…back what they did, to

te ao kohatu and te ao te po. That was the base foundation to Kaupapa

-s.

Māori and all other things fitted in, like the Atua There is a big emphasis on Te Po and Papatuanuku and Ranginui…and

the light, then the world, and all that implemented as the foundation of

the curriculum. The focus was to go back into history and try and bring

back all those words that had been lost. During the time there was a very

big r -

Ataarangienaissance and all in that Māori sordomt of became for the onereo andin support of course of eachmau otherrākau…there and

is still a lot that needs to be done that has been lost (Te Aroha Paenga,

WR, 5 April 2009).

Poukōrero also comment on not wanting to return to the rigidity required to 281

reclaim the lifestyle of rural tribalism and the ways of the past, and reinvent them too literally in West Auckland.

-determination in a multinational society, while driving vehicles,Māori pursue wearing self clothing bought from shops and enjoying foreign foods. These social and technological advances (also comforts and dependencies) advance

further as Māori continue to globalise.

teachings survive and ways of practicing the teachingsWhānau members transpose discuss into life how on thethe urban Marae today. Comment is layered

- particularlyby poukōrero post in reference resurgence. to MāoriBeverley knowledge Manahi has documented taught history by non in theMāori

. She notes how ‘even the internet….a lot of it wharekurais written by Kaupapa white people’ Māori (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008). The protection of our knowledges coupled with accuracy are paramount (debated when research look forward to a time when the erslibrary and shelveshistorians are are crammed not Māori). with Whiletexts wr Māori same time, comment is also made about the unfortunate situationitten by Māori, where at only the a small amount of tribal knowledges has survived the twenty-first century. Shane

White provides an explanation that is commonly held. He describes an example of how this plays out.

I believe that there is this ‘mātauranga Māori’ out there. Some of it may 282

have been lost. One of my friends…from the taiaha school researched

weapMāorions. weaponry Look at as today, part ofthe his weapons job. He camebeing upused: with patu, 164 the different taiaha, Māori the

hoeroa, the tewhatewha, koikoi-you know a handful …ten, a dozen at the

most and then you look at the specifics of the knowledge just around

taiaha.

So that says to me that there has been a lot of things that we have lost that

should have been passed down-specific knowledges around those things,

that have been lost around our food gathering practices, around our

behaviours. And, because they haven’t been-the plant hasn’t been watered.

There are still a lot of things there that we don’t even know and I’m pretty

sure there are more than enough in there, even amongst the stuff that hasn’t

been lost to keep me busy for the rest of my life (Shane White, WR, 16

December 2008).

Example of the knowledges commented on are raised in reference to the

Ngāti Kahungunu tohunga Te Matorohanga who once belonged to the cult of Io, a small, exclusive selection of priests. Details of his knowledge was made known in the 1850’s in the form of recorded lectures, scribed by H.T. Whatahoro and published in part by Percy Smith. The Lore of the Whare Wānanga: Kauwae –

Runga (1913) (Things celestial) and The Lore of the Whare Wānanga: Kauwae –

Raro (1915) (Things Terrestrial) are two that remain highly informative works

at cross-tribal teachings focus on tohunga suchtoday. as Poukōrero Te Matorohanga shared andconcerns this has th resulted in iwi losing their uniqueness and

283

individuality. In some occurrences tohunga in specific areas are identified and acknowledged by their people, however because their teachings have been lost or hidden, tohunga from other areas are taken up in their place.

In the curriculum of Kura and other institutions that are not tribally based

(because the majority of the populous are outside their tribal areas), the dilemma arises of what is the curriculum? Institutions based in their locale derive learning and teaching from whakapapa, local geography, history, mythology and so forth: the Kingitanga41 for Waikato, Rahiri42

Te Heuheu43 for Tuwharetoa as example. But this does not alwaysfor Ngāpuhiapply in andthe urban milieu. T acknowledged inhe curriculum mana whenua/original content, however inhabitants a place of is the also land made are for the studies of the tribal designations of students, the teacher (in terms of being able to provide resource) and what resource material is produced and available; studies of

tāngata rongonui/famous people for example. Whāea Marara Te Tai Hook grounds these thoughts in the tribal sharing purposed by The Ngāpuhi

Executive in planning Hoani Waititi Marae, in this excerpt, the whare tipuna specifically:

On such an area it is planned there would be built a quite large, (say 100

ft x 50 ft) traditional style meeting house. This would be, eventually if not

immediately, a fully carved house with interior decorated with the beautiful

tukutuku patterned reed panels between carved poupou wall posts

284

depicting tribal ancestors of ALL tribes as represented by the past, present

and future residents of this area – their deeds, etc as well as beautifully

painted kowhaiwhai patterned rafters (Marara Te Tai Hook, Written

Composition, 19 April 2010).

Concern was expressed in reference to knowledge being disseminated amongst the people without taking cognisance of the pedagogy whereby masters of specific disciplines chose particular and often well tested learners to become students in training. Open access while dispersing the knowledge and assisting its long term survival, also leaves open the possibility of knowledge ‘falling into the wrong hands’ resulting in behaviour, incorrect interpretations of salient understandings,whakahīhī /arrogant and ‘watered down’ definitions of sacred epistemology and ideology. John Tuoro remembers his mother Mavis commenting on an aspect of this, ‘a little bit of knowledge makes some people dangerous’. In his words, ‘it’s about making sure that success doesn’t go to people’s heads as in they become monsters, you turn them into monsters’ (John

Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

John Tuoro at the opening of the Marae remembered a situation available to him as he went out on the

ātea/Marae frontage to perform the wero/challenge. When you go to turn round because it was at the gate, when you look at

the meeting house because it was all new, all the eyes, all the paua shells

that had come out of the rafters, and that was the thing, they were all

285

just going WHHOOOSHHH! - because the sun was on the house. It looked

really mean, but I’m thinking I get to look at this…right in the middle I can

see the house down the very back (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

The curriculum of the urban Marae finds its base as it does for -dom in those knowledges passed down from generation to generation.Māori

(K)nowledge that historically has been considered to be important…that

our ancestors worked out, that they tried and tested over hundreds of

years, and they knew that this is true, and they knew about these certain

things- about the seasons and about fishing, and about human nature and

things like that (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

Belief was expressed in intrinsic knowledges being cast in the DNA of Māori, utu/reciprocity or muru/cleansing for example. These knowledges were described as ‘instinctive for Māori’ as ‘things that we do unconsciously’. This whobelief intuitively is explained practiced by example tika of whānau members not raised in the kaupapa

‘knowledge’. Practice of intrinsicnga knowledgesand kawa/etiquette are also commentedwithout exposure on by or

specialpoukōrero character and supported of the Marae by observations and the kura and as being documentation obviously diasfferent being thefrom mainstream schools, ‘there’s more aroha open and available’, ‘The environment’s built to be more conducive to that sort of thing’.

286

4.6.2 Specialised knowledge: Colonisation

rded in context ofInformation a foreign alien refers view to mātauranga - references Māori to white as specialisedcultural hang and-ups gua and differing

‘perspectiveshang-ups’ that superimpose Māori. Annotations arose about the cultural-cultural proble of pākehā who live and work amongst the whānau. Cross perspectivems occur, and (are)perceived trying by to poukōrero ingrain it inthat our staff students’, are ‘coming culminated from their in losses in translation of both understanding of the oral and written word.

In a separate layering, reference in text publication, ‘the books thats to we pākehā know authorshave all continuinggot white authors’ to lead thewas field commonly held, although not always stated as being problematic, sometimes shared with accepted resignation of the fact. Some expression was made to

these same pākehā authors becoming famous from Māori includingparticularly researchers

(inon thethis kura case while referred also to Māori researchers) basing their work ake themselves known.not being ‘actual’ whānau and ‘using’ the kura to m

Kura, and thus it canTe be Kura envisaged Kaupapa that Māori it would o Hoani be a Waititivaluable Marae site. Ais number the first of foreign researchers have based their work on Hoani Waititi Marae over the years, however these have been received with genuine consent of authenticity by key stakeholders on the Marae44.

specialisedPoukōrero citeknowledges, examples and of pākehā how these ways ways and arelanguage, returned colonising to their ourformer tribal

287

me copingthodologies with colonisation on the Marae. is described The metamorphosis by Shane White. of Māori across generations of

Grandparents were still reasonably steeped in tikanga of the time, had

their reo - to my parents who stepped right out of

and then they couldn’t change their skin colour, butit; everything everything else Māori was

left to the side – - to now the

next generation down,totally whichdived straightlooked back into eventhe pākehā further world than the

grandparents. I’m not knocking those things, they still have some merit

and value (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

Situations are also discussed whereby pākehā whānau have been participants in andthe agencyhave since of Māori used totheir create position such (gainedconscientising by way acts of their as Kura involvement) Kaupapa Māori, to then

me up withdenigrate that theory the movement. and they Kōkāwoul dTe rather Aroha study Paenga, that ‘amazing and prove how that, people than conot see our history, or wanting to paint us white…they just won’t accept the colonisation’ (Te Aroha Paenga, WR, 5 April 2009).

onPhilosophical the Marae despitedifferences its make between-up and Māori purpose, and pākehā and sometimes continue to(as have noted impact by observation) the expectation that we will overlook these differences is

intentsuggested of Waipareira by our own Trust whānau. to use One funds such acquired suggestion from was government (and remains) to establish an a

ersity at Hoani Waititi Marae following the long standing pursuit wānanga/univ dating back to 1985, of Pāpā Pita Sharples and the whānau. Pāpā Pita Sharples 288

in hui spoke on the dilemma that has spanned some thirty-forty years now.

We (John Tamihere and Pita Sharples) tried to make a lobby to be

soincluded there are in the only Wānanga…then three (1997). Anthey act closed was passed the door and on now wānanga there

is a process just as there is a structure for university and all the tertiary

learning ins

titutions. So we…thoughtTe Aratiatia how can is…why we create it i sa calledwānanga that,

becauseKaupapa we Māori? consulted And that’s with whatApi Mahuika, Patu Hohepa, Timu Te

Heuheu. They wanted a model that is transportable, that they could put

in their area. It wouldn’t be seen to be belonging to a particular …it was

a model to go everywhere

across tribes…it is based on tikanga Māori. The council is not a council – it is a runanga…the layer underneath is

the most important layer. Th

who are grouped in whare. Theis layer whare is consistedthe kahui amorangi/theof a number of tohunga tohunga

- experts in that area… that is a level that does not exist in universities

it is a M

tikangaand polytechs thing. and wānanga in their structure, because āori

…it is such a different structure the government won’t approve it because

They are being left out of the square…we spent a half a million dollars

researching it…to come back with our curriculum that we have produced…

we have taken it to ex-Ministers…and they haven’t been able to buy in at all.

So we are at a crossroads. What do we do? Do we stay with the law and

butthe wānangainfuse some described whare inand there prescribed and do itby our the way Education as far as Act we 1989/1990, can, or do

we try and be totally authentic and have the structure that we have built?

(Sharples, personal communication, July 29,

2009).

289

orted by Judge Ed Durie

Salientand the points Waititi were wh made by Pāpā Pita and supp come together to makeānau amembers single project present, particularly around how since these the Hoanitwo bodies Waititi could

Marae kaupapa is womb to grave education while maintaining in the first

. harderinstance because kaupapa nobody’s Māori Pāpāon your Pita side’ reiterated, (Sharples,‘pursuing personal kaupapa communication, Māori goals July is

members supporting a speedy amalgamation appeared to view29, 2009). the kaupapa Whānau as the same for both bodies, or ‘do-ably the same’. ‘We’re heading in the same direction but the difference is the process…we need different processes to achieve the ends’ (Sharples, personal communication, July

29, 2009).

4.7

As Methodology or Kaupapa Māori ethodology, that is a practice, a way, or as

Mātauranga Māori that is defined as m - practicing Māori was revealed in three streams:Māori would conscientisation define kaupapa - the Māori; acts, intangible methodology, and negative methodology.

4.7.1 cientisation

As Methodology/Kaupapa Māori: Cons is a form of conscientisation if we accept

Kaupapa Māori at Hoani Waititi Marae the premise that these are the acts; the do-s that transform the idea of being

action.

Māori into

290

people in the initial

The early assembly or mobilisation of Auckland City Māori We had as a visionpivotal for act us of in agency the Western is relayed Districts by Whāea at the Marara time and Te Taiof course Hook, we‘ are all aware of how it has turned out thanks to the commitment and hard work of many people’ (Marara Te Tai Hook, Written Composition, 3 November 2009). From her writings of the time, she describes the organisation to get the work underway:

Thei Ngāpuhi Executive Committee consist(ed) of delegates appointed to

Actt by 1962 three and Māo itsri Amendments…TheWelfare Committees three constituted Welfare under Committees the Māori it Welfare

represent(ed): Ngati Rahiri, Henderson and Waipareira45…It will be seen,

therefore, that these Committees cover a large area and a very considerable

population…Several years ago, these Committees set themselves a special

objective, beyond their normal welfare functions, to bring into being, a

Cultural Welfare Centre (or approved title) to be open to and for the

benefit of ALL RESIDENTS of the above areas irrespective of race, colour

or creed… setting to with great determination, their members have

conducted raffles, socials, balls, etc, and already have over $2,000 in hand

towards the project (Marara Te Tai Hook, Written Composition, 19 April

2010).

Some dream aspect, more than realised formed part of the plan…

There is every opportunity now for the whole district, including all the

areas listed above to gain a show-place of great value and attraction that,

as it is developed over the years to come, could well attract very large

numbers of people, of all races, on special occasions not only from within

this large part of the Waitemata County but from the whole of metropolitan 291

Auckland and even much further afield (Marara Te Tai Hook, Written

Composition, 19 April 2010).

Examples have been referred to earlier in the thesis from Graham and Linda

. These are

Smith of placing childrenau undertake in Kōhanga to affirm Reo aand Kura Kaupapa Māori the acts that whān place in the whānau and Te Ao

Māori/the Māori world, (not necessarily these specific examples).e ducationAt Hoani for theWaititi people Marae and there any ensemble are a number of these of cultures achieves that this. provide Members Māori with less choice arrive at the Marae for restorative justice, youth court, alternative education or patua te ngangara methamphetamine prevention programme and as part of their education/ are enrolled in other cultures for knowledge and healing such as Te Whare Tu Taua, kapa haka, and te reo. And cultures of the Marae offer avenues for continued growth.

Kaupapa

Māori as methodology: conscientisation arose from information that described physical acts where action was evident or referred to by poukōrero, documentation.observed in poukōrero Examples behaviour are refe rencesamongst to the living whānau, the kaupapa, or apparent hosting in Maraevisitors, and historicalsitting event whakamātautau/exams stems from the contributions for Te Whare of Mavis Tu Taua. and One George such Tuoro piece and

whānau. As an act of conscientisation and ‘saving knowledge’ as Pāpā Pita stated, Mavis established the kapa haka group, Te Rautahi. Her son John

292

describes how the naming of Te Rautahi came about.

Te Rautahi came from Paraire Huata…mum asked Paraire as far as I know,

about some names for club. Now the names she wanted were nice and short

but with a good meaning. In those days kōrero Māori wasn’t to the fore-s… as it

Paraireis today cameand she through was sick with of six getting names names and he mispronounced just put them dobywn pākehā in front of

her and she picked Te Rautahi because of the meaning. If you think about a

kumara and the vines - the roots feed the whole body, as members come in

they are the ones that feed the whole body of the club. It is not just one

person who moves the club along, it is the whole body and…you do need

somebody in a position that makes sure that the ship stays steady and true,

and to the kaupapa. Her kaupapa, the kaupapa to mum, was about

and whanaungatanga of bringing people together; moulding them, whānaushaping

-s basically.

them into better Māori …She picked Te Rautahi because of that meaning; she liked what Te Rautahi

meant…we found out later from Timi Te Po, “Te Rautahi back in Te Arawa

have a feather called Te Rautahi and it was worn by a chief but there was

connectionalso some connection was but I suppose to Kahungunu when mum with it”.picked I’m notthat quite name, sure because what mumthe

didn’t know the connection either of the feather and to Kahungunu, so for

Paraire it was…most probably a ‘must have meant to be’ thing because as

far as I know, he didn’t know the meaning of Te Rautahi either to my mother,

maybe he did quietly, but she never told us.

The pattern for Te Rautahi comes from the pattern from Ngati Hinekura. 293

One of the koroua-s they used to call Tuterangiwhakaia Morehu, they

used to call him Koro Tu, when he was alive they called him the book and

Bible of Te Arawa (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

Knowledge is discussed as a conscientisation, an agency that is transformative and its base is identified in the home, amongst commented on this aspect commonly saw the homewhānau. environment Poukōrero as who the platform for the on- . Those who were raised

goingalso survival agreed, of Mātauranga Māori

away from their whānau If our parents are true as to why their children are here, it should have

home…Mybeen engrained upbringing at home. tells Māori me that. knowledge I was brought can only up happen by New if Zealandit starts at

pākehātaken froms, but me I (Beverleynever once Manahi, lost the WR, belief 10 that April I was 2008). Māori. It was never

Other examples draw from established kawa.

You are manuhiri until they have their whakatau and then you go all out…

theyhat’s a rMātaurangae no longer Māori…youmanuhiri. And are that supposed is how to you make do it.your How manuhiri many times feel

have you been here? Make your own cup of tea (Beverley Manahi, WR,

10 April 2008).

Being correct is an on-going trial and much reference is made to the errors members make in this quest. Humour commonly follows these confessions.

Keeping to a collective ‘we’ assists in not taking on losses (and wins) alone, and

294

as social control, affirmation from the

whānau helps concrete ideas about what is considered right or wrong in a given situation. Living the kaupapa can be taxing and situations are described for instance, apply

correctly particularlywhere whānau in reference members to the workings of powhiri/welcomebehave unproductively towards each other. manaaki/caringThese types of examples and hosting, were then offered by members as their own failings in striving to be the better people that the kaupapa requires. Ideas such as, being unable to support hui, balanced with striving to always attend and be seen to be a valuable member.

To practice being in a physical act is described. Shane White explains this physical nature in terms of what is tangible.

As requirement to model and to give examples…and a requirement to be

totally consistent in whatever you say, you have to do all the time…walking

the talk and outside of the classroom set learning times may even be

more important in confirming this, is true values. Things are value based

instead of just quite tangible one-and-one-is-two quite touchable things

…not 20 minute -s (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

Māori

Teaching or imparting knowledge then extends to raising students who

as one’s own children. As earlier in the thesis

Moanaare part Brown of the describedwider whānau aunties that were not her real aunties, so too are students taught and treated as children of the teacher (as referred to in general

295

Te Aho Matua of Kura ethos of kaupapa Māori, and as per the teachingsin of layerings amongst all

Kaupapa Māori). This was commonly expressed bers. Care of students stretches past the hours designated by The whānau mem Employment Contracts Act, and extends to care when and where required in the

are stronglife of the in applyingwhānau. thisBy observation, physical act theof teaching whānau and recognise care. B theec members who operate this way, to this extent, those that do are open to ause not all whānau observances around tikanga and how such care should function.whānau wide

The physical act of conscientisation is manifest in teaching and learning practice in the Marae wananga as expressed by Laughton Matthews in the methodology section; by doing the learning rather than reading about it, and this is an irreplaceable richness of Hoani Waititi Marae. Having the whare tipuna, whare kai, rich human resources facilitates meaningful learningKōhanga that Reo,is connected Kura and directly to the culture, and in doing so engages the full facets of the learner of the mind, spirit, and body. As she describes these knowledges become an intrinsic, intangible part of who one is and in kind, the

perspectivephysical act likeis able who to yoube transferred vote for to beoutside on your of thecouncil life of and the in Marae, parliament’ ‘your Māori

(Laughton Matthews, WR, 14 July 2008). Perspective becomes an action, an action of agency and is thus transformative.

The reo is upheld as the tool that enables a greater body of conscientisation acts

296

to be en-acted.

(T)he reo has to be at the top because without the reo you haven’t got a full

understanding of what is happening. The language is the catalyst…The reo is

the main pou of akoranga (the important facet of the learning)…a child from

at kauri, I would expect to be competent in the reo - I

don’tKōhanga say Reo,matatau, finishing even though they have grown up in the reo

Reo. They are still not as good as us who are second language speakers.from Kōhanga The

standard of reo…th

are still correcting basics.ey have If gone the kaupapa through continueda Māori education from reanga system…we pu (Year

right up to reanga kauri (Year 13) it may not be the present scenario (Novi

Marikena, WR, 29 September 2008).

Part of acting the knowledge is growing knowledge by extending subjects of the world: births of new nations, religions, wars, technology, and cyber space for example. Attitudes to values change. War and devastation, achievements of magical, unfathomed riches and surreal lifestyles such as Dubai are now seen daily via television. Saturated with foreign values.

Māoriare is felt views theWithin world, Māori each locales, other, such the coloniser impacts (refer figin 24the & way 25) the. Discussion whānau is raised in

g body andlearning not kept conversations sacred as ancientaround traditionalMāori knowledge knowledge evolving. as a growin

297

Fig 24: Te Whare Tu Taua led the march to parliament 2004

W)e constantly add to the pool and it grows, and it must grow in order to be relevant and workable and useable. So there has been a long process of different generations putting thei the real rationale behind some of the behavioursr koha into - maybe the kete not acceptkōrero… all outside influences being positive, that sometimes outside influences are negative

(Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

298

Fig 25: Protesting through the night (2004).

Point was made that enacting the kaupapa today is different from the

resurgencedetermination era. was In planning less possib a visionle. There for isthe next decade, whānau than agreed thirty thatyears

a different whānau ago with a different base and purpose. The whānau of the initial era were profesresponsible for a movement. A fair proportion was comprise high profiled of everyday Māori

sionals and leaders. Today– theand whānau a great numberare are impoverished.

Māori people of West Auckland 4.7.2 Intangible

As Methodology/Kaupapa Māori: I methodologynformation gathered such as interacti shows intangibleons, or indications aspects of. At kaupapatitudes, Māori values as and ‘things in the mind’ are raised and considered to be the true aspects of the kaupapa that make their way via tikanga into the tangible world. Codes of behaviour connectionsare and at littlethe basis conventional of fluid operation bonding ofto aneach urban other. whānau Examples with are few blood

sponsible forexpressed one’s misfortune such as working or unnecessary constructively criticism with. Being whānau this who ‘better may person’ be re is described by John Tuoro.

If you are true to the kaupapa and you a

-it is about unity and it is about the people.re true That’s to beingall the this knives ngāwari you ha personve got

299

to take and hack. It is not easy. It is what you have got to take on board and

hopefully sometimes you affect people in a way that may be not at that time,

but further down the line you see a different person (John Tuoro, WR, 24

May 2009).

engage in the kaupapa and

Growthincrease is their common capability to many to contribute of the whānau productively who to the wider group.

Maybe in my earlier days, it wasn’t about forgiveness, it was about I’m

going to get you (laughs). But I don’t do that anymore… don’t do that on

me, sort your stuff out (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

Because the culture is handed down generation by generation by word of mouth, the nature of the culture transmission is intangible with few documented records, books or scripts. Recorded history in tangible works is in the forms of whare

whakairo/carved houses, poupou/carvings, examples.kowhaiwhai/patterned panels and tuku tuku/reed patterned panels as

The culture is practised and

lived. According to Kōkā Te Aroha Paenga, It is ju -dom. It is just delivered, and…we live it…on a

daily basis.st inborn We livein Māori our culture and we live the way we do, and how we

live and how we teach. It is on-going…Like it is inborn in us to go that

way and that is how our tipuna did it also, so we carry that taonga on

(Te Aroha Paenga, WR, 5 April 2009).

Descriptors of the intangibles are layered throughout learning conversations:

300

attitudes, tikanga, values, kawa of the Marae, knowledge, respect, respect for elders, and tradition.

4.7.3

As Methodology/Kaupapa Māori: Negative

There are negative Information aspects or gathered views of tended Māori knowledgeto be characteristic as methodology, of results or or thekaupapa consequences Māori. of actions, the competitive nature of kapa haka for example,

the ‘catty’ nature of the competitors described by one poukōrero as ‘endemic’. Because kapa haka is a key element of the Marae, negative examples occur and these range from competition amongst members, ‘they just want to be bigger than the next person’, to competition across groups. According to Paora

Sharples, the late Sir Kingi Ihaka elicited from the people whether they wanted the national cultural Polynesian Festival; the earlier version of Matatini, to be organised as competition or entertainment. At the era of formation those groups involved chose competition. While the contest has contributed to growth and excellence in our expressive art forms, Paora reminds us that there will always be the negative side t this should not be happening’ (Paora Sharples,o competition, WR, 11 ‘underDecember tikanga 2008). Māori

Colonisation has done very well out of us if the winning aspect of competition is furthermost in our purpose for participation.

Schwimmer (1999) discusses the competitive aspect in Making a World, his study of Hoani Waititi Marae where he purports the protection of individuals from (failure of) competition by their immersion in groups who partake in

301

competition. This buffering is raised by mechanism. Pāpā Pita also as a shield defence

This bond and mutual support may protect individuals from failure and

self-depreciation and may offer the best chances of success in a perilous

world. His (Pita Sharples) concept is not anti-competitive, but sets up

competition among groups rather than individuals (Schwimmer, 1999,

p. 20).

Without competition a different kaupapa embraces the members, as was evident in a 2009 organisation by the Marae to participate in

lebrations. Practises were held over several months andKoroneihana/Coronation ce itemswere from open their to respective all whānau. repertoi The kapare and haka provided groups oftutors the .Marae T-Shirts contributed with motif

concept were worn. Members performed for Kingi designed for the whānau Hoani Waititi Marae. The concept of winners and

Tuheitialosers was at absentTūrangawaewae from the dynamic; as the focus being on whanaungatanga.

Withdrawing the competitive nature of the kaupapa left those performers who enjoyed the whānau for whānau dynamic. whānau

In ter around perceivedms of lack the ofKura, care disappointment of its members wasboth expressed tauira and by kaiako some and whānau this was a breech in their view of an obvious tenet of Te Aho Matua. Observations are drawn from instigated hui: by wh

Office, teachers, and supporters ofānau, teachers. Board The of Trustees,largest of Educationthese was attendedReview by approximately hui were convened in the wharea hundred tipuna whānau, - Ng Tumanako. the smallest Situations sixteen. wMostere described by

ā 302

where they believed the mana of individual staff members had become morewhānau important than the kaupapa of Te Aho Matua. Other examples were of members’ children who had attended the womb to grave education concept but felt that upon graduating the wharekura at year 13, their children were lacking in essential credits, (the NCEA measurement requirement for level attainment).

The kura staff turnover had been raised regularly, at nine resignations in one year (of a teaching staff of 14), followed by seven the next, and six who resigned en masse also engaging The Education Review Office, (who had documented concerns with management and governance) the kura, the community including another urban Marae, and national television as they did so. The Kura suffered as a result, a reduced roll a possible indicator.

-going concern in the life of the

Kura,Input and hasattendance been the of focus whānau of a hasnumber been of an initiatives on and attempts to entice w

hānau to become more active and participatory. As Kura Kaupapa Māori are whānau controlledfully engaged and run, by it itsis a members. mismatch Not that always this, the observing first Kura tikanga Kaupapa and affordingMāori not status be to som concern. e staff and whānau and not others is a commonly raised

4.8 As Curriculum

Mātauranga Māori as curriculum branched into four, and domains: emotional learning values. styles,

the Treaty of Waitangi, tika/correct and customary 4.8.1 As Curriculum: Learning Styles

303

Information is gathered where references are made to learning styles, characteristics of learning, and learning arrangements, visual reception, modelling, and stability (in reference to ).

Māori pedagogies Te Roopu Manutaki wa knowledge dissemination,s raised but also by poukōrero as the training not only ground as the for medium skills development for of kapa haka, te reo, whanaungatanga, ritual, karakia and other knowledges of

haka groups and continues to be disseminatedMāori that were today. then imparted to other kapa

All the training and stuff I learned was with Manutaki…learning how to

train, learning how to put the programme with my mother…the people

stuff and organisational stuff. So when we went to do Henderson High

that was the team basically that we used to try out all the skills we

learned from Manutaki (laughs). They were the guinea pigs really. So what

worked, didn’t work; we tried it out on them…Then when mum started Te

Rautahi that came out of Henderson High so it was just…natural (John

Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

Members of these groups in turn tutor secondary schools and other Auckland

regionalof these, adultsome groups,having grownand there from are one whānau through who to another.have performed for a number

304

Fig 26: Te Roopu Manutaki perform at the opening of Hoani Waititi Marae 1980

Te Roopu Manutaki (1968)

Te Rautahi (1984) Ng Tumanako(2006)

Te Putahitanga (2004) Te Wharekura Kaupapa

Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae (1995)

Te Roopu Puawai:

Hoani Waititi Marae (2000) Te Kura Kaupapa Māori o

Fig 27: Te Roopu Manutaki flowchart depicting kapa haka groups based at Hoani Waititi Marae, and formed as offshoots of the original Matua group.

The idea was expressed that times have changed in kapa haka. ‘Go hard’ practises went for many hours into late morning without breaks, and were considered the measure of a strong, committed team. It has been replaced to

employment,some extent by sports the need and otherto cater activities. for whānau The whonine -haveto-five commitments life style of Auckland to

werecity when generally banks committed and shops to were work, open has only now five evolved days ato week; a twenty when-four whānau hour non -

305

stop computer- varying levels ofgenerated loyalty, and world. kapa Whānau haka groups are available that intend at different to survive times, in membership have to find ways to accommodate. Keeping the members motivated and interested, maintaining relationships and the input of youthful, new oldermembers members are who offered consider as suggestions the importance from of poukōrero. the purposeful Interestingly, place of youth. it is the

Comment has been layered in the thesis in reference to the pedagogy whereby learners in receiving knowledge carry an obligation to impart that knowledge to others and become teachers, creating a cyclic spiral that gathers as each new member brings their own previous knowledge base or set of understandings that have impact on the learning.

Fig 28: Te Roopu Manutaki perform at the opening of Hoani Waititi Marae 1980

Differences between language learning in the total immersion setting of Kura

Kaupapa Māori versus the mainstream programmes including who bilingual have been and membersrūmaki reo/full in both immersion contexts. areA similar apparent difference for those is identifiedwhānau by learners moving from mainstream to total immersion.

306

I remember when I went to mainstream

they mucked it all around and I couldn’t understandhigh school andwhat I tookthey wereMāori,

saying…she taught us this way: you have to have the present at the

beginning of the sentence, the tense and then the verb and then the

blah, blah, blah I didn’t understand it like that…(I just knew) how to

speak and I was like aye, you are just confusing me now…She was

doing it the pākehā way (Laughton Matthews, WR, 14 July 2008)

events,On the Marae,visitors whānau including are p equipped and able, andto cater expectations. for a range ‘Going of unforeseen with the flow’ requires skill and capabilityowhiri/welcomes and can be frustrating when planning and preparation have been put in place. As venue, times and dates are at the mercy of unforeseen events and the possible cancellation or relocation of groups on the Marae as a consequence, relaxing around changes is a daily necessity.

(D)epending on who is there, what the kaupapa is, how long we have got,

I will create a curriculum in my head in one minute. You take everything into

account…You have to know why are we here, who is coming, what do we

need to talk about, how long have we got? You take all those into the

situation and then you create something, a custom made curriculum for

that particular hui - could be for a course, could be for whatever. And I have

Sharjust learnedples, WR, that 23 fromOctober kapa 2008). haka, and mau rākau, and things like that (Paora

One key to the longevity and commitment required on the Marae by its members is being able to look at things freshly; to be able to see learning in situations no matter how tired have

whānau307 become or how many times they

performed the same function.

All powhiri have a basic structure that is consistent, but within that basic

structure you will always find subtle differences. In that respect, no

powhiri is the same you know? People go to powhiri-s for years and years

and then you tell them you should look at one different thing every single

powhiri you go to. Just have a look, see what is different and then after a

few you have got a huge list of what was different (Paora Sharples, WR,

23 October 2008).

4.8.1.1 Preferred Pedagogies on the Urban Marae

Culturally inherent ways of learning and teaching (Simpson, 2004) are

identifiedMarae practice. in pedagogies pertaining to Māori and characteristic of Hoani Waititi

the basis for kura curriculum and for kura

Māori knowledge…provides

daily life within– its customs this indigenous and cultural world practices. view, Māori spiritual beliefs, te

reo Māori

cognisMāori pedagogy also derives from traditional Māori knowledge but takes

is embracedance of in today’s a holistic conditions. culture aimed For example, at reaching Māori the learning full personality and teaching of

the child. Māori pedagogy is couchedpolitical within, structures. and thereforeIn particular is totally the pedagogy in

accord with Māori social and

is centred around the whānau concept and the myriad of reciprocal

relationships which whānau members embrace. Equally important, all

pedagogy has its basis within Māori spiritual308 values.

andMāori customs pedagogy, as mediums therefore, for uses learning. all manner Similarly of contemporary it recognises andMāori promotes culture

environmentactual social, whānau(Sharples, and 1998a, political Chapter relationships 3, p. 13). within the learning

Manaaki/care is a strong element of compassion afforded to the learning, the

learner and the learning environment.d Assisted and grown by awhi/help rather than and taught, and raisedtautoko/support, rather than the guided. tauira Personal is nurture sta the learner. The notion of manaaki as pedagogyke, and stake is the of act the of whānau teaching is wherebyvested in

the environmental set created is a home. The classroom is a whare/house and the children are nurtured as one’s own, as one would care for one’s own. These ideas are essential aspects of Te Aho Matua. John Tuoro provides explanation of how leaders are equipped with these skills when managing groups, in his mother Mavis’s case, Te Rautahi:

Mum’s side was most probably about the human side, and the awhi side,

and the social worker side, and the ‘fragment little group side’, and the

parent side, and all that stuff. So mum was really good at that. When

Rautahi started we had people like that (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

Born from this care is methodological practice that embraces the learner and centres on a multi-faceted approach to support the learning. It is sequenced in seven steps by Paora Sharples: 309

1 persevere - do not give up on the learner

2 go beyond the call of duty

employ teina/tuakana learning arrangement 4 adapt teaching to student

5 holistic teaching with no boundaries or limitations

6 develop the full potential of the individual

7 extend the skills of the individual

(Paora Sharples, Advisory Notes, 7 October 2010).

Expression to Māori-ness

The environmental set is Māori, the attitudinal set is Māori and values are

(ExecutiveMāori. ‘Karakia, Management mihi…are Consultancy, ways of life 2002,and are p.17). an integral part of life experience.’

‘Akonga Māori include: Taha waiata,wairua, pakiwaitara,karakia, whakapapa, mahi- -ringa tapu/noa, and others’ kawa, kōrero(Sharples, pūrākau, 1992a, whanaungatanga, p.16).

ā Whānau Organisations – for as far back as history is have been remain the preferred committed structure to group of Māori learning where they perform morrecorded.e successfully Whānau (Tapine, 1999).

We are very different in our teaching –

you do better by talking about it amongstwhānau…get yourselves a and mate, moving get a forward,group,

not just isolating yourself on your own…Being in a group (Te Aroha Paenga,

WR, 5 April 2009).

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Graham Smith (1997, p. 331), reminds us:

knowledgeIn Māori thought, for the knowledge benefit of the belongs group; to individuals the group; individualshave a responsibility only hold

to share knowledge; the welfare of the group depends on the sum of the

collected knowledge of the group.

uakana46 pairings, peer groupings, paired groupings, mixed ability and abilitTeina/ty groupings, co-operative learning arrangements and collaborative learning arrangements discussed earlier in chapter 2 - all share the intent of supporting the learning; of sharing knowledge; of perceiving knowledge as belonging to the group. This cultural obligation is inherent in each member.

Tein mosta/t professeduakana learningmethod ofarrangements teaching. This are foundation upheld by ofthe learning Marae whānauis central as to the

ferred pedagogies.

kaupapa Māori and can be identified in most other pre Whanaungatanga/relationships & Knowing Who People Are

Knowing the families of those who have resided in West Auckland these past decades, and those transients who have passed through, is likened to acknowledging whakapapa. (Having had one’s family reside in the area for half a century assists in this). The members acknowledge each other, as knowing who people are is essential. Personal attention is required that is informed and that is meaningful, that is historical, and that can be scaffolded. As a kaiako, tutor, or leader knowing tauira-s families, background’s, personal ambitions, and talents not only assists teaching, it contributes to the wider axis of

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he unit. whanaungatanga that binds the whānau and provides strength to t

Reciprocity – similar to manaaki, reciprocity engages both the learner and teacher equally in the process of knowledge transferral. The Eurocentric

eitherparadigm reversal of superior, or by aversus lessening inferior of difference roles is replaced between in them. Māori In pedagogy Rangimarie by

Rose Pere’s (1994, p. 54), Ako she states, ‘a balance of mana wasdiscussion maintained of traditional and encouraged Māori learning, between teachers and pupils. They were expected to work alongside each other to achieve a task

or goal’. Kōkā Te Aroha Paenga comments: nt, there is no doubt about it. We are

You are Māori and we ARE differe

Youdifferent get to and know to compare the people the you way are of teaching. teaching, Soyou you teach have in a a close whānau way.

relationship to them. Whereas tauiwi, you know they are sort of ‘up-there’

or they are sort of over there. They are distant and you listen to me and

…they can ask questions, they

aI’ve got it all. But with Māori its reciprocal

justre notSIT toothere, shy that to say, i “Oh, I can’t understand that, can you?” They don’t

Paenga, WR, 5 Aprils 2009). how I see the difference in being Māori (Te Aroha

Rote Learning is a traditional and present day learning technique utilised

across all cultures on the Marae in kapa haka for words of items, Kōhanga Reo thewhen Marae, toddlers learning first recitekarakia, their automatically pepeha/tribal responding boast, for to whaikōrero/oratory commands of on

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weaponry, and studying for exams in the Kura, as examples. The most widely utilised technique of rote learning is reciting. It is the most traditional and widely acknowledged. Other techniques such as physical drills, repetitive melodic and unmelodic song, notch counting, tracing pattern and writing are also employed. Dr. Pita Sharples (1992a, p.15), education: discusses traditional Māori

whichAkonga were Māori intermeshed (Māori pedagogy) to provide comprised the necessary a high practicesset of techniques to commit all

knowledge to memory and to ensure the accuracy of its transmission to

succeeding generations.

John Tuoro refers to Te Rautahi, ‘teach an item, make sure they have got the words, teach the actions and then just drill it’ (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

Laughton Matthews comments on learning in the kura:

We had to rewrite them thousands of times over and over again until we

knew them word for word for each of the legends…we learnt the tikanga

of harakeke…what to do and all the karakia and the appropriate ways of

cutting the flax and where to cut the flax… (Laughton Matthews, WR, 14

July 2008).

Use of All Senses

Using all senses in giving attention to others, when engaging in learning and teaching and in involvement in general Marae activities, facilitates full use of

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perceptions and abilities. ‘Encourage the use of body, mind and all the senses in learning, listening, thinking and quiet concentration, visualisation and observation; touching; feeling; and handling; questioning and discussing; analysing and synthesising; testing hypotheses; creative exploration’ (Te Aho

seeing,Matua, unpub,feeling, p.touching, 15). ‘Traditional sensing, andMāori experiencing learning emphasises during learning’ the importance (Sharples, of

1992c, p. 8).

Role Models - Learning by role models is commented on commonly across

- the need to model for youth and being able to relate comfortably with them.whānau Role models are required to be living examples.

Exposure

At the end of the day you can talk and all that but are you the example?

Are you living it because kids will follow their parents and their role

models no matter what. So if you are doing something that is not what

you are saying, it doesn’t make sense. Leadership is based on the

on being the example. In the

oldexample. days if Māori you didn’t leadership do what was you always said, basedthey would either kill you or just

move on and find another leader (Paora Sharples, WR, 23 October 2008).

Refocus

You have to practise what you preach otherwise it’s not real (Paora

Sharples, WR, 11 December 2008).

Stability of kaiako, programming, expectations, and environment accompanied by long term association is an aid in the urban milieu just as on traditional

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Marae where we could recognise,

(T)his kui for these strengths, and that kaumatua would growl us for that

…

knewWell exactly that is kaupapahow to interact Māori towith me. each They of didn’t those change;tupuna, youkoroua just orknew…You kuia

(Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008).

Being able to navigate and be independent and self-sustaining is supported by a level of stability in this nurturing environment. It is here that committed

contributeaffiliations toby the whānau growth and of kaiako the learner(s). and those controlling the environment

Mentors – roles and responsibilities.pou are connected The acrossplace of the pou whānau for learners to all members in knowledge in their transferral varying is inherent. They are akin to family members. Every child has them. Some will be friends of the family, kaumatua on the Marae, staff, and ministers. For adults, pou are those people (often elders or more experienced) who aid a person in a new job or responsibility, and remain ‘in the background’ as support until the novice is prepared in ways necessary.

Obligations – obligations and living up to the standards set by elders

(particularly those direct kaumatua of whakapapa) is genuine, and when drawn upon, or referred to by others, reminds not only of who one is, but of whom they the whānau

Waititi Marae represent.and connectivity The long within; term creates relationships a communicated of the whānau network of Hoani.

e, who theirMarae families whānau are, recognise and how the they Kōhanga are connected and Kura to children, the Marae who. This they information ar is

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necessary intangible data, carried around for cultural longevity, health and safety, and for acknowledgement. As learning and teaching tool, obligations are also used as motivators. Novi Marikena talks about teaching Te R at the wharekura, eo Māori

I’m always telling (this boy) about his koroua when he is not going to do

something, when he is going to give up. I’ll say to him, “You know boy,

(Novi

Marikenaremember, WR, your 29 koroua September boy” and 2008). it picks him up, you know?’

(The boy’s koroua now passed away, was renowned for many beauties such as his reo).

Simplifying Knowledge – The knowledges taught at Hoani Waititi Marae are available to all people. There are not prerequisites of elitism that separate levels of ability, nor mastery based on grade point averages, or measures of ‘who is smarter’. One of the mechanisms of ensuring access for all is the simplification of knowledge into components as we would readily ensure in curriculum programming. Paora Sharples explains his process:

Exposure

(B)reak stuff down and make it simple…like if you have got something to

teach you break it down into its parts. Then you break it down even further

and then you present it from a basic level. Then you increase that a little

bit at a time and you can do that with anything: reo, with any kaupapa.

That way you get people on board straight away and it is not over their

head. Once you start at a basic point then you can gauge your audience and

then push it as fast or as slow as you like. So yeah I have learned a lot of

things through the Whare Tu Taua (Paora Sharples, WR, 23 October 2008).

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Refocus

Making it as beneficial as possible, getting through the main aspects of what

you are trying to do …I have taken the model from the Whare Tu Taua, the

teaching model and taken it out to any situation and can assess the situation

using the same tools (Paora Sharples, WR, 11 December 2008).

Open to learning – being open to learning is essential. It alleviates arrogance and contributes to humility in leadership.

Exposure

Māori may speak to another person Māori…communicating- more than one input…I is about am half

commonlyand half: listening, acknowledged more about for having wānanga some knowledge about ‘P’ after five

years of diving into the research side of it but never, ever thinking that

we have got it all, never, ever having that attitude that, there is nothing

(new)to be learned here (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

Refocus

The best way to not have the appearance of superiority is to just think

you are superior…not let ourselves get in the place of we already know

the answer before the question is asked (Shane White, WR, 16 March

2009).

Hands On – The curriculum content of the Marae programmes indicates that

in part hands-on learners. Timetables are tuned to physical

Māori are thehākinakina/activity, notion of nervous visual energy arts when and working performance with students arts. Shane in alternativeWhite discusses

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education:

(T)he kids tagged all the time and it was this nervous energy thing.

Kinaesthetic was the phrase that was constantly thrown at us-we are

kinaesthetic: hands on. So I thought, if they are going to tag all the time,

instead of making it a punitive thing…might as well do it as a planned

, we will do art at the

sameprocess. time While and requirewe are having them to any finish sort their of wānanga art and it worked. While

their hands were busy and by doing two things at once, suddenly this

isn’t so boring (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

Teacher as Member of the Whānau

Aswaru with other Māori structures and organisations, leaders who are tutors,, kaiako, pou instructors/level andeight leaders, graduates do notof Te hold Whare the Eurocentri Tu Taua/Weaponryc ‘conventional’ School distanced

members and hold positions of ‘status’ superior role. Teachers are whānau when onlydescribing as do parents, aunts, and pedagogy, uncles. As 47 Pāpā Pita Sharples documented

preferred Māori r is not so much an instructor within a

(T)he Kura Kaupapa Māori teache

class of learners, but more a facilitator within a whānau situation.

participantsStudents are with‘immersed’ their teachers within thein a curriculum ‘sharing’ of and knowledge become (1992equal bwhānau, p.7).

As discussed earlier, learning arrangements and power relations in the classroom context alter depending on who has the knowledge. Traditionally, this has been the teacher; however, there are situations when the ‘teacher’ is not the authentic source. For instance, on the matter of tribal knowledge, the

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teacher is representative of those iwi to which she could claim by genealogy, while there are all those of which her students represent.

Tika/Correctness

Accuracy and correctness, particularly when sharing knowledge and skills with the group, is essential. It is every member’s quest to be accurate at all levels of the process of acquiring knowledge and imparting knowledge to others. As such, accuracy is integral to pedagogy, methodological practises, learning and teaching through all levels of tauira and kaiako status. Accuracy in some contexts such as warfare for example, if incorrect resulted in imminent death for the tribe, or in examples of healing - death for the patient. Thus learning and teaching situations of our past are purported to have been severe in these respects.

There are many types of knowledge that derive from specific locales. It is imperative in the urban milieu to state where knowledge derives, according to whom; to ‘demystify customs and etiquette’ (Paora Sharples).

The Notion of ‘Straight Up & Hard’

There is a notion that Māori like to be disciplined severely. It resides in the ‘Once

Were Warriors’ epic48 somewhere in the notion that misinformed New Zealanders

(and migrant visitors) harbour that we have a dormant gang member inside each of us waiting to cut her way out.

Earlier in the thesis Beverley Manahi referred to past elders being hard on the younger members. ‘

I would say one of the hardest wānanga that I’ve ever 319

been to is this one.’ (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008). In locating Bev’s experience(s), in a particular cultural space of accuracy when acquiring or

group, accuracy becomes essential.

Ktransferringnowledge is knowledge for the group, for thealbeit whānau the mana of the group. Errors and mistakes are therefore and can prove disastrous. Processes of tapu accompany whatborn can by appear the whānau to be straight forward tasks. When these processes are not observed, the necessity to start again results. Repeating tasks when a mistake is made is a pedagogical practice. Repetition as discipline in this context requires the individual to be accountable to the group.

Hoani Waititi Marae are not ‘hard’ and do not aspire to being hardThe – whānau not in this of sense, rather - the result may be hard to live with.

Low Student/Teacher Ratios

Small groups provide close contact and better facilitate a family model, as does mixed ability grouping where natural levels of varying aptitude are apparent.

Te Aho Matua s respect,

‘experience hasof shown Kura Kaupapa that school Māori size makes is a significant comment factor. in thi A small school

participationallows greater tends whānau to dissipate participation as kura with get all larger.’ the children. (Te Aho This Matua, same 2008 , p.12).

Wharehuia Hemara (2000, p.19

) in his review of the literature of Māori pedagogies affirms exclusive, low teacher/learner traditional ratiospractices. within In his the findings, formal setting tohunga of ratios werewhare increased wānanga by in the additi

Further still, one-on-one tuitionon of was aids, extended kaitiaki/guardians, to those students kaiarahi/leaders. showing particular promise for assigned knowledges.

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Poutama/ Knowledge Stratification

Poutama refers to steps as levels of accomplishment and attainment and these are modelled in curriculum structures across the Marae.

Often referred to as ‘stairway to heaven’ and said to symbolise the steps on

which the demi-

education, advance,God striving,Tawhaki planning, climbed intoand thesuccess’ Māori (Robertson, heavens, it 1989,also means p. 20).

Seamless education is sought by advancing at a steady gradient, as Hemara

(2000, p. 44) has suggested by ‘hooking new learning to the familiar’, via scaffolding.

Many Possibilities of Being Correct

Accepting a number of responses as being ‘correct’ or ‘within the range’ that allows relationships to function and the energy between people to be generative and move with fluidity, is as important in the learning and teaching context as it is in functioning constructive relationships on the Marae. Therefore

gfacilitatingazing’ it is ainclusive, wide range extends of perspectives, the knowledge not only base, counteracts and is hum ‘pito/bellyble in essence. button In the learning-teaching context, a large scope of acceptable responses to questions functions to accept all tauira as members.

4.8.2 As Curriculum: Treaty

Information was gathered that defined The Treaty of Waitangi as the

entrycurriculum, to Kura. the Some base strong curriculum feelings of Māori were sharedconsidered early essential in the study learning around from

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the necessary nature of the treaty signed 6 February 1840. While remaining a vital political tool in our relationship with the Crown, it was not raised by many

comments on teaching poukōrerohistory in the as significantwharekura, curriculum. Beverley Manahi

(of) the number of children

comingI do a pākehā through curriculum to me who history have nobecause understanding of the treaty. Surely the

background of the Treaty for an essential part of our school is essential

learning at pu, kōhanga… (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008). The idea of partnership rather than the partnership document per se is discussed by Paora Sharples:

partnershipMy hope is that where tauiwi we embracecan be who Māori we arefully and and what are happywe are…they with a truehave got

a lot of growing to do. When you look at it the big percenta

here that still have never, ever been to a Marae. ge of Pākehā

We had one manuhiri that came from Glen Eden, all these 60 year olds.

There were 70 of them. They had never, ever been here before, never been

to a Marae. So you have still got hug not

accept, or do no e percentages of pākehā who do

to be here, you havet bother to get to themknow here their first treaty (Paora partner…if Sharples, you WR, want 23 pākehā

October 2008).

4.8.3

As Curriculum: Tika/Tikanga s curriculum is referred to in information centred on aiming toMāori be correct knowledge a This aspect is in terms being of tikanga;at the forefront the customary of understandings, practices of exchanges,Māori.

central to Māori 322

values, intangibles and tangibles. Its place , is to ensure that behaving correctly and observing customas raised is taught by poukōrero as insurance for our survival. It must continue to be curriculum in institutions of learning that

control and trust to be correct in application. The Ng puhi Executive whānauCommittee’s original drafts foresaw this necessity. ā

The Marae

Traditionally, too, and to meet practical needs, a sizeable open area is

required immediately in front of the meeting house. Dating back

thousands of years in origin, this is the marae or gathering place, the

courtyard, for the people to hear what issues in words of thought and

learning from the elders at the front of the house – symbolically the very

womb of the people from which issues all its manhood, womanhood and

wisdom – and here to participate in paying respects to and entertaining

those elders, special visitors and others of particular standing who are

for the moment the guest of honour sheltered within the front of the house.

This area, too, must be adequate to accommodate the large numbers of

people attracted as visitors and spectators at such gatherings…

The Entrance

Nearby, off to the northern or north-eastern side, in this case, there would

be a formal entrance (carved gateway) where visitors and guests would

enter the hedge-enclosed marae are

a to be met by the traditional Māori

welcomingchallenge to hosts all visitors, and house the Wero/taki,(Marara Te accepted Tai Hook, and Written conducted Composition, to the

19 April 2010).

‘ ’ erspective at the forefront

Doing things Māori ; with a Māoriin methodologyrelation to ‘getting and p things right’ and in debatingis discussed the by mismatch some poukōrero of knowledge and practice on the Marae and knowledge

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and practice in the home - that the Marae is not a model to only be utilised when on the Marae.

Ways of being correct and living a life of tikanga by the kaupapa is described:

Competent in te reo, tikanga, kawa…you would expect kapa haka skills…

because it i

s part of the programme that is being run from Kōhanga Reo

Maraehere… (Novimau rākau…things Marikena, WR, that 29 are September definitely 2008). associated with Hoani Waititi

…

By…useyour beliefs of Māori is a big vocabulary… one because how that you makes judge you things…like who you arethe… Māoriit gives Party you

a Māori perspective of everything (Laughton Matthews, WR, 14 July 2008).

Whānau discussed outlook, the aMarae whakapapa as a source source of andknowledge reo source. for tikanga knowledge

base, a Māori Changes were identified in the relative short timeframe of the life of the Marae as identified by Te Rautahi members present when in learning conversation with John Tuoro. These evolutions were in kapa ha

ka forms of the wiri/hand alsomovement defined, and and takahi/impressing it is defined in terms of the of foothonesty for instance. and confidentiality. Professionalism is

4.8.4 As Curriculum: Emotional Values

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Emotional Values in the information gathered related to two sides to everything, such as warfare versus peace, an emotional view of life’s balance. Emotionalwhere values wairua/spirituality can be identified in leads the curriculum of

Māori knowledge. The emotional values give you the strength. You know for every wrong

we do there is a right. For every raruraru there is always an opposite…

there are two sides to everything. You know some people may fall by the

way side, but something good should come out of that…You have a fight

nd that is what you

geton the living ātea, here…its you go emotional,inside and youits spiritual get the rongopai….A(Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April

2008).

thoughtsEarlier in –thehow thesis, one is Shane what White talked about howare Māori more tie readable emotions perhaps to than the po- one is thinking. Māori less defensivefaced, on the expressionless Marae having Brit’ less was cau difficultse to be guardedto interpret. amongst The whānau family are

(refer fig 28). They are relaxed where honesty reigns. And, there are situations and times when honesty is guarded- a double edged sword. Consistency is a recurring theme that emerges of its own accord rather than being raised by people or by observation, and sometimes, it is obvious by its absence. Lack of consistency triggers the emotional respo others. Also, extreme personalities and polarisingnses from situations whānau who that then arise alert on the

Marae are commonly connected with inconsistency, hence the policy versus tikanga debate surfaces, suggesting that the reification of some practices may alleviate tensions.

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Fig 29: Papa Pita Sharples and his late mother, Ruiha Niania

The Marae w a village type lifestyle where members are able to livehānau and growhave createdin themselves, raising their children without feeling they have to behave or perform in particular ways - in particular colonised ways.

What may be construed as extremes or sharp edges on ‘the outside’ are accepted- sometimes reluctantly, but accepted nonetheless. Some excessive personalities of flamboyance, of anger, of awkwardness for example reside here and all-in-all it is accepted, because this is the place where the colonial residue can be washed; if indeed the stain is ever going to come out.

Considerable losses have also been experienced on the Marae and in recent years tragedy somewhat unfathomed as the whānau still struggle to come to grips with the violence of contemporary colonising law that required us to replace indigenous practices and structures…we have been told that ponga fences are ‘no

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good’. They have been our security palisades since the beginning. They have protected our kōhanga, our Marae, our old people. But, in order to gain license, we cast off ourselves, dress again, and become something else.

Kei muri i te awe, kāpara he tāngata ke, māna te ao, he mā.

Behind the tattooed face a stranger stands, he who owns the earth and he

is white.

It is soft the ponga. It might not meet ‘the standard’, but it has been our means of protection and shelter beyond the arrival of tauiwi/non-Māori . However, the ponga surround was removed and great metal lattice with heavy gates installed

to protect the tamariki,

to secure the license,

to replace traditional practice,

to sign off contemporary legislation

to meet Waitakere City Council49 standard

AND NOW we sit here in the whare tipuna. These years later we still weep…

‘We the Seagulls’ boys aye dad?’

As Louis’s mother Helen calls us to reclaim our traditional processes to accompany the traditional practices that we have traded.

There are no words appropriate for the scope of loss of baby Louis Tangimoana Te

Aupouri Schmidt Peke.

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In remembrance of

Louis Tangimoana Te Aupouri Schmidt Peke

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37 It is upon death that mauri leaves the body and death results, the wairua (spirit) survives and returns to Te Po from where it came. 38 English translation provided by John. F. Matthews of Te Aupouri & Ngati Kahu. 39 As opposed to mana which is a power directly from the Gods (Marsden 2003). 40 The brothers Korokoro and Kairewa are the ancestors of the early Ngāpuhi hapū Ngāti Korokoro and Ngāti Kairewa, who live in the Pākanae and Whirinaki valleys of the southern Hokianga. Kairewa married Waimirirangi and they had 10 children. All tribes north of Auckland can trace their descent from one of these children. Waimirirangi is held in particular regard and is often referred to as ‘Te Kuini-o-Te-Tai-Tokerau’ /the queen of the northern tide. 41 The Kingitanga refers to the chiefly line of descendants of the Māori sovereignty. 42 Rahiri refers to a Northern ancestor common to all Ngapuhi lines. 43 Te Heuheu refers to the chiefly line of descendents of Tuwharetoa. 44 The work of Gagne (2004), Māori identities and visions: Politics of everyday life in Auckland, New Zealand, Rosenblatt (2003) Houses and hopes: Urban Marae and the indigenization of modernity in New Zealand, and Schwimmer (2004), Making a world: The Māori of Aotearoa/New Zealand are examples offered as supported works by the Marae manager - Paora Sharples and or quoted by Pāpā Pita. 45 (1) Ngati Rahiri – covering Waterview, Blockhouse Bay, Avondale, New Lynn,Green Bay, Kelston, Titirangi, Laingholm and across to the West Coast up to an east-west line running north of Oratia. (2) Henderson –covering Sunnyvale and Henderson Borough and valley across to the West Coast up to an east-west line running just south of Swanson and Ranui. (3) Waipareira – covering the whole of the Te Atatu peninsula and across to the West Coast, including Swanson, Ranui, Massey, Taupaki, etc etc up to as far as Helensville. 46 The conventional definition of teina and tuakana is not applied here, that being of siblings of the same sex (Hiroa, 1949, p340). In this context of usage in general education, teina/tuakana is used to describe relationships of elder sibling-like and younger sibling-like or more able and less able students in partnership pairings. 47 in a report prepared for the Ministry of Education on the educational and operational implications of the establishment of Kura Kaupapa Māori for secondary students by Kura Kaupapa Māori whānau and the Ministry. 48 Once Were Warriors is a 1994 film based on New Zealand author Alan Duff's bestselling 1990 first novel. The film tells the story of an urban Māori family, the Hekes, and their problems with poverty, alcoholism and domestic violence, mostly brought on by family patriarch Jake. It is directed by Lee Tamahori, and stars Rena Owen and Temuera Morrison. Themes of suicide, rape, gang life, and urban displacement are central. 49 Now Auckland City Council.

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Chapter 5

Our Urban Marae

Io nui Io roa God the great, God the expanse

Io te mataaho God the creator

Io taketake God the ancient

God the learned

Io wānanga God the parent

Io tikitikite mātua o te rangi God the uppermost heaven tenei matau tenei matau This knowledge i te koronga desired he hiringa nahau and empowered e Rehua e Ruatau e by Rehua, by Ruatau… tukua mai handed down nga apa whatukura layers of male progeny (DNA) o te toi o ngarangi from above ki te tohi i a matau dedicating us whakaeke ki waho who have entered from without whakaeke ki tua who have entered from beyond whakaeke ki roto who have entered from within i a matau e hui nei we who have gathered here i raro i to maru under your mantle he tama atua Child of ancestors he tama tipua Child of ancients he tama purea Child of ritual cleansed

e nga wai By the waters e nga wai o rongo By the waters of peace (after war)

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The main focus

he aro tipumātua An ancestral focus

he aro tawhito An ancient focus

ki a koe e Io e To you God

haumie hui e taiki e Bring it together, bind it tight.

(Sharples, 2002a, p.350)

Fig 30: The plaque is unveiled over the entrance to the Whare Tipuna /ancestral house– Ngā Tumanako, at the opening of Hoani Waititi Marae 1980. The late Sir Kingi Ihaka, Mere Taiapa (wife of Hoani Te Kauru Taiapa who had passed away) and Pāpā Pita Sharples are pictured.

It has been claimed by us, the indigenous and somewhat indignantly, that we cannot be separated from our oral traditions, that Kaupapa Māori research is a

‘local theoretical position that is the modality through which the emancipatory

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goal of critical theory, in a specific historical, political and social context, is practised’ (Smith, L, p. 229, as cited in Denzin, Lincoln, & Smith, 2008, p. 9). The coloniser attempts to repeatedly lessen us by subtracting the memory of the journey, and removing some of the ingredients; some of what constitutes ‘us’, but we will not be removed from the journey.

At this point therefore, c) the effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum have no relevancy without the necessary associated Marae development, history and organisation. It would be culturally offensive to suggest effects and outcomes without firstly embarking on the historical journey and acknowledging salient participants from the origin and growth years51. For this reason the conception, development and organisation of Hoani Waititi Marae opens this chapter from a historical layering via Marae documentation, records belonging to Dr Pita

Sharples, pou and insider memberkōrero autoethnography.contributions, cited T hereferences, third research participant question observations, what are the effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum, takes shape by way of the scope of the Marae initiatives, vision and mission, values, ethos and objectives,

and is given personal member voice by poukōrero ands, manaparticipant and challenge. observation

of whānau contributing to themes of sacrifice, choice The bricolage provided by being able to draw upon the many facets of the people and people resource is again a testimony to Waititi Marae, the foresight

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of its pioneers and the generosity of the present whānau. E kore ai e ngaro te kakano i ruia mai i Rangiātea

It shall never disappear, the seed which was sown from Rangi

ātea 5.1 Hoani Waititi Marae

In building Waititi Marae we got a blessing if we all succeeded, and if we

all failed then we went down together (Mavis Tuoro to the Waitangi

Tribunal,1998, p . 38).

The original vision of a Marae in West Auckland accompanied the urban

camemigration to fruition. of Māori Part and-and dates-parcel back of some the urban decades migrants before leaving Hoani Waititi the Marae

was thepapakainga/homestead loss of resources that behind, facilitated even tikanga if temporarily or and for reo work purposes. There was nowhere to mourn the dead for instance;/custom a crippling consequence/language of separation if only geographically.

We recognised that the Marae had to be a place to help educate and

motivate our people, a place we could bring manuhiri aboard and do

things

Māori, like having hui and tangihanga. Tangi are one of the most

beforeimportant the occasionsMarae was in built Māoridom. (Mavis TuoroWe used to thehouses Waitangi to have Tribunal, our tangi, 1998,

p . 38).

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This by-product of the 1950’s journ gather in pockets as a multi-iwi in aneying attempt incensed to invigorate Māori leaders Auckland of the City era and to

-capable. West Auckland followed, anchoring the tribal nomads whomake collected it Māori and cohabitated as a people. Self-determination was at hand. This

genealogy)conscientisation created of Māorinew realities, in an era reframed of definition hegemonic by association practice, (as and opposed reinvented to cultural discourse. Kinship had already been reconstituted a number of times

over history as in mediating with the arrival of the pākehā, in being designated a wrath‘Māori’ of nation Hongi in Hika the inearly the nineteenth domination century of some by of the the ‘other’, Northern in escaping tribes, and the vi a shifting of allegiance and strategising in the Musket Wars (Rosenblatt, 2003). In

in1964, 1965 the by Māori Col. Pita Woman's Awatere Welfare who put League a public began face small to the scale venture fundraising, aimed to joined facilitate 105,000 people of the then Waipareira district (Hoani Waititi Marae,

1980).

Leaders from across iwi emerged such as Pine and John Te Kauru Taiapa, Eruera

Stirling and Maata Hirini (Sharples, 2002b). The West Auckland Marae project was taken up by The Ngāpuhi Marae Executive Committee represented by local branches: Avondale, Waipareira, Te Atatu and Henderson. A Queen Carnival and house-to-house collection were among their fundraising activities. The

Progressive Māori Welfare Committee was formed in 1966. This body continued

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fundraising and worked alongside the Ngāpuhi Executive. 1968 saw the establishment of The Western District Marae Campaign Committee spear headed by A.L. Williams. By 1969 this group were empowered as an operating body.

The Western District Marae Campaign Committee became an incorporated society - ‘John Waititi Memorial Marae’ in 1970, when fund raising grew

Mararamarkedly Te in Tai intensity Hook revisits (Hoani the Waititi early Marae, period: 1980; Rosenblatt, 2003). Whāea

In the ‘60’s, the Māori Welfare Act came into being. Some of the staff of

Auckland,Māori Affairs was Department Barbara Devonshire, at Head Office Colonel in Jean Pita BattenAwatere, Place, Monty Fort Street,

Wikiriwhi, Arthur Hayward, and they encouraged us in the Western

familiesDistricts who to form were Welfare finding Committees it difficult to locally cope. to help and support Māori

We in Avondale formed one, namely Ngati Rahiri Welfare Committee

and consisted of Titewhai Harawira, her husband John, my mother Sue

Te Tai, my brother Mita Te Tai, neighbours Bubbles Rikihana Grace and

LesBetty Neilson, Campbell, Sylvia Jim and Rudolph Bill Te (Māori Brake Warden)and Mary from and SamKelston, Geldard Lilian all and from

Kelston, Moyra and John Rapana from Titirangi, and myself. Bubbles was

chairperson, I was secretary and Mita Te Tai was treasurer. Later on,

Titewhai became chairperson. At the same time residents in the Henderson

Te Atatu area formed themselves into a committee which became known

as Waipareira Welfare Committee, later still, residents formed themselves

into another welfare committee which was known as Henderson Welfare

Committee. People in these committees were Mavis and George Tuoro,

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Tuini Hakaraia, Bill and Gwen Ellis, Jack and Sarah Wihongi, Joe and

Veronica Hauraki, and others...From representatives of these Welfare

Committees, we formed the Ngapuhi Executive Committee, under the

chairmanship of Mavis Tuoro.

Around this time, there was talk about having a marae out west, and after

the death of John Waititi, it was decided that yes, we would help to work

towards this project and as time went on, it was decided to change the

name to Hoani Waititi Marae, this was all in consultation with June Mariu

who was a niece of Hoani , and other notables in Auckland city (Marara

Te Tai Hook, Written Composition, 19 April 2010).

(Hoani)

TheRetimana Marae Waititi was named 1926 -after1965 the prominent -MāoriA-Apanui, educationalist with the hope John that the

Marae would similarly followof his Te aptitude Whānau and achievement in creating

unlimitedMarae Inc, opportunities 1998b, Waitangi for MāoriTribunal, in education 1998). and other fields (Hoani Waititi

-A-Apanui in the late

The Marae committee chose to visit Te Whānau

educationalistsixties to obtain Hoani permission Retimana to name Waititi the in complex the desire after that the like Māori Hoani in his

lifetime, the M

2002b, p.31). arae would fulfil Māori educational aspirations (Sharples,

-A-Apanui allowed the use of their son’s name after some

Teconsideration, Whānau as other organisations had previously employed his name and had not flourished. This was the nature of discussions (Brown, personal

336

Maraecommunication, Hui, 29 July 6 July2009). 2009; Sharples, Te Whare Wānanga o Hoani Waititi

(W)e got this bus load with Pat Hohepa, Rangi Walker, Letty and June Mariu,

Claire Rogers…the Pritchard’s, the Collins. We went down and asked for the

name. Pine Taiapa and them had a big hui. They were reluctant to give it because

a couple of other committees had fallen over.It was very emotional and then I

started to understand (Denis Hansen, WR, 12 November 2009).

Hoani Waititi died at the age of thirty-nine of bone cancer within weeks of being diagnosed. He led a vital life that has impacted greatly on the education and motivation of -dom.

Māori Hoani was born in

KirimataoWhangaparāoa Heremia to Kerei

and Kuaha Waititi, both of

-a-

Kauaetangohia.Te Whānau He was

raisedlanguage. with He Māori attended as his first

Whangaparāoa, St Stephens

Fig 31: Image taken in part of poster displayed in Hoani Māori Boys School and Te Waititi Marae office.

337

VictoriaAute having University won the before Buller joining Scholarship the RNZAF. at St Stephens. In 1945 Hoani He studied transferred Māori toat the

28th

FollowingMāori dischargeBattalion andhe trained served as in aItaly teacher and atthen Auckland Japan in Teachers the Jayforce. Training

SchoolCollege then completed a BA in 1955. He taught at Te Kaha Māori District High

then Nuhaka Māori School. He also taught at St Stephens, Queen-language Victoria and Auckland Girls Grammar School. His career continued as a Māori

Aucklandofficer for UniversityMāori education, an lecturer at Ardmore Teachers College, lecturer at

d teacher of Māori at Mount Eden Prison. Some of his famous works are Te Rangatahi (1962-1964) language series written for secondary schools. These remain today as valuable, often main cited texts for

on, Hoani Waititi belonged toMāori some language eighty organisations. learning programmes. He led campaigns Aside educati to raise funds for numerous

Māori associated endeavours, and he was a recognised sports figure and spokesvents inperson the Auckland for the Māori region. Education Foundation and compeer for many Māori e

Possessing no vanity and no ambition, Waititi gave himself with generosity

and tremendous energy and enthusiasm to his current cause. His manner

was the same whether he was visiting a prison or Government House. At a

time when his contemporaries in education tended to rely on corporal

punishment and formal discipline, he was a big brother to his students,

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inspiring them with enthusiasm and infectious fun (Ballara & Mariu, 2007,

p.1).

Fig 32: Hoani Waititi, inside the whare, Ngā Tumanako

In 1972 a section of land was leased alongside Parrs Park in Glen Eden from the

Waitemata City Council. The Marae committee sponsored machinery and found voluntary labour to clear the site of scrub and trees while continuing with fund raising.

The enthusiasm for developing Waititi Marae was great. We needed an

enormous amount of money to get it off the ground. We had to look at

land. We had a very supportive Mayor Jack Colvin, who really got in behind

our efforts with this…The place we wanted originally was on Edmonton

Road, however the zoning requirements would not permit us to buy the

area at the time. There was also an attitude that probably the people didn’t

want a whole lot of Māori running around the middle part of Henderson in 339

the fashion that seemed to be envisaged by pākehā. I went with Letty Brown to have a look at the original eight acres at the

present [site] of Waititi Marae. It was nothing but a lot of muddy land with

[a] lot of rubbish and trees growing all over it. These were cleared by many

of the periodic detention workers led by Denis Hansen. I remember being

extremely disappointed with the property when I first saw it. Pine Taiapa

blessed the area originally and he was to work with his brother Hone on the

carvings of the Marae, many years later (Mavis Tuoro to the Waitangi

Tribunal, 1998, p . 38).

In 1974 under the committee comprising of Pita Sharples in the chair, Letty

Brown as secretary and Mavis Tuoro as treasurer, the first stage of the Marae

Jasmadcomplex; Architects. the wharekai/dining At a cost of $106,000,room was theprepared building in architecturalwas completed plans in late by

1974 leaving a deficit of $40,000. The dining room, Te Aroha opened in accordance with the practice of firstly constructing the main facilities to enable the workers to be catered for over the extended period of further building.

Suppor community,ted by the The debt Ministry was paid of Māori and stage Affairs 2 of and the the development fundraising plans efforts undertaken of the in 1975.

Many supportive business people at the time helped with the process of

getting the Marae

expertise at findingup money and running. which we We needed brought to Pākehā fund the in Marae. initially I believefor the

340

that at the time we really underestimated our own abilities to do these

tasks ourselves. We did heaps of fundraising like car raffles and walkathons

…In organising funding for the Marae we got Mr Spenser from Caxton Paper

Mills to donate a car which we then proceeded to raffle. The great thing about

this project is that you really got to know everyone in the community (Mavis

Tuoro to the Waitangi Tribunal, 1998, p . 38).

It was a year of much community spirit: the trees intended for the whare tipuna were felled in the Minginui Foresttōtara and brought to Auckland with associated services for the undertaking baring little cost to the Marae. The logs were received at Hoani Waititi Marae by kaumatua Gerry Graham and Eruera

Stirling, Te Roopu Manutaki won kapa haka at national level in Whangarei, and the rallying of local schools, organisations and businesses by the committee and supporters was at its peak (Hoani Waititi Marae, 1980).

The Marae was able to accommodate greater ventures via use of the

housewharekai/dining was completed room. in At 1977. a cost A largeof $40,000, number the of structure groups associated of the wharenui/large with education, educational agencies and schools frequented the Marae. Following the wharekai completion, race relations activities and events were hosted.

As reported by the Race Conciliator, Harry Dansey to the House of

Representatives, ‘The Marae and its people have thus made a real and positive contribution to racial understanding; a contribution whose influence will extend far beyond that place or the time that it was made’ (Dansey, 1978, p. 1). The conciliator paid ‘warm and sincere tribute to the people of the Marae without

341

whose ready and massive support many race relations activities would never have taken place’ (p.1).

venueThe then supporting John Waititi gatherings Marae rose that tohad the little challenge chance in of being success an elsewhereavailable Māori and by offering facilities and sustenance from associated hosts through formal ceremony to casual familiarity. These attributes were rare in venues in

Auckland and the establishment of urban Marae-s gathered much needed support from the likes of the race relations office that recognised their importance early on. The Marae Development Scheme 1980-1990 described a special two week Marae Studies Programme for schools hosted in 1978.

Although projected to include some 36 schools, a total of 58 school

parties participated, involved some 4,500 children. Three or four schools,

numbering some two to three hundred children, came to each half day

session. Thus four to six hundred children a day attended the Marae …

Marae officers then provided a programme selected from the following

range: a) local Māori history b) contemporary and traditional Māori arts

and crafts c) Māori pronunciation and elementary vocabulary W d)aititi lessons Marae, in

19Māori80, p. greetings 16). e) Māori dancing f) Marae etiquette (Hoani

beforeSchools undergoing prepared for the the practical visit and experience. studied Marae Positive kawa/protocol feedback from and teachers, tikanga parents, Marae facilitators and children alike signalled the obvious lack of educational resources of this nature.

Seconded teacher, the late Arnold Wilson with school groups began adorning

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the wharekai with contemporary art murals of historical and mythological derivation (Hoani Waititi Memorial Marae, 1978. Refer fig 33).

Fig 33: One of four art murals inside the wharekai/dining room - Te Aroha

Preparations were underway for the construction and dressing of the meeting house. Materials were gathered from as far as Foxton. Temporary Employment

Programmes under the direction of the late

300 personnel by way of the Waitemata CityPāpā Council. Denis Hansen brought over

Much of the Marae site development during 1979 and 1980 leading up to and including the opening of the meeting house were due to these workers. The

International Year of the Child Commission recognised the Marae-s contribution to youth and granted the Marae $50,000 in 1979. The committee approached a number of government sources in requiring funds to complete stage 2 of the project and in the same year, a further grant of $40,000 was awarded the Marae

343

with the support of the Glen Eden Borough Council and the Mayor. The carvings

patterned panels were completedreed at the patterned Rotorua panels Carving were Institute. undertaken Kowhaiwhai/ by work scheme youth and tukutuku/volunteers following the direction of the Master carver John Te Kauru

Taiapa (Hoani Waititi Marae, 1980).

The Whare Tipuna - late Sir Paul Reeves andNgā Mere Tumanako Taiapa followed the wife in of 1980,John Te officially Kauru openedTaiapa who by the had died during the Marae undertakings, and whose work was continued by his brother, Pine and also assisted by Clive Fugill (Hoani Waititi Marae, 1980;

Sharples, 1986b). 18,000 people representing a plethora of iwi and ta -

‘The hui was theuiwi/non greatest

Māori attended the celebrations on Saturday April 19. -s in a marquee 1 of modern times with a workforce of 1000 serving 20 p.13. hāngi Refer fig 34).

1/2 football fields long’ (Hoani Waititi Marae, 1980,

Fig 34: Site where twenty hāngi catered for the 18,000 sized crowd of visitors.

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Fig 35: Hoani Waititi Marae landscaping plan 1978, Jasmad Architects

Fig 36: Hoani Waititi Marae development plans and paving 1978, Jasmad Architects

The wharekai was opened by Alfred Williams who had been an earlier chair of

345

enteredthe Marae the Committee wharehui. alongside Serving the Katarina cultural Waititi, needs puhi/virginof the people child, was whothe aim first that manifested in the establishment of Hoani Waititi Marae. Sharples (1980) has discussed reasons principally aroundfor our Māori need notfor groupflourishing orientation, in New not Zealand having society the where as being-with -

activitiesall to cope that in the were education often in system,conflict focussingw and being involved in Māori

ith pākehā mainstream culture, being resistant to mainstream culture, and programmes-aid in approachfor increasing and notMāori based on performance were pākehā in essence, band

Māori belief systems. And in 2002 (b, p.10), he documented the following purposes behind the dreams that fuelled the original members, and that remain as pertinent today, particularly when the Marae is being utilised by forty thousand people every year:

 could be carried out

Toin full erect dignity, a forum spiritually where the and Māori cultural cultural authenticity. needs of urban Māori



To provide a forum for educating the future generations of Māori in both traditional

Māori knowledge and in the education of the world generally.  To provide a forum where non-

Māori could learn about Māori and Māoritanga.

Mavis Tuoro (1998, p. 38-39), on the intention of the Marae to the Waitangi

346

Tribunal stated,

(It ) left no room for the tribal bit. You had to leave your tribalism at the

door…What we were trying to create with this Marae, was a sense of family

and a sense of belonging when people were no longer able to readily access

thoughttheir whānau about ties these in thekinds areas of issues they were at the originally time. We from.wanted We to seriously create

whānau ties in the city.

Training and employment programmes were facilitated at the Marae for the

growingurban migrants number fashioning of Māori youth a life forfailed their by familiesmainstream in the education city wher ande their those skills were unsuited.

Tahabecame Māori main programmes fare at the Marae reminiscent as Te Aroha of the Paengaeducational then trendDeputy also Principal in schools of

uckland schools,Arohanui developed School and and Mavis facilitated Tuoro awarenessItinerant Teacher raising, of content Māori forknowledge West A and

understandings of Māori for Auckland primary schools. Fundraising ventures continued from conception throughout the 1980s as in the

Walkathon when $10,000 was raised. More than 1000 children and adults predominantly from West Auckland took part in a 10km stretch from

Titirangi to Hoani Waititi Marae.

More than half the participants were non-

Māori and a large proportion were 347

ita, Letty Brown and the late Eddie schoolMcLeod’s children petitioning following around Pāpā local P schoolsKōkā and organisations to be a part of the

Marae establishment and its future.

Fig 37: Invitation to Hoani Waititi Marae opening Saturday 19 April 1980

The public were entertained and able to view the near completed wharekai.

Pāpā Pita commented to the media, ‘Above all, the whole project has been

extremely encouraging to race relations’ (“They Made It”, 1974). Some proposals did not come to fruition as in the Marae Family Home Project of the early 1980s, aimed to house and rehabilitate remand youth in placements from The Department of Social Welfare and attached to The Department of

Matua Whāngai programme.

Māori Affairs By the mid 1980s, 15,000 school children alone had attended the Marae for

348

bookingsMāori Studies in 1985 programmes is provided (Sharples, as an indication 1987). A of random the through sample-put of (numbers Marae that utilise the facility) and pulse of the Marae in this generative period:

Date Description Coordinator

March Women’s MediaGroup/s Conference 15,16, 17,19 Onehunga High School 22, 23, 24 Henderson High School 24 Advance Party Chinese Visitors 660 pupils/lunch/talk house DonTuini/Mavis 26, 27, 28 Justice Dept Prohibition hui Don 29 Chief Justice Lunch 10 Peter 29,30 Waipareira Matua April 1, 2, Kelston Girls Don meet with Ipu A 3 Whāngai Tuini/Bob 5, 6, 7 Papakura Rotary DonTuini/Mavis 10, 11 Intermediate Art Teachers Don-Ring 13, 14 Kaumatua Hui Marae Committee 15, 16 Bruce McLaren Int Mavis 17 Swanson Pry Sch Mavis 18 University of Auckland Don 20 Chairman People’s Rep of David Lange-50 China 23, 24 Remuera Pry Mavis 27, 28 Bob and Maureen 21st Birthday 30-May 1 Sunnyvale Pry

Fig 38: Hoani Waititi Marae bookings March - April 1985 (Hoani Waititi Marae Committee, 1985, p.1)

John Tamihere, to the Waitangi Tribunal (1998),

Māori of my generation born in the cities find comfort, solace, support

and coverage as a Māori under the umbrella of our Matua Marae Waititi

thatand Teknow Whānau no other o Waipareira marae that … this there pan are-tr ibalnow marae…our third generation Matua babies marae

which has been acknowledged nationally…is a symbol to pan-tribalism and

multiculturalism. It is a symbol to the progression of our people into the

inurban a new areas environment and a statement (p. 40). that we can continue to practice tikanga Māori

Russell Jaffe in his Community Service Analysis Paper (1986, p.6):

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TheCommunity, Marae offers and beyond…Ita wide range has of become services part to the of the West life Auckland-style of the Māori

community, and -style… In

acts as an integral part of the total Māori life

addition, the Marae acts as host to many visitors from other Māori

actscommunities, as a first reference and to other point Māori for agroups broad andrange institutions…The of individuals, families, Marae

who see the Marae as performing an essential role in the continued

strengthening of the Māori community.

5.1.1 Organisation

Hoani Waititi Marae programmes are

proactive, designed to meet the needs of

ontemporary toMāori meet culture; and excel to in the

challengesequip whānau of today’s society; and to develop

ayoung role in Māori shaping leaders New who Zealand’s will play destiny. The

programmesori underemployment in part serve and to redress lack of skillsMāori and failure opportunities; within the educationsocial dislocation system;

Mā lossand equally(Hoani Waititiimportant, Marae they Inc, respond 1998a, top. the5). Thecrisis Marae of Māori has languagebeen governed and identity by the

Marae Trustees; a body of five individuals incorporated under the Charitable

Trusts Act 1957, since 1996 (Te Kōhanga350 Reo o Hoani Waititi Marae, 2005, p.

120), and the Marae Committee. A member of the Marae Trust chairs the Marae

Committee.

Both governance groups oversee the management of the Marae which is led by a

Marae manager who in turn supervises an administration team. Each Marae

. All initiative, culture, or wānanga is generallyotocols represented and tikanga by in a leaderproviding whānau edfunction within the lore(s) of kawa/pr

ucation of schools for Marae experience, Te Whare Tu Taua/National School of Māori Weaponry, Te Kōhanga Reo, Kura Kaupapa Māori, Wharekura Kaupapaako,

Māori, kapa haka groups: Te Roopu Manutaki, Te Rautahi and Ngā Tuman prisonTe Whānau reform Āwhina/Restorative alternatives, tikanga Justice, and reo community education, service support programmes, for judiciary, welfare social services such as counselling, kaumatua housing, and court worker services, health in the form of traditional healing, healthy lifestyles, and tikanga programmes for those returning to urban life from incarceration, youth court, and methamphetamine education programmes. Property maintenance and development, economic development, community relations and new projects remain further arms of the administration team. As is customary, guidance is sort from a number of kaumatua who continually rise to provide the

taumata/orator’s bench in presence and support for the governance and

management bodies, and for the whānau whānui/wider family in general.

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It is the adherence to tikanga and kawa/protocol that sets Hoani Waititi Marae aside from other providers, including other Māori organisations that are bound by mainstream governance and/or management structures and ethoses. All cultures of the Marae hold fast to tikanga and kawa as methodology. For this is the nub of kaupapa Māori, on this particular urban Marae, amidst this whānau, catch phrased as ‘Waitititanga’.

5.1.2 Initiatives

Hoani Waititi Marae has established these initiatives as evolved from the needs of its members to be empoweredwānanga in knowledges that have

ultimatelyproper and success intrinsic in to the the world Māori at world, the large. and for preparation, ability and

Through epistemological understandings outlined in the previous chapter, such as mana, tapu, ihi, wehi, mauri, tikanga, whanaungatanga, manaakitanga, and tino rangatiratanga (refer glossary), curriculum for these initiatives are designed and ona implemented through Māori pedagogical practices within reo me of performancetikanga/language arts and and expertise. custom based programming and Māori frameworks

pEachurpose: wānanga/initiative Te Whare Tu Taua translates o Aotearoa into fora specific instance curriculum imparts the with curriculum a specific of weaponry, language, tikanga and associated learning and teaching that

352

52 while encompasses the domain of the Atua Tumatauenga/Goditi Marae attends to Tumatauenga the curriculum of learningTe Kura Kaupapaand teaching Māori of ostudents Hoani Wait in the education system Years 1 to 13 within the auspices of Te Runanga Nui o Ngā Kura Kaupapa Māori o Aotearoa53 and the

New Zealand Ministry of Education. Patua Te Ngangara informs the curriculum for those affected by methamphetamine abuse, and so forth. Each curriculum has a specific target, if not having evolved from the general resurgence of language and cultural revival which can also be found attached to the curriculum of these targeted needs inherently via methodological practices,

language transfer and/or topic related studies. Since conception, Hoani Waititi Marae has pioneered and successively led the country in some of these initiatives now commonly availa and non-

ble for Māori

Māori in this millennium:  Schools Marae Hosting Programme providing a learning experience for

primary school aged children.

 including a training programme.

First Kōhanga Reo in West Auckland  ce Programme originating from Te

AtatuTe Whānau North Āwhina/Restorative1970-80’s and opened Justi at Hoani Waititi Marae – 1996.

 –

iFoundationmmersion school Kura Kaupapa in New Zealand. Māori 1985: First Māori language

353

 Kaumatua flats – Living accommodation for elders on the Marae: 1990.

 –

Foundationimmersion secondary Wharekura school Kaupapa in New Māori Zealand: First 1993. Māori language



Foundation Māori cultural programme for Periodic Detention.  Training Programmes and subsidised employment programmes

affiliated with tikanga and reo in partnership with the Department of

Labour 1980’s.

 National welcomes to overseas dignitaries for New Zealand government.

 Marae Experience programmes that cater for non-

Boards of Trustees, sports groups and clubs. Māori visiting groups,

 Kapa haka performing arts groups: Te Roopu Manutaki, Te Rautahi and

Ngā Tumanako, all national level competitors based on the Marae.

354

Fig 39: Te Roopu Manutaki pattern of women’s bodice.

 Establishmen

- 1993. t of Te Whare Tu Taua/National School of Māori Weaponry

 Creation of Te Piki Ora

healing practices. , a Māori health initiative of Māori medicinal and

 Youth Rehabilitation -

punishment in consultationa Māori wit centredh a number approach of government to customary facilities.

5.1.2.1

Te Whānau o Waipareira/Waipareira Trust

An additional enterprise has been the establishment of Te Whānau o Waipareira

Westinitially Auck formedland atamongst a public representatives meeting held at of Hoani a number Waititi of MaraeMāori committeesin June of 1982. of

Here, the aim of creating a managing and steering body came to fruition with

lovedWhāea and June respected Mariu (‘Whāea in the June’ or ‘Mrs, along M,’) as with the thefirst late chairperson, Jack Wihongi, much the late Don Rameka, the late TuckMāori Nathan world and others. History was marked in

August of 1983, when Waipareira became a charitable trust and in May 1984, an incorporated society under the Charitable Trusts Act 1957 (Christianos, 2001,

Waitangi Tribunal, 1998).

wereWhen many Whānau fragmented o Waipareira groups. first There incorporated was Hoani as Waititi a Charitable Marae Trust there

355

spearheaded by Dr Pita Sharples as well as other voluntary groups like the

Te Atatu Māori Women’s Welfare League, Waipareira Māori Women’s

Auckland.Welfare League The High and Schoolsseveral likeMāori Rutherford Committees established scattered Marae over West which

ese groups basically worked in

promotedtheir own areas,Māori linkingCulture into and governmentLanguage. Th programmes of Training and

Employment…What the Trust…sought to do was to collate with key players

pandeople others in a inmore West co Auckland- who wished to make things happen for Māori

Tribunal, 1998, p. 43).ordinated fashion (Whāea June Mariu to the Waitangi

The Trust described itself to the Waitangi Tribunal as,

(A) democratically run, charitable organisation, providing many forms

of assistance to the people of West Auckland. It offers a caring service

with dignity to all who request support. By doing so, the Trust aims to

1998,foster p.a greater33). understanding of matters Māori (Waitangi Tribunal Report,

a period when the

Te Whānau o Waipareira Trust grew extensively from Tu Tāngata, althoughDepartment its originsof Māori can Affairs be traced 1978 back introduced some 30 the-40 philosophy, years before. By 1985

programmesamidst the devolution became abundant of Māori Affairs,and opportunities government arose funding that of contributed community to the success of Waipareira Trust as a body that not only facilitated community programmes, but that also networked other West Auckland contributors. 356

Duplication was alleviated; resources pooled, wider management incorporated and improved communication filtered across and within

Māori and community

Employmentendeavours. Similar Schemes community gained the based authority initiatives of self such organisation. as Māori AccessUnlike

thetraditional primar yMāori resources groups, of landurban or initiatives forest, so sortsuch contracts as the Trust and could tenders not to rely manage on

practices,social services and standing (Meredith, place 2000). remained The resurgence at the centre of Māori of these values, initiatives cultural that functioned to finance the Trust and ensure its viability.

(T)he object of the exercise was that we…the beneficiaries are the people

that live in Waipareira… we help different organisations onto their feet, even

to help them to run their own programs…we’ll come to do our mahi where

possible and we’ll work with the organisations that’ll bring programs (Denis

Hansen, WR, 12 November 2009).

In 1988 under the executive of the first CEO Marea Brown, the Police Station in

Henderson was purchased. At a point of near liquidation, John Tamihere was employed in 1989 as CEO to arrest possible closure. Set on leading Waipareira into the future under one purpose, members were required to undergo corporate level professional development such as a Pakatoa Island retreat in

Trust90. wereLiving able up toto thebe a whakatauaki/proverb part of building economic and credo,sustainability the members and functioning of the

357

services and education for its community aligned with the intended design

(Christianos, 2001).

Tamihere provided an example for the Waitangi Tribunal (1998, p.45) of how the Trust operated the umbrella organisation concept:

For two years the women that run [the co-operative] were mentored with

administrative, legal, and other support marketing and the like, from the

Trust. As of April this year they were a stand-alone company-eight women

…but it took two and a half years to get there. Their first contract they

worked 12 hours a day, six days a week and they had to pay them $2.40 for

it. They over ordered and they did everything wrong. Now they were doing

everything right…and they are very happy, and they’re the ones that said when

they’re happy to go alone. So, that is a decision not made by Waipareira but by

an affiliate group of women.

Waipareira set up its programmes to deal with its own identified problems.

An example of this was in the establishment of the Alternative School following a local elders complaint about the number of youths enrolled in schools but spending t being officiallyheir daysexpelled roaming from theschool streets but ofwere West being Auckland. made to ‘Māori feel unwelcome, kids weren’t so they walked away from schooling’ (Tamihere & Bain, 2004, p.109). The alternative school established functional relationships with the correspondence school and extended the curriculum to health and welfare care of its clientele;

358

feeding the children breakfast and attending to their wider issues around learning. However, funds discrepancies from the Department of Social Welfare culminated in the Trust seeking a hearing with the Waitangi Tribunal which was lodged in 1994. ‘In 1996, the department was spending $89,400 per fulltime employee, but expected us to do the same job for just $28,000’ (Tamihere &

prejudicedBain, 2004, byp.110). the policies Te Whānau and operations o Waipareira’s of the claim Community was that Funding ‘they were Agency

(CFA) of the Department of Social Welfare’ (Waitangi Tribunal Report, 1998, p. xvii) in administering criteria that jeopardised the Trust and ‘prejudiced the integrity of the community’ (Waitangi Tribunal Report, 1998, p. xviii). It was claimed that the CFA’s lack of consultation breached Article 2 of the Treaty that the ‘piecemeal approach to welfare funding’ fostered state dependency and

Article 3 entitlement for the Trust’s clientele was put at risk. Further to this, the

Trust identified the government’s part in the urbanisation of

Māori, ‘following followed’the Crown’s (Waitangi massive Tribunal alienation Report, of Māori 1998, land, p. 4).and The the Trust serious held consequences the government that responsible for accelerating the migration. The Crown was not prepared to provide the guarantees stated in the Treaty as they did not acknowledge the

Waipareira community as a traditional tribe; lacking resources such as lands, forests and fisheries. The crown’s position was that funding for welfare programmes was not the avenue for redressing historical grievances. The tribunal’s task therefore was to determine who rights are,

359 Māori is, what Māori

and how the Crown then goes about the business of protection. It took more than four years for the Tribunal to report back to the Trust. They did so in July

1998 (Tamihere & Bain, 2004).

One might argue that government funding for welfare be most appropriate in rectifying past colonial grievances since there is a relationship between the state of Māori welfare today as a result of historical injustices.

The Tribunal focussed on the definition of rangatiratanga as the key to the

-tribal group had rights‘what constitutesunder the Treaty Māori’ of debate Waitangi. and whether or not a non

Rangatiratanga is more than just ownership or management rights; it is

the duties of care and protection that leader

community owe to each other, and to their taonga.s and members It is the key of a principle Māori

identity,of customary and a social taonga and in politicalits own rightorganisation, (Waitangi part Tribunal of the essenceReport, 1998,of Māori

p. xviii).

Expectedly the Crown argued that the protection of rangatiratanga applied to

Article 2 of the Treaty for properties of iwi and hapū (only), therefore the rights cofitizens. the whānau of Waipareira were the same rights as all other New Zealand

Dr Pita Sharples on the partnership54:

360

We talk of the Treaty of Waitangi and the partnership it promised…It will

never be realised, in my view, in the way it was worded, because we are

understandingmiles away from truly the thegovernment feelings, thepartner, aims andwhich the is aspirations pākehā culture, of the

everyday Māori (p. 2)… We have to recognise that this is a day where

most Māori people live doutside a good of percentage their tribal of areas, that are so thatin big 80 cities percent like of

Māorithis…So, are unless urbanised we recognise an that in order to achieve tino rangatiratanga,

Ithat feel we that must the empowercause and Māorithe case from is lost wherever (Waitangi and inTribunal whatever Report, group, 1998, then p. 5).

The Tribunal sought to embrace the spirit of the Treaty as a document intending constructive partnership, rather than a narrow dissection or literal analysis into its definition by parts, and aimed to restore ‘a proper balance between them

(Trust and Crown), and promote(ing) positive attitudes, so they can resolve their differences…’(Waitangi Tribunal Report, 1998, p. xix). The Tribunal found that non-tribal groups could be entitled to consideration in terms of the Treaty,

that rangatiratanga/determination is not limited to tribes, that the Treaty was concernedlaid out (as with suggested) protecting as applied the interests to Article of Māori 2, and generally that the Treatyand not speaks specifically to all

Māori.

By 1998 the metamorphosis of Māori urbanisation underwent a further

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significant change-act highly influenced by the earlier Runanga a Iwi Act of 1989 and centred upon Te Ohu Kai Moana (TOKM) – the fishing consortium set up by

the Treaty of Waitangi Acts. The debate of what constituted Māori

Māoricame to under the fore front as either side wrangled for allocation of the profits. The

intention of TOKM was to have impactessening on reducingthe burden poverty on the of tax Māori payer). by financingDistribution Māori of profits enterprise was determined(and l by genealogical membership to iwi. In the community, the definition of iwi was also being debated. The conservative voice of some elders and leaders upheld pan-tribalism to be a -

pākehā, one ontologynationhood and structure that (may that have undermined also) diminished the authority the allocations of traditional due their Māori stakeholders.

The methodology used by TOKM to determine shareholders was for members to c had not requiredlaim descent this information from lists of for tribes membership whereas Māori (Meredith, urban 2000; organisations Schwimmer, 1999).

did not know, acknowledge or affiliate withSimply tribalism. put, a population Man of urban Māori

y did however find voice within Māori urban organisations adheredwhere their to a claim kaupapa to be and Māori to tikanga was not and questioned. were both The supported sides of bythe large debate numbers both

- this juxtaposition was a population of of Māori (and non Māori). Adding to

Māori not listed as members on either side of the debate. The numbers of this 362

third group were not canvassed. In 2003, more than tenillegible years forlater, shares the Māori55.

Fisheries Bill accepted the claim of urban Māori to be

–$20,000,000 NUMA. was allocated to urban Māori now represented by a national body

It was never about ‘us versus them’ – urban versus iwi- we just wanted

the standing, respect and resources that we were due. While we have a

increasinglong way to level go, urban of recognition Māori and – notheir matter representatives how grudging now (Tamihere receive an &

Bain, 2004, p.116).

The thoughts of Hana O’Regan of Kai Tahu, a stalwart of the tribal view is worth sharing,

I had previously been somewhat entrenched in the righteousness of my

own cause in the tribal versus pan-

would argue at length against the validityMāori debateof the latter to the in extent order that to support I

the former. Part of that growing up was the realisation that if I expected

others to respect Kai Tahu for our differences and the choices we have

made through time, then I needed to respect the choices made by others,

including pan- -27).

Māori groups and urban Māori (2001, p. 26 In returning to the endeavours of the Waipareira Trust, one constant remains, as Pauline Kingi of Te Puni Kokiri has remarked,

The Trust works with those who are disenfranchised, those who are

impoverished, those who are unhealthy, those who are unemployed, those 363

who are single mums and the kids. This is the clientele of the Trust. The

(Christianos,Trust embodies 2001. the p.dreams 133). and the hopes of mainly Māori living in the city

In April 2006, Tamihere returned to the Trust as acting Chief Executive Officer to undergo the task of restructuring the organisation facing financial difficulty

(“ Seven years later, it

I Just Couldn’t Put It Together,56 Says Tamihere”, 2010, FP). now embraces Whānau Ora and in 2012 the Trust under the executive leadership of Tamihere gave financial and restructuring assistance to Hoani

Waititi Marae.

Sharples (2002b) describes Hoani Waititi Marae as, ‘the birthplace of

Waipareira Trust’ (Sharples, 2002b, p.43)and as such, there is a huge spiritual and physical bond between the two. The success of Waipareira is due to its nature in recognising people through the celebration of the diversity represented in its own pan tribalism.

Expressed in the trust’s founding credo encapsulated by Whāea June Mariu around the dreams of her uncle, Hoani Waititi: Kokiritia i roto i te kotahitanga/advance and progress in unity, utilising diversity and difference as a strength in advancement, is furthermore depicted in the Trust’s tohu designed by Mei Collins (Denis Hansen, WR, 12 November 2009).

364

Fig 40: Hoani Waititi Marae complex 1990s, (then) main entrance, Maurits Kelderman

Fig 41: Hoani Waititi Marae complex 1990s facing the whare tipuna, Maurits Kelderman

5.1.3 Community Relations

365

Long term, protected community relations are paramount in guaranteeing sustainability for Hoani Waititi Marae, and these were established initially by

Marae.pioneering Letty members and others such secured as Kōkā relationships Letty Brown with prior the to courts, the building local body of the

childhoodcouncils, and government departments such as Māori Affairs, schools, early

centres, other Kōhanga Reo, the Kōhanga Reo National Trust and other national bodies. In fact, Kōkā Letty then living in Te Atatu North and at the initiatives,forefront of was the approachedTe Atatu community by the late and Mavis Māori Tuoro Women’s and the Welfare late Tuini League Hakaraia to assist in realising Hoani Waititi Marae because of her affiliations and the fact that Te Atatu was an energetic, organised and mobilised community.

g those things and

thenI had Ngjust become Māori Woman of the Year for doin

Centre…Mavisāti Hine and people Tuini were were coming there andto sleep they atgot the me Māori in a corner Community and they

started talking about the Marae. That’s how I got involved. They said, “We

want you to c It wasn’t Hoani

Waititi Maraeome then, and it was help a usMarae…they with Hoani knew Waititi I had Marae”. a group of people in

West, in Te Atatu…that you could grab just like that.

, the play

centre(I was) everything definitely involved was set up…we with the started League, having Māori meetings. Committee Then I got all

my people from here to help and that is how we got involved in the Marae

…with Jack Colvin. Jack was already a good friend of mine – the mayor at

366

that time. It was easy to go to him and ask if we could get some land. So

we got this land, where the Marae is now (Letty Brown, WR, 6 July 2009).

These relations have grown and further developed predominantly through the public sector. The relationships continue to extend across the community to Te

branchesWhānau o of Waipareira the Police, Trust, Auckland the WaitakereCentral Police, District various Court, government West Auckland agencies such as WINZ, probation, and what was the Waitakere City Council, (now

Auckland City Council) particularly with the Taumata Runanga, and the then

Mayor in person, Bob Harvey who referred to his personal relationship with

meeting,Pāpā Pita Hoani Sharples Wait anditi Marae,the Marae 2007). (Waitakere City Council Candidacy public

5.1.4 Vision57 and Mission

Hoani Waititi Marae- exposed to its s vision and mission statements identify the heart of Māori knowledge andcore. values Mātauranga illuminates Māori where mana the motuhake/fulleffects and outcomes autonomy of the for Māori curriculum can be found. Written in the terms of education, further breakdown into values, ethos and objectives provides the obvious purposes and intentions of the curriculum.

367

Full autonomy and Mātauranga Māori Mana Motuhake status for Māori knowledge and values

pursueKia kaha self tatau- te iwi Māori ki te whai i te tino rangatiratanga kia whakamana ai ngā Mātauranga Māori/to empower the Māori people to determinationu tatau iand roto to i validatetenei whenua, Māori a,epistemologies. i roto hoki i te ao

thisKia nohoworld. Māori ton whānui/to allow us the Māori people to live as Māori in this land and in

seed sown from our ancestral homeland. Kia kore ai e ngaro ngā kakano i ruia mai i Rangiātea/to not lose the Kia

ancestorspupuri, to kia sustain mau tonuus in ki this ngā time. waihotanga a koro ma, a kui ma, hei oranga mo tatau i roto i tenei wa/to hold onto the inheritance of our

pathways that w potential.Kia kimi huarahi kia Puawai ai to reo Māori me ōna tikanga/to find ill allow the Māori language and custom to reach its

Kia hapai kia hiki i te reo Māori kei roto i te motuall places hei reo in rangona all parts ai of i thisngā wahiland. katoa i ngā pito katoa o te whenua/to uplift and support the Māori language in this country, to be heard in

oppressedKia whakaarahia and marginalised ano era kaupapa by law kua and tamia colonisation. kua pehia e ngā ture kawanatanga, e ngā tikanga tauiwi/to awaken those purposes that were Kia mau kaha tatau ki te whakatu

umanga Māori kia whakamana i enei business,āhuatanga, to a, legitimise ka whakatokia these thingskei roto and i ng to taiwhenua, plant in these hei landswhariki a foundationmanaaki i ngā to careuri whakatipu/to for future generations be proactive (Sharples, in establishing 2002b, p,20). Māori

The koronga whakatataki/mission statement provides the whānau with the task, ‘Ki te whakamana i te reo Māori me368 ōna tikanga kia whakakakapa

customs so rangatira ai te iwi, he Māori tonu/to validate Māori language and as:that Māori may flourish as a people’ (Sharples, 2002b, p.21) further embellished

‘te pahauteanga o te iwi Māori kei roto i te ao/the flourishing of Māori

people as citizens of the world, ki te hapai i nga huarahi whānui kia taea

nga kaupapa teitei ahakoa he aha te kaupapa/to create opportunities to

aspienablerations’ all Māori. to achieve their cultural, social, spiritual and economic

5.1.5 Values, Ethos and Objectives

The principles and ideals upheld by the whānau whānui/wider family, and whāiti/close family are the governing factor that constitutes Hoani Waititi Marae from its past through to present day functioning(s) and future aspirations. If the notion of ‘Waitititanga’ finds definition, it would be here amongst these people ethics that keep the members tuned. The moral code pulls the affiliates to a constructive way of living that embraces the vision from which it bounds and safeguards Māori a place in the ions available to humankind.

Powhiri hospitality and acknowledgement shown to all people

holding close and caring for all people; treating people

Manaaki Tāngata with respect and welcoming respect reciprocated

369

Aroha

andas the unconditional foundation of nurtur all thingsing. ‘It Māori, pushes aroha one’s is owna constant

isboundaries the bonding and value is extended that provides by the theMarae deep whānau structure to all. basis It

of the Marae-s social organisation’ (Sharples, 2002b, p.22).

maintaining a peaceful state of being, showing compassion

Ngākau māhaki and assisting people in need with care

humility

Ngakau Whāiti ‘He Toka Tu Moana’ an anchorage that allows one to stand firm - at Hoani

Waititi Marae the idiom is further defined in terms of

authenticity, from which the Marae committee and Trust

undertake as practice

‘He Tapu to te Tane He Tapu ano to te Wahine’ each gender element has its

sacredness. Both are equally

raised for leadership

Ko te Mana ko te Kupu integrity presumes ‘walk the talk’. The Marae

Committee and Trust particularly are

expected to show personal integrity in

individual and

whānau contexts 370

Tino Rangatiratanga –

tocreating support opportunities the pursuit offor excellence Māori, by andMāori

autonomy for Māori’ (Sharples, 2002b, p.24). The philosophy and ethos of Hoani Waititi Mara

Pita Sharples (2002b, p.25) as the following58: e is explicitly identified by Pāpā

To uphold; Mana Atua Godly authority

Mana Tupuna Ancestral authority

People authority

Mana WhenuaTāngata Land authority

Family authority

Mana MotuhakeWhānau Special authority

To promote; Renewal of mana motuhake

Rejuvenate tino rangatiratanga

ReinforceRestoration the of sanctity mātauranga of wellbeing Māori

To practice; Rongomau Peace

Aroha Love

Pono Truth

Rangimarie Calm

Tika Correctness

To acknowledge; Atua as the source of all learning

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And these aspirations rest in the following objectives (Sharples, 2002b, p.26):

1. To provide ‘education for life programmes’ which encourage a strong

sense of identity, self-confidence and self esteem

2. To provide ‘birth to death’ learning for

Māori 3.

To be a ‘learning institution’ for things Māori 4.

To provide quality cultural and academic programmes for Māori 5.

To support, encourage and nurture the economic development of Māori 6.

To provide a forum for discussion on any matter relating to Māori 7. T

o provide a forum where non Māori are able to learn about Māori and

Māoritanga 8.

To be a place for any Māori cultural occasion, any expression of tikanga

Māori 9.

To be a kowhanga for all and any Māori 5.1.6 Birth to Death Education

The Marae serves as a natural ‘hub’ around which a richness of cultural,

spiritual and educational experiences revolve. So, what value can be placed

on storytelling by a kaumatua at ‘cup-of-tea’ time; of being able to welcome

ur ancestor in the meeting

house;your parents of playing onto touch the Marae rugby Ātea; at breaks of knowing with kura yo kids, PD workers,

orsupervisors, waka history; and ofsome belonging; Māori dignitary of sitting and with the elders like; unthreatenedof learning your and genealogy warm;

of being chosen for the front line of the powhiri; of hearing the kōhanga kids

call you Whāea or Pāpā; of being part of372 a place where you know the rules,

where you have security, where you gain the strength and support to deal to

the world (Sharples, 2000, p. 4).

educationTime has not for alleviatedthe generations the desire into ofthe urban future. Māori Hoani to Waititisecure Maraekaupapa has Māori become

Wthe instigator of the ‘tipuna kura’; the first leading Kura Kaupapa Māori and

harekura Kaupapa Māori in Aotearoa. The Kōhanga Reo was among the first in Auckland; the first in West Auckland, and as Kōkā Te Aroha Paenga has

Aucklandexpressed, as was they also became responsible estab for administering other kōhanga reo of West the nature of education grown fromlished. the Pāpā Marae, Pita Sharples (2002b, p.31) explains

It is held by the Marae Committee that education cannot be provided and

delivered in isolation, but particularly in the case of a minority group culture,

education must form part of the holistic development of the individual

and the group.

This drive for quality education was initially forecast by the many members of

lwhānau,egacy and mostly the inheritance passed on ofnow from the early urban migration era. It is their considering the continuation theand whānau adaptation today of educationto continue on the the gift urban in Marae.

Pita Sharples (2001a, 2002a, 2002b) has prepared this in formal documentation in developing a culmination and extension of the areas that contribute to that holism.

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Hoanicarried Waititi out with Marae full dignityis a place and where spirituality, Māori culture a learning and institution customs can for be

things Māori, a place for discussion of anything relating to the Māori

people, a place where the Māori can properly educate the pākehā about

Māoritanga and Māori values, a place where quality educative programmes

ofboth sel culturalf-confidence and academicand self-esteem offer to through both Māori an education and pākehā for a life strong programme sense

(Hoani Waititi Marae Inc, 1993, p.2).

Training programmes were offered to enhance personal development and skills as preparation for employment. The foundation of skill development included

-management, communication, social cooperative,tikanga Māori, decision literacy making, and numeracy, information self analysis, planning and problem solving - mathematical and technological. Trainees tended to draw from school leavers, those with low qualification and history of unemployment and those with barriers to employment such as learning disabilities. The clientele necessitated a culturally safe environment and was met by the Marae-s ability to provide an educational refuge where tutors were responsible for motivation.

Skills were directly related to practicality and self-discovery was focussed on in programme planning. Differing learning styles and diversities of learners was celebrated rather than seen as a teaching or logistic difficulty (Hoani Waititi

Marae Inc, 1993).

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In 1993, Hoani Waititi Marae became registered as a Private Training

Establishment under the New Zealand Qualifications Authority (NZQA) which altered the established face of training on the Marae and across the country. Up until this point, programmes had been administered by a range of stakeholders

– Waipareira Trust, Maccess and Access via the Labour Department.

Twenty-four week programmes under the management o

Karauti (Rogers) were funded by the Education and Trainingf Whāea Support Robyn Agency:

Industrial sewing, computer office procedures, Te Ataarangi, catering, Rere te

1994).Mahi, Kōhanga Reo Kaiawhina and Mana Tāngata (Hoani Waititi Marae Inc,

The following description charters the evolution of Marae initiatives; curricula designed as essential indigenous knowledges awakenings along with skill development to enhance employment capability as a cocktail of rongoā/medicine , where the mainstream education system had fallen short. Although list-like as presented here, what is evident by identifying the courses in this next section is how the curriculum was able to immediately attend to these needs.

In the first decade of the second millennium, the initiatives in training programmes included life skills, generic skills, Mana T

āngata-management 1 and 2, art and wherebydesign, Marae members catering, were and immersed Manaaki in Tāngata reo, tikanga, courses Marae of self etiquette and

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employment preparation including job applications and interviews, and also the training of teacher aides and cultural tutors.

training

education

health

community skills Hoani Waititi Marae Programmes culture & arts

MaraeMāori languageetiquette

custom

justicetikanga/ Fig 42: Hoani Waititi Marae programmes

Formal education extended from the Marae and schools programmes and

KōhangaNew Zealand, Reo andnumeracy Kura initiatives and literacy to programmesfor adults, tertiary of learning programmes, such as TOPS and Skills alternative education for youth. Health programmes incorporated traditional

healing,Māori medicine: spiritual preparation healing and andpreventative administration, programmes techniques such inas traditionalauahi

contemporarykore/smoke free, healing. alcohol and drug dependency, safety, Plunket, midwifery and

Community skills of leadership, identity, interpersonal relationships, career, life,

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Marae, health and fitness, resource management, human rights, conflict resolution, drivers licence, mental health and welfare were catered for in a variety of programmes and courses for adults and youth. Cultural programmes integrated those of the performance arts via the kapa haka groups, the weaponry groups language learning andwas whakataufacilitated tinana/physical through a number fitness of total and immersion health. Māori methods such as The First Method employed on the Marae by the late Dr Katerina Mataira

- Te Ataarangi, also Te Reo Hapai, Rakeitanga, Puaotanga, Te Toi Huarewa and

the educational models for children: Kōhanga Reo, Kura Kaupapa Māori and

Wharekura Kaupapa Māori (Sharples, 2001a, 2002b). Programmes and courses in Marae etiquette have grown alongside the recurrent need for reo classes. These have taken the form of learning

whaikōrero/oratory and karanga/ceremonial calling, other aspects of Marae observance such as tūtūngarahu/war dance, kaitātaki/leader roles, kawe kawa,tūpāpaku/undertaking classes for elders customs,in local Marae standard etiquette, forms andof kawa the /protocolpractical application and tribal of tikanga and kawa on the Marae by students of early childhood through to

(Sharples,tertiary students 2001a, via 2002b). the Kōhanga Reo, Kura, wharekura and adult courses

Contemporary Māori custom curricula are organically grown on the Marae 377

indicative of daily life and demand. Marae personnel are integral to this and for some years few formal job description(s) have managed to identify the many and varied roles, activities and demands that rationalise and substantiate the necessary obligations to customs. Formal programming has

-tribal and Marae taken the form of the history of waka/canoe, tribal, sub knowledges, tangihanga/death rites and kawe mate/carry the dead rituals,

Māori religion(s) including domains of tapu versus noa/sacred versus profane,

2002b).practices of prayer, and leadership training for gatherings of Māori (Sharples,

Justicena and – a socialrestorative justice justice programmes programme in this for era cases have referred incorporated from the Te Waitakere Whānau

Āwhi District Court or the West Auckland Police, Te Timata Hou - for youth rehabilitation, community counselling, community corrections rehabilitation, periodic detention activities administered on the Marae, prison post release rehabilitation, Police and regional police, and culturalMāori and community educational liaison, learning advisory in prisons for national(Sharples, and

2002b).

The need for an economic foundation has resulted in projects and endeavours

ng and tourism in providing formal Marae ceremonies,such as marketing Marae Māori experience, arts, clothi performances of the arts, healing workshops and knowledge, and the foreseen establishment of a commercial enterprise for the

378

onsite retail of Marae produced wares (Sharples, 2002b).

Pioneering initiatives such as a proposal for a

Marae that integrates local provider services withMāori traditional health service and contemporary located at the

healthMāori healingcare. Belief serves lies to in create the combination better access of foraccessibi urbanlity Māori to primary to make health full use care of service, locating the centre at the Marae and complimenting (and validating)

2002a).this with Māori traditional methods and recently developed practices (Sharples,

mortality rates: ‘a

As Māori are identified96 as could suffering poor health, and poor girl born in

1996Māori could boy born expect in 19to live to ageexpect 72’ (Statistics to live 67 New years Zealand, (and) a 2010) Māori, the vision

happy statement for the Māori Health Service sought ‘(t)hat Māori could live a

(Sharples,life as Māori 2002a, within p.28) New in Zealand providing , enjoying ‘well-being prosperity for life and programmes good health’ which encourage a strong sense of identity, self confidence and self esteem’ (p. 31), amongst further objectives centred around commitment to the Marae-s birth to death model, cultural appropriateness, full use of primary health care services,

developresearch a facilities, health branch integration for the of propos kaupapa Māori health providers, and to

ed Whare Wānanga. An integrated Māori pHealthroposed Trust at the designed same time to implement (Sharples, a 2002a). Māori Health Service was also formally

The many arms that cater for the education of children and adults for

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employment, justice, health, and social services sets the Marae apart and contributes to Hoani Waititi Marae being a remarkable, unique entity that strengthened by these characteristics remains steadfast over time, as new initiatives continue to validate and secure our existence. The proposed Whare

Wānanga59 is example of the Marae-s viability first mooted some twenty years ago.

feasibilityFollowing andconsultation two years with of research the Marae into and tertiary West Aucklandproviders; Māori their aroundstructures, delivery and abili

Pita Sharples formallyty to caterproposed for Māori establishing with Māori a tertiary pedagogies, learning in institutionMay 1996 Drin

West Auckland in consultation with Waipareira Trust (as first layered in chapter 4) rtunity to participate in a process of

. ‘Māori would have an oppo p.27).Māori Themedium Waitakere education City stretchingCouncil was from invited cradle to tojoin the the grave’ proposed (Sharples, institution. 2002b,

This was accepted and joined by Hoani Waititi Marae, Waipareira Trust, and

Unitec (polytechnic). The development proposal envisaged the establishment of

Kura Hangarau essentially a Māori provider of tertiary services that would , strengthen the world of Māori by validating Māori knowledge and pedagogy developmentextend Māori ofacademic the wider excellence community and (Sharples, ultimately 2001b). contribute At this to the point greater in time, only a small number of private training establishments existed in West

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Auckland. Waipareira Trust, Hoani Waititi Marae, Waitakere City Council and

Unitec participated in an amalgam of university- -polytechnic-kura hangarau. Sharples (2002b, p .29) projected, wānanga

(T)hat these components would operate co operatively across the whole

spectrum of traditional, cultural and modern academic and practical

learning. The institution would not merely be a University with a technical

section, nor a University with a Wānanga section.ura Hangarau Instead it. would be all

of a University, Wānanga, Polytechnic and K Although Waitakere City Council developed tertiary education in sites across

West Auckland, these were not resourced with Marae; fundamental to the

, p.29 remainsdelivery standiof Wānangang as proposal (Sharples, today 2002b promoting). Thus the theconcept Wānanga of an proposalinstitution that will:



increase Māori participation in tertiary education training 

promote Māori education research 

improve the quality of Māori medium teaching and proficiency

in Māori; and  promote matters of sustainability in line with the status of

Waitakere City as an “Eco- .

City”

A holistic education intends to extend the Māori personality:

The Whare Wānanga will provide and 381promote a holistic approach to the

provision of education services. This will be manifested in the curriculum

content, its delivery and measurement. This holistic approach is in accord

andwith is and aimed drawn at serving from traditional and developing Māori learningall aspects programmes of the students and styles

physicalpersonality (tinana) and not development restricted only – but to extending her/his mind to cover (hinengaro) all aspects and of the

personality as perceived within Māori knowledge of: mauri/life force,

hinengaro/mind, whatumanawa/seat of affection, tapu/sacredness, social

norms, ihi/power and inspiration, pumanawa/natural talents and gifts,

ngakau/love and desires, mana/rank and self esteem, wehi/fear and awe,

potentialiho matua/spirituality, (Sharples, 2002b, tinana/physical, p.81) . auahatanga/creativity and

And thus the birth to death pathway is extended by the connection of the

Whare as members join the elders on the Marae, and it is hoped that upon death,Wānanga a descendent takes one’s place in the next life cycle. Stage one of birth to death education (also referred to as womb to grave education) is initiated on the Marae at pre-birth (refer fig 43), as foetal development, nourishment and attachment to the mother is extended in the environment of

whānau, hapū and iwi or extended family and friends. At stage two – babies and toddler phase of development addresses the early childhood nurturing and growth period, Te forKōhanga immersion Reo

language acquisition and tikanga in a Māori comprehensive whānau 382

environment that utilises

Māori pedagogies. es of extendedThe whānau family of caregivers child-raising reify of fundamental the child as a Māori confirmed beliefs member and practis of the Marae community.

Kōhanga Marae Reo

Whare Kura Wānanga Kaupapa Māori

Wharekura

Kaupapa

Māori

Fig 43: Womb to grave education of Hoani Waititi Marae (Sharples, 2001a, 2001b, 2002a, 2002b)

the third stage; as school aged children attend total

Kura Kaupapa Māori is - Wharekura, are bilingualimmersion and Māori bi- education. Graduates to the fourth stage

literate. Wharekura Kaupapa Māori facilitates the education of 383

adolescents and young adults and provides choice and direction as careers are

andformulated. depth is Māori sought histories, in articulation, knowledge(s) literacy and and practices numeracy. are Attitudes studied atand length, opinions of group and individual are harnessed as students investigate

contemporary Māori advancement. – stage 5 is planned to cater for accredited courses of tertiaryThe Whare education Wānanga and a return to the Marae at stage six ends as elder, an

2001b, 2002a,

2002b).expected repository of Māori knowledge (Sharples, 2001a,

Fig 44: Te Whare Wānanga o Hoani Waititi Marae wall chart, by Dr. Pita. R. Sharples

384

A submission to government the Education Act 1989 at Hoaniplanned Waititi to Maraeestablish proposed the Whare that Wānanga the Ministry under of

Education support a staged programme of development. Sharples was appointed to the first commission – chairmanship of Judge Mick Brown. theHowever Māori the Education second Trust,commission under wasthe established under the Tertiary Education Advisory Committee, which formulated the Tertiary Education Commission which suspended further

T - Manatu tertiary initiatives, the wānanga included. he Māori organisation Mātauranga Māori was established, i Education Authority where o Hoani Waititia separate Marae Māor generated central discussion.

Led by TeSharples Whare in Wānanga December 2001, the proposal supported by

Waitakere City Council’s Task Force on tertiarywānanga education (which comprised the

Mayor and representatives of Unitec, AUT, Hoani Waititi Marae committee,

Waipareira Trust, West Auckland Secondary Schools Association, Waitakere

City Arts & Cultural Development Trust and Strategic Projects Waitakere City

Council), was presented to government Ministers who voiced and documented60 support, but passed the ultimate responsibility to the Tertiary Education

Commission.

While the government supported research and development of the curriculum for the

wānanga and afforded grants towards initial establishment, the Whare

Wānanga remained in a frozen state up until 2009 (Executive Management 385

Consultancy, 2002; Sharples, 2001a and 2001b).

Following hui in 2009 between Waipareira Trust and Hoani Waititi Marae a review of Te i Marae eventuated in the initial

Whare Wānanga o Hoani Waitit physical planning stage in 2012 Te Aratiatia are initially layered in the previous. Pāpā chapter. Pita’s thoughts on the model

5.1.7 Capacity Building

Capacity building was terminology of a change era of government departments such as Te Puni Kokiri61. Funds became available for capacity building of

anwhānau, example, hapū in andthe lateiwi development,1990’s, at a turn Māori of events organisations in the Marae and communities.-s historical As

Maraejourney, were the inwhānau need of believed improvement; that the policies organisational, and procedures quality systems lacked of the development and best practice models were not recognised. The supporting

Hoani Waititi staff development project came into fruition as an opportunity for the trustees, management and staff, and tutors to up skill in order to better understand and implement responsibilities, accountabilities and reporting functions.

Accreditation standards were required for the Marae to offer its education packages as a Private Training Establishment (Hoani Waititi Marae Inc, 1998a).

The result of the capacity building project was clearly identified in the growth of

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the trustees and staff in being confident that a ‘robust, coherent and customer orientated quality management system (was) in place’ (Hoani Waititi Marae Inc,

2000b, p.22). Organisational policies and procedures were completed along with the development and writing of curriculum and assessments, and the formulation of necessary accreditation material. Further avenues for growth were recognised and adopted; new units to offer the community, new employment opportunities for the Marae and the graduates, improved processes combined with fluid communications and compliances (Hoani Waititi

Marae Inc, 2001a).

In addition, Te Puawaitanga was established comprised of the Marae Committee chair, senior staff and advisers as a management group ‘to develop methods to ensure the future sustainable growth and development of the organisation’

(Hoani Waititi Marae Inc, 2000b, p.24). A -Marae exposition was undertaken to promote the Marae, its facilitiesMāori and future aspirations. Initially planned as an expose and John Tamihere of improvementsWaipareira Trust on extendingeffectiveness the capitalisedproject outside on Pāpā the Pita community as a grass-roots promotion. The kaupapa was taken to regional and national forums (Hoani Waititi Marae Inc, 2000a).

Te Puawaitanga developed as a two-year action project to strengthen the existing Marae initiatives and provide opportunity for growth. Restructuring,

rehabilitationoverseeing project projects, development resource maintenancesuch as the whare and restoration wānanga and of theprison Marae complex were recognised as the main tasks.

387

Seventeen committees of the Marae were gathered under the project to oversee sixty assignments of work (Hoani Waititi Marae Inc, 2000c). Each served to better their connection, standing and contribution to the w portfolios of training, education, health, community skills, culturehānau underand the performing arts, M and justice (Hoani Waititiāori language, Marae, Marae2000a). etiquette, contemporary Māori custom,

Further capacity building initiatives of Puawaitanga, funded by The Ministry of

Māori Academy of Excellence 2001 which oMāoriffered Development sports and arts was (Hoani the Waititi Marae Inc, 2001b), and the Whakamana

Koroua Project (2002) developed as an advance in city living elders reclaiming their rightful knowledge base and 62 (Hoani Waititi

Marae Inc, 2001c). leadership of urban Māori

Cultural capacity building for the Marae is extended to a wider, global view as evident with the Samoan so’o hosted at Hoani Waititi Marae in February 2004, determined to increase social and economic participation and successes. It was a culturally driven strategy to restore peoples (Hoani Waititi Marae Trust, 2004).relationships The Marae between had been Samoan approached and Māori for tangi in 2003 upon the death of Pulotu Tamasese, cousin to Tupua Tamasese:

Tupuola Taisi Tufuga Efi, the former 3rd Prime Minister of Samoa, Head of State, and son of Tupua Tamasese Mea’ole (CBE) 1905-1963, a Samoan paramount chief who held the post O le Ao le Malo from 1962 until his untimely death at a

388

Mau pacifist independence demonstration where he was shot and killed by police. The Tupua Tamasese lineage had special links to Hoani Waititi Marae.

Subsequently, following the funeral of Pulotu, an invitation was extended to his family for a so’o. The so’o as cultural construct revitalised salient practice brought to life on this shore. Held at the

Marae, this bicultural wānanga

celebrated the relationship between Samoan and Māori communities. Funded by grants and donations, the so’o developed stronger local and international partnerships, and reinforced unity, cultural values and protocols63. Tui Atua Tupua Tamasese Efi expressed:

Our cousin died and he was received as your kin. We have a common

heritage in poetry, symbolism, metaphors and nuance. This common

heritage is expressed in our traditions – the most important point is to

live that tradition. We have connections. We connect in ancestors, in

myths, in mythology and in history. These connections speak in a unique

way and bring out the best in us. The test of our connectedness or our

kinship, is whether we stand by each other in adverse times (Hoani

Waititi Marae Trust, 2004, p.4).

A group of twenty-five Samoan youths under the age of twenty-five (who reflected the median age group of Samoan residents in New Zealand) brought skills in Samoan tikanga, language and rituals, and were economically successful in contemporary and traditional construction. The result of the exchange was a reconnection with the collective community and Samoan identity64 (Hoani 389

Waititi Marae Trust, 2004).

The crisis evidenced by the present outcomes for Pasifika and Samoans

in educational, employment, income levels and housing must be

addressed urgently and successful strategies and remedies require

different approaches than those that have been traditionally applied

(Hoani Waititi Marae Trust, 2004, p.9).

Turning to the whānau of Hoani Waititi Marae, the third research question was asked - what are the effects and outcomes of the urban Marae? How has being a member of the Marae whānau had a change effect on your life that facilitates the resurgence? It may take a metaphoric form as in the evolutionary pu, weu, more growth states (refer chapter 4). While the evolution of the research questions to effects and outcomes may be tiresome, particularly through layerings, this aspect was not considered dull by any of the poukōrero. They were energising, powerful people – the only true disappointment in the work was my inability to not extend the poukōrero from ten, to perhaps fifty. However, kōrero/talk and whakaaro/thoughts were observed, absorbed and carried to appear in the final work. This is the beauty and truth of insider research now hailed as the candidly, accurate research methodology of the present day (refer the methodology chapter

2 and Appendix C ‘Gathering the Menagerie of Richness’). While I could not involve fifty whānau, I was able to see and hear as participant the contribution of the whānau within the dynamic. Over the last five years, when I spoke with whānau

390

who shared thoughts and talk; when I was on the Marae, attending gatherings, watching kapa haka, at a working bee, tangi or teaching, when I was attending whānau births, birthdays, graduations, weddings and anniversaries, I was able to bring together some constructs, some actions, some memories, some words, some dreams, and some history. This is behind the choice of the particular research paradigm within indigenous research on this, our urban Marae, amongst our whānau. It has been said of insider research (and it has been said earlier in this thesis, but deserves layering here) that for Māori people, one of the disadvantages of insider research is that while the whānau don’t have a pākehā ‘poking around’, the researcher suffers being hung by our own people. Yes, we suffer that.

This theme is layered here around the issue what are the effects, to stress that while emphasis is placed on the Waititi whānau and how we have grown on the Marae, we have lost in part Pāpā Pita to Parliament. However, an interview in

Te Uru, Māori News in Waitakere City (2009) suggests that Pāpā’s years of leadership at the Marae were also his training ground, his formative years, his pu, weu, more evolution particularly in the headline, ‘Dr Sharples carries old passions into new role’.

We must continue to promote the possibility of a world without violence-

where the principles of aroha, whanaungatanga, manaakitanga and

atawhai i te tāngata stand for something. This country has a horrific roll

call of outrageous and shameful violence to our young. As long as we live

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in a land where a child is beaten so savagely that their blood splatters on

the ceilings above, none of us can sleep easily at night. We must replace

violence with love.

Grounded theory arose from the data gathered around the research question, what are the outcomes or effects of the Marae curriculum? Themes emerged from information gathered from Marae members - pou observations, Marae documentation, autoethnographykōrero, and participant records belonging to

Dr Pita Sharples. These emerged naturally and settled into four main strands of outcomes or effects in relation to sacrifice, choices, mana and challenge.

→ Sacrifice→

→ Choices→ worldMāori- Effects or Outcomes kaupapa/purpose →Mana→ alienation-empowerment

→ Challenge→ renaming

5.2 Sacrifice

5.2.1

Sacrifice: Māori Originally, the theme sacrifice separated into two strands, one theme relating to

and the other theme included pākehā relating to Māori. The relating to pākehā aall main information effect of thatthe Maraereferred curriculum. to giving upHowever, pākehā tlifehis style,subject pursuits matter or identified ways as early in the

Consequently,study its valuewas not diminished. strongly recognised The theme bywas most removed of the leavingpoukōrero. sacrifice of

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Māori as a theme which stood alone. the

MaraeThis category curriculum pertained and as to an giving effect up or something outcome, such Māori as in time the with pursuit family, of giving up the Marae life itself, or . ‘You’re giving something up for the sake particularof something wānanga else. That’s of the life…You Marae can’t have everything you want, so you give something up’ (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April

2008). The idea that as indigenous people one’s walk is one of sacrifice, was a common element and was returned to and layered across coding categories.

Sacrificing is alluded to as a strong el section. ement of Māori literacy in the methodology

John Tuoro laughs throughout his recount of his family’s sacrificing journey:

We didn’t have a mother because of the Marae, because we never saw our

mother. The only reason I saw my mother was because I was with my mother

you know quite a lot because I was in the car asleep while she was talking till

four o’clock in the morning. Who was going home in the cold car, then getting

up and having to go to school and felt dead all day and then because it

happened again the next day? And away we were again. It just didn’t happen

one night, it happened every night!…we got food and all that, but we never

got mum, we never had a mother at home…where was our mother? Fixing

the world that’s what my father used to say, “SHE’S OUT THERE FIXING THE

WORLD LOOK AT US and our house is falling down around us” …but that is

alright, you know because people say, “Well how did you live without her?” 393

…We sometimes had dad or a really good sleep, but hey am I dead for it? No. Did

I learn a hell of a lot out of it? Hell yeah. I saw a lot of history being made

which I didn’t realise at that time, huge history and that has versed us in good

stead today and it has made our West community really quite unique (John

Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

These expressions are echoed by Beverley Manahi in regard to her partner Tom

Manley:

For (him) it has meant alienation - the school…he hasn’t come second;

he has come about fifth, maybe tenth...maybe twenty-first, could be

fiftieth (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008).

And, Kōkā Te Aroha Paenga in relation to her children: I just thought what a great idea having known the man (Hoani Waititi)

personally …I thought it was just a great venture and I think my family

enjoyed it even though they didn’t get any tea or whatever - going

backwards and forwards to meetings and huihui (Te Aroha Paenga, WR,

5 April 2009).

Sentiments of Marae members expecting the Marae to serve the community and its members as the main priority are very strong. Also, abuse by mainstream

New Zealanders is raised.

I know in some ways it is hard because the Marae services so many people

…there is another side of it too where I feel the Marae gets a little bit used

and abused generally by non-

Māori people. They just see it as this nice 394

cheap option that has an association with mana that government agencies

will just come in here and rape and pillage…and get away with paying as

little as possible and do tokenistic stuff. I don’t appreciate that at all (Shane

White, WR, 16 December 2008).

Sacrifice is a two-sided perspective and like other values, is context specific and

dependent.provided from An 2007everyday, when living two womenexample were from then the whānauemployees. of the One Marae expressed is her exacerbation in having as many as ten small children running, playing and

concernedfrequenting could the Marae not concentrate offices over wit theh theschool noise holiday and movement period. The through whāea her/aunty work space. Contrasted to this were the expressions of other women working in the same space, who described the stress they were un who had no children not understanding their difficulty derin not due being to the able whāea to secure childcare over the temporary period. ‘If only she would understand that we have no-one to look after our kids. It’s only for this week.’ The outcome was for the mothers concerned to share around the care giving until some extended tolerance was shown (and the holidays ended).

Balancing the kaupapa with what is financially achievable is raised as a living reality. The bills have to be paid, the Marae is expected to meet deadlines, and

Marae staff requires wages to feed their families.

Exposure 395

I would like to see the Marae actually go back into serving the community

rather than just being around making money even though the Marae

(Shane

White,always WR,makes 16 myDecember wages, “So2008). Shane, take a pay cut” (laughs)

Refocus

Our taonga is valued at about 50c a pop (Shane White, WR, 16 March

2009).

Giving up something of value has been painful history for Te Kura Kaupapa

Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae if its recent years are an indication. Disputes have resulted over compliance issues in conflict with tikanga and practices, and unrest centred upon management of the kura. That is the agreement collected from a vast number of gatherings held over recent years as referred to in the previous chapter. Pāpā Pita chaired a number of hui of staff and Board of Trustees in 2007 in an effort to guide the kura whānau towards improved cohesiveness. However staff resignations became progressive up until a group walk out of six who resigned in 2009 over their perceived lack of middle and senior management skills and support. At numerous hui whānau expressed their concerns around their children suffering instability as the result of high staff turnover. I was privy to their main hui when the group of six whānau resigned in the whare tipuna. The disruption to Waititi whānau whānui was far reaching. Hui were held over several months in and around the community and the inner city. The dispute was taken to outside agencies including the Education Review Office, Ministry of Education and 396

national television by Māori TV broadcasters. The Kura lost one of its principle characters. In a small, connected community it was similar to removing a major artery. The result was a whānau who grew very quiet –the sacrifice of the moment was not worth the cost for the long term.

Those in Kura Kaupapa Māori are true to the whakatauakīi, taken in part from another related to a tribal pepeha/boast, ‘Ko au te kura, ko te kura ko au’ and it

‘runs deep’. The sacrifices are made. Whānau literally give their lives to the kaupapa of the kura: the children, their kapa haka practises, the noho Marae, the fundraiser, the hui… the kura is their lives as their kids are their lives. It is the world; everything exists here, life is sustained here. Whānau are fed (literally and metaphorically), nurtured and fulfilled here. This is the world…‘I am the kura. The kura is me’. And when I leave the kura, I leave everything. When I am hurt by the kura, I am…humiliated. When I hurt the kura, I shame the kura. Intensified and amplified – mamae/pain is like that. And, there are no big trees at this kura to wrap your arms around.

5.3 Choices

Choices as effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum arose as acts of conscientisatio empowered and believe that choices are available ton them. whereby These the acts whānau of conscientisation are branched into two domains: world and kaupapa.

397

5.3.1 Choices: World

Information is included that shows making choices that effect who one is in the world, for the world, in pursuit of wider worldly things or lifestyle. Examples

ldren from the kura to pursue mainstreaare those whānaum education who (stillwithdraw as an theiract of chi conscientisation in their view) or those who utilise extra private tuition as an addition to kura education.

Pursuits are also advantageous to the people in terms of improved health care, technology, and education as described in this layering by the late

Denis Hansen. Pāpā

In the future, in

building the Wānanga, you have a medical centre, and you

nexthave toshops it, when because you can(the)…Wānanga have 3, 4, 5, 6000 has a studentsdairy here as or your medical clientele. centre Why

go downtown when you can bring it all here? But that was the thing, it was

(Denis

Hansen,all in the WR, moemoeā, 12 November right? And 2009). it will still happen. We will still build it

concernEnsuring shown local Māori when are the heard Super incity the65 waswider proposed Auckland May decision 2009. making7,000 people was a in four groups walked from the corners of the city’s districts behind Ng ti Whatua

original inhabitants of the land. From Hoani Waititiā Marae, the Maraemana whenua/ staff, members of Te Whare Tu Taua, Marae trustees, wharekura staff

and representationand children, Kōhanga on the proposed Reo whānau council. protestedFollowing the decades lack of of Māori partnership with 398

the local body council, losing agreed understandings was difficult and the w were not ready to forsake that bond to an alien machine on the other sidehānau of Auckland that would in all likelihood absorb the unique ‘West Auckland- ness’.

– insular, gazing’The idea people that whānau less concernedcould become with ‘closet Māori’ ‘pito/belly button

concepts outside the world of Māori is a fear shared by members. Whānau also valueswhile pursuing the need theto open breadth understandings of mātauranga particularlyMāori/Māori for knowledge youth, and provide options.

5.3.2 Choices: Kaupapa

Information is characteristic of choices created for the kaupapa and about the

Kaupapa as effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum. Layered examples are uclear, and childrenchildren raisedraised onclaiming the Marae few bypersonal the wider possessions whānau ratheras belongings than the are n shared.

parentingPoukōrero of are others. proud of their children raised by the whānau and share in the

For the sustenance of constructive long term, communal relationships in a relatively small community, certain qualities are required. The late

Hansen commented earlier on the necessity to smother destructive Pāpāelements Denis such as arrogance that is belittling. His choice is to model humility. ‘Pebbles’

399

Brown in talking about workers on the Marae, speaks plainly, ‘at the end of the day, they have got to like each other – the workers; they have got to learn how to work together’ (Moana Brown, WR, 6 July 2009).

Integrity is tocol of hui held within Ng

Tumanako theupheld whare by tipuna,way of the(and kawa/pro for all purposes, all hui) that maintainsā that issues should not be discussed outside of hui, particularly when a resolution has not been reached. Those who raise issues from hui, do so for the purpose of information dissemination for those not in attendance for instance. This kawa is questioned and renegotiated regularly as an example of living and working

practice. Discretion is highly prized by the whānau. Sacrificing small differences for the greater good is regularly commented on.

difference‘It’s not about and me, argument it’s about needs the tokaupapa’ reach a isturning where point. whānau realise that

Kanohi ki te kanohi/face to face as a basis for discussion and negotiation is fundamental fo of making choicesr all for poukōrero, the kaupapa and and reference engaging to thisin people protocol situations. is made in terms

Sound leadership is identified as a prerequisite for success for the kaupapa as

lso identifies the salient aspect of Kura expressed by Kōkā Letty Brown, who a

Kaupapa Māori; the input and participation of whānau. Letty: …There has got to be one boss.

Moana: You need someone to drive the staff, it is tiring.

400

Letty: - ed, the

parentsmotivating were them…when absolutely involved…and the kōhanga first there start was only

the kōhanga there. There wasn’t the kura. It was the

actuallyparents fromwent theto Pita kōhanga and said that to started Pita, “We the wantkura. toThey set up

a kura

(Moanafor Brown, our kids WR, because 6 July 2009), we’ve (Lettygot nowhere Brown, to WR, go” 6

July 2009).

Guidance and direction is raised in reference to acknowledging others. It provides a universal set for the endorsement of the leaders who are prominent at Hoani Waititi Marae across its cultures. Part-and-parcel of the resurgence, in renaissance fashion, the importance of upholding and nurturing leaders and sages of various knowledges is apparent in everyday undertakings. For leaders; not only elders are necessary for the navigation of the kaupapa through history,

into the future. Great leaders are characterised as are theirand the international survival of cousins,Māori with merits in values such as humility, kindness, tolerance, and understanding. They are knowledgeable, able to disseminate knowledge, skilled, forward thinking and astute. They are adaptable negotiators and seen as mentors by their people(s).

66…

Novi Marikena remembers the late Pāpā Fraser Delamere

He had a major impact on my life… I was very, very fortunate to have the

401

Fraser and I found him to be the most charismatic,

timedynamic, that Iempowering had with Pāpā person that I have ever been lucky enough to meet…

What I saw in him- this wairua that I have never seen in anyone else. It was a

forwairua the sakefrom of neherā…he those people would who never didn’t cut know short what protocol he was for talking the sake about. of time, He

would give everyone the same courtesy and the same mana…there was just

madesomething me want about to bePāpā where Fraser he thatwas encapsulatedat…he would sitme, down fascinated with us me, and just he

would talk to us like a bro, and we all held him in high esteem, everyone,

everybody (Novi Marikena, WR, 11 December 2008).

Fig 45: Artefact from Novi Marikena –The late Pāpā Fraser Delamere, Kaumatua of Hoani Waititi Marae .

Elders remind t that while it is important to be departmental, and be responsible in thehe linkwhānau-of-the-chain sense of contribution, at the same time, one should not operate in bureaucratic ways and lose sight of the kaupapa. To this end rongly drawn from due to her vast contributions to

Kōkā Letty Brown is st

West Auckland Māori in a number of positive dynamics. The community’s ability 402

to reciprocate will always be left wanting. One of the key methodologiesto leaders of such the workers as Kōkā ofLetty her era was to push past the departmental mentality despite were often state employees. For reasons of privacyobstacles of other Māori who are not documented here. They punctuatesome historical the not sosituations glossy establi describedshment by Kōkā

period of Te Kōhanga Reo and Kura Kaupapa Māori whenrs whom bodies, one trusts, would hope governmentwere supporters departments, from the onsetMāori - authorities were not. Some and leade were entrenched in ‘this is neither our brief nor our mandate. my job doesn’t cover this’ departmental waysTe Kōhangaof thinking. Reo Marae stops recordsat X years, cite examples of this bureaucratic gate keeping – some of the greatest difficulties in

in government positions such as

MOEestablishing officials Kura. Kaupapa Māori were Māori

Showing support of people and situations is necessary to enable elders, trustees

issuesand other of importance. determining bodies to be informed as to how the whānau are viewing

5.4 Mana

Mana as effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum evolved from the information in two fields: alienation and empowerment.

5.4.1 Loss of Mana: Alienation

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The information gathered illustrates family or individuals within a family believing they have become alienated or left out as a result of the Marae curriculum, or as a result of pursuing the Marae curriculum. Feelings of loss of

the kaupapapersonal. powerIt is individualistic or mauri/life in force nature; are thevidente result and of beingalienation separated contradicts from the group, and was mostly evident in historical times in the form of punishment as in exile, and was rarely administered.

As context for this coding category, function with the effects of

173 years of documented colonisationMarae since whānau the signing of the Treaty of

Waitangi, and post colonisation (with the coloniser and colonising practice still

estrangement.present). The whānau This category also contend of codin withg refers urbanisation to an alienation at the cost that of has tribal occurred due to some issue that has taken place on the Marae that has had negative effects.

, are reservedPoukōrero to particularlycome to the eldersMarae, raise and anythe needforms to of address feelings the of nonwhānau-acceptance. who

Unfortunately these attitudes are endemic amongst society at large. a number of Māori in

overDisaffection successive follows hui. disappointmentIt is layered here and around this hasthe beenkura failingexpressed to adhere by whānau to the womb to grave education concept for their children as they enter the Marae as

membersbabies in theexpressed kōhanga their reo perceivedand leave thedisappointment wharekura at in Year Year 13. 13 Some students whānau

404

graduating with minimal credits; leaving ‘unqualified’. This was viewed as a limitation from choices, and the taken-for-granted next stage in their children’s life path.

‘Acts of ridicule’ times of trouble andoccurred their asassistance whānau wasoffered rejecte support to other members in rejection as ‘being defiled’. An example is providedd. Whānau when a partydescribe resigning this from the kura was offered help from a member. The offer to guide conciliation was ignored au member, the rejection was an act of ridicule.

. To this whān What became increasingly evident having attended hui of varying purpose attended by differing whānau over these years, were some simple patterns and common denominators, the most apparent being that our fundamental form of redress from loss whether it be loss of mana/personal power, loss of mauri/life force or other forms (and particularly as a preventative), is the observation of tikanga/custom. When there is much emotion involved and displayed by whānau as has been observed by the writer in times of whānau dispute, when behaving poorly, crying, shouting, accusing or when whānau are intimidating, bullying, or behaving in ways that cause alienation, shyness, hurt or non-acceptance of others, these are also often the times when tikanga has not been observed. There are occasions when offence has occurred, for instance when whānau members have not allowed speakers to finish, when whānau have unleashed personal attacks on speakers, or when whānau have spoken over kaumatua. Answers are available to

405

us all in tikanga; as lore in attending to what is correct and understood in application.

Through participant observation, situations of alienation defined as distancing or uncomforted posi the Kura graduates expresstion hased arisen concerns whereby that they some are whānau juxtaposed representative being younger of than the kaumatua of the Marae, yet more knowledgeable of tikanga and in many instances reo (compared with elders of the past, when they were growing up on the Marae), and now finding that they are having to provide guidance to adults and elders as to protocols, practice and undertakings necessary for Marae function.

Is this not why the resurgence took place, why the Kōhanga Reo movement eventuated and the kura itself to equip new generations of Māori with endangered knowledges? Isn’t this example an unfortunate side effect in the interim? How long will it last now, one generation? Some grace applied to the situation would align more to the tenets of Te Aho Matua.

observationOther forms wereof alienation situated raised in indifference by whānau towards members urban via Maraeparticipant and consequently alienation of members. Somewhat contradictory to the concept of urban Marae, when offered by leaders of the kura, only being able to relate to

refuted the urban position one’s own Marae as tūrangawaewae/standing406 place,

and suggested the need for improved application to the philosophy. The 2009

Education Review Office report resonated this. Relationship building alongside support and kaumatua for the kura may assist in fromimproving the Marae, connectivity Trustees, for Kōhanga Reo, process of

whānau and beginning a refined alignment (to Te Aho Matua), as a starting place for inclusivism.

Let us turn then to the act of healing.

Dr Walter Penetito (2005, p.129) a kaumatua of the Hoani Waititi Marae

A sociology of Māori education – beyond mediating whānau, states in his thesis structures:

twoLike competingcolonised indigenous versions of peoplessocial justice. everywhere, They want Māori to arebe part torn of between the

society to which they belong and they want to belong to the society that

they are part of, that is, th

ey choose, on the whole, to be Māori New

contradictory,Zealanders. Māori where constantly they are find confronted themselves with in ambivalence, situations that where are

alienation and anomie are frequent bed-

the double-bind situation, a sort of headsfellows; you win; Māori tails oftenI lose experiencedilemma.

satisfiedIt is no surprise with their that lot. Māori Survival are seen in itself by police is not atsocial large justice. as being Rectifying never

past injustices is necessary but not sufficient in itself.

Greater than the need to restore, the act of healing requires remedying the

407

wellbeing in terms of tinana/physical, hinengaro/intellectual, via the Restorative

Juwhatumanawa/emotionalstice Program that holds anhearingsd wairua/spiritual weekly on the as Marae.tended Centeredto on repair, accountability and healing as opp

osedbased to punishment,model for dealing this whānau with the effects of committingmanaaki/caring crime and is holisticawhi/helping in approach and aims at intervening in possible crime lifestyles. Shane White comments in reference to healing from methamphetamine ‘P’ addiction.

We put up this whakaaro: we don’t have a P programme that we put people

through. We build a programme around a person depending on what their

individual needs are because we are all sort of different. And there are no set

behaviours. There are just so many variables anyway, even without P. So in

a way that makes a really easy start to any sort of intervention because it all

goes back on them (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

I am talking about case issue

real picture…with one personof you the can whānau be lied not to, individuals…you because can get a

at-the-end-of-the-day it is about trying to empower people (Shane White,

WR, 16 March 2009).

ents that took place in the innerAnd, Kōkā city in Letty the lateBrown 1970s in referring, directs us to tothe the nasty necessity incid of healing and recovery required for victims and assailants:

I know because we were around and it was terrible because the girl that

actually did the murder she ended up staying with us…out of all that, out

408

of that violence because there was a lot more violence happening on the

street but then we got the girls out before it got any worse like another

killing…So it was re-educating them but she got seven years in prison…She

was a kid herself- her family they …weren’t really together until this

happened and so they all got together…we had talks with them

(Letty Brown, WR, 6 July 2009).

McCaslin and Breton (2008) have employed us to,

(E)ngag(e) our best selves to respond to harms, so that instead of causing

divisions among us, harms can be used to bring us together and to make

our families and communities stronger.

It is in this vein that healing forms the basis of Hoani Waititi Marae-s purpose - a purpose that steers alienation to empowerment. Paora Sharples describes the healing required.

In order to create a better society, we have got to get along and if you are

not willing to take that first step, to recognise, to acknowledge, or to know

or to talk even to the other person, then we will never, ever get anywhere.

n you know? We will

There is no easy way around it. Māori are more ope

have abeen kōrero brought but I up,think some there are are really a lot scared…if of pākehā they depending would onlyon how just they come

here because one thing that we can do is make people feel at ease…but they

have got to make that first step. So we have got to create things that are

user friendly to our treaty partners that they will accept … But in terms of

tauiwi that is what this place provides. It is sort of like a safe haven but

somewhere they can come and learn a little bit at a time. Whilst I have 409

peoplebeen here that we they have feel developed safe, so it waysis an introductionof negotiating, for of them being (Paora with pākehā Sharples,

WR, 23 October 2008).

Hoani Waititi Marae has developed a strategy over the years; a method of coping with the cu based on ‘turning the tables’.

Groups are welcomedltural in capitaland made of the to feelpākehā comfortable. The Marae is a warm, friendly place where a novice may be ill informed but cause no offence.

The home people are easy and approachable. Once settled on the Marae and nestled in the shelter of the hou cultural truths upon the visitors when they arese, more the receptiveMarae whānau to possibilities unleash of change. Here the process of decolonisation for the coloniser begins… (Paora Sharples).

Healing for Māori, particularly of the spirit, is recompensed by the acquisition of unbornmātauranga for many Māori/Māori in order knowledge(s)to grow Māori .and Laughton ways, aMatthews return to comments:the state of

perspective(T)o be Māori and is wayto be of a life.person But who they views have tothe choose world it from . . . you a Māori have got to

(beLaughton in the Māori Matthews, environment. WR, 7 September You have got2008 to). like something Māori

Shane White continues the explanation…

Exposure

We are Waititi so we make sure we follow the processes that we know have

410

been handed down, and we know are tried and true, and we still practice

right now…because eople, in drug addiction…

this is the replacement,this if is you the don’trongoā replace for a lotit with of p this, I’ll replace it with

food or alcohol…or sex, or something else (Shane White, WR, 16 December

2008).

Refocus

16 March 2009).

This is the key medicine for Māori (Shane White, WR,

It has been commented on from poukōrero and in the wider extended Auckland whānau across kapa haka groups, social workers, court workers and educationalists that Pāpā Pita Sharples gathered the lost, the wounded, the law breakers and tyrants, the protagonists (and whatever other descriptions are used), of Auckland urban Māori. To these cousins Hoani Waititi Marae offered Te Ao

Māori/the Māori world as medicine merged from models of tūrangawaewae belonging to kaumatua who fashioned a home for those who followed as ‘the displaced’ or ‘lost generation’.

Novi Marikena remembers the end of the 80s…

In 1988 we started up a trust called Te Haere Whakamua Trust…we went

up to Waipareira one day…at that time it was still like the police station

and the cells had not been demolished. We saw all the street kids, all the

rangatahi that were raruraru sitting at the back sniffing glue and drinking

sherry. It bothered me. The youth workers were around and it did not seem

to really bother them that all the kids had glue bags…(a) youth worker at

that time… was a born again Christian who preached God to the kids and

would put his hands on their heads and411 say, “Jesus saves you” and that was

his healing method, and it bothered me. So we had a hui one night and I said

to them that we could do better than that for our kids.

We had all lived that life of no education and no opportunity and I thought

well we understand where these kids are coming from, why don’t we set some

programmes up to help them? So we did and we got the endorsement of Judge

Brown…and we got enough to run a programme…then we started to roll and

we started to get a good reputation of delivering good services and the kids

we were working with were not offending, so by the end of 1988 our name was

Iquite knew good... Pita Sharples;We went toI had one met hui him and before…it was the first time I had met Whāea Tuini,

AfterMarae…we the hui ended Whāea up Tuini going and down Pāpā to PitaWaititi …wanted and we us started to come to getonto the

programmes happening and then decided in Haere Whakamua

tikanga needed to be a big part of our kids because they did notthat know Māori

anything and we knew a lot more than them and we knew bugger-all

(Novi Marikena, WR, 29 September 2008).

Beverley Manahi remembers her initial years…

We were all young, and most of my co-workers were young and we all

had some form of an issue and that is what the Marae was. It was like a

big medicine chest…and it made us all think, we have got something good,

youwhether a rat -itshit be time…whateveryou broke the law, the or issues whether were it, beit gave your you whānau confidence. giving It

took me two years to get good at what I was really good at and that is

412

what the Marae did (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008).

5.4.2 Mana: Empowerment

Information gathered illustrated family or individual empowerment as a result of the Marae curriculum. Attempts to achieve, feelings of pride and feelings of

acceptance by the whānau were evident. Refer

ences are constantly made by poukōrero to Hoani Waititi Marae whānau members being movementsamong the initial (detailed instigators reference of theis made Kōhanga to this Reo era and in Kurathe followingKaupapa Māori chapter). And, as with much of the resurgence era, these pioneers who steered youth through the courts, the jails, the education system, social welfare and employment schemes are still here, while shaping parliamentary representation, and the Marae as it stands today faces a new Auckland

Supercity.

In order to consider the effects and outcomes of the Marae curriculum, detail has been undertaken in this chapter to describe the purpose of establishing the urban Marae; to an indigenous gathering place not unlike the communalprovide chambers city Māori of the with ancestral houses of the tribal family,

When we developed Hoani Waititi Marae it was only for the needs of what

we wanted at that time, which is a Marae you know, where we can tangi

for our dead and make sure that they are going with dignity (Letty Brown,

WR, 6 July 2009). 413

One level of the empowerment process was the involvement of the whole community in this establishment. The outcome was the whana by kaupapaungatanga/connectivity dynamic. of people that has resulted in the whānau

The council, all the secondary schools…the committee ensured that it was

very close, that everyone knew what we were doing, so that it didn’t

become a frightening thing to them, you know? Everyone in the West knew

what was happening here…and in that way we were empowering them to

come on board with us to fundraise.

So we had the whole community all involved with putting this place up.

And that was really wonderful, and that was one of the first things -

especially in Auckland with the urban Marae. And now that there is a wide

diversity here, it is more important that that happens (Te Aroha Paenga,

WR, 5 April 2009).

Further described by :

Kōkā Letty Brown (I)t was all community fund raising that is why everybody can say, we

built it. They ALL did because they all helped with the raffles; they all

helped with the days, they all helped with everything. There are a lot of

people in the -s, they can all say that they helped

build it and theycommunity, did. Every pākehā school in Auckland went to help with the car

raffle. Right up to South Auckland…we went to every school in Auckland.

They all contributed to fundraise for that Marae. The Dallies, they gave

money so everybody was actually involved (Letty Brown, WR, 6 July 2009).

414

uplifting in sharing personal stories of self-awareness, being reThe-connected poukōrero to are their identities, ‘finding identity, kinakitanga’ (Novi Marikena,

WR, 29 September 2008) through their experiences and knowledges gained from the Marae curriculum.

whanaungatanga for some youth,

Kōkā Te Aroha Paenga describes revitalising A lot of young people have come here, especially when it first started.

There was that training that Don started here…and the kids they just

would not go, they always came back, they would not finish. They just

Arohawanted Paenga, to hang WR, around 5 April here 2009). because it had a real whānau feeling (Te

As a past student, Laughton Matthews defines the outcomes of the kura,

- its custom and purpose for you to grow up with

Waititi is a Māori school

Matthews,your knowledge WR, 7 and Sept customs 2008). and tikanga of your Māori race (Laughton

This is further described by Shane White:

…a lot of that intrinsic stuff, all that unseen stuff is part of the kaupapa.

The kids here, the people that come here are aware that there is more on

offer than a normal school. There is more aroha open and available. The

environment has been built to be more conducive to that sort of thing. It

was beautiful going to the tangi on Friday and see the whole kura there

squashed in the whare down at Henderson High…when it needs to, it will

415

stop because the most important thing is that we acknowledge this kuia

(Shane White, WR, 16 March 2009).

sinceThe restoration the establishment of Māori of as Hoani an empowerment Waititi Marae element and it is has staple been curriculum the kaupapa across cultures of the Marae. Restoration is inherent in all

established wānanga and

operations as described by Kōkā Te Aroha Paenga: (I)t is imperative -

values and that is allbecause instigated we arein that a nurturing kura or onpeople, this Marae we have right our from Māori the

neverbirth of ever the letkōhanga go … it that helps those our Māorichildren values to blossom, that are and inherited it helps in our us weown must

-the

Māori people and the whānau. Youn this have world. got to W havee are that away nucleus from our base grass

roots,whānau o which is not anywhere i we have had to come away and so

ur papakainga, our ahikāroa and -sweet-home no matter where:

in order to substitute that ahikāroa or home

Ngāpuhi, for our kids. Ngāti Kahungunu this has become reality of a basis of the ahikāroa

We never get home. We never get back up north, we might get to Waikato

because it is close but money is so hard…and so this has to be their

traditional base on a Marae-and it is, and that is

around that word ‘traditional’ in performing arts,why what there is traditional? is a lot of kōrero Some

people like me have been brought up back home. We know about that

traditional base at home…our kids now… this is their traditional (Te Aroha

Paenga, WR, 5 April 2009).

Restoring as an act must be an experienced endeavor where learning occurs 416

that requires taking part. Laughton Matthews characterises her definition of learning at the Kura in the new millennium:

Waititi is a haven. You felt safe…you could do anything…At least we got to

learn things, actually learnt them not reading ABOUT them (Laughton

Matthews, WR, 14 July 2008).

Reinforced by Paora Sharples in relation to learning on the Marae:

(A)nd because we are such a big wh

ānau and the Marae has developed

nowsuch senda huge a lotcredibility of their manuhirinot only amongst here, so Māorithere is people always but stuff also happening tauiwi

here and there is always a chance to PRACTICE your tikanga, to practice

your reo so you end up living it (Paora Sharples, WR, 23 October 2008).

Seeking is a ) and a mission that engages and engrosses theMāori extended literacy (refer AppendixWhether through C schooling children, learning weaponry, performance whānau.arts, in the quest of aid or counselling as example, the act of engagement and participation is the evidence of conscientisation that feeds local (and non-local) families. Attachment to the Marae traverses a single adult being involved in a culture of the Marae, followed by their partner’s involvement and eventually the commitment of their children assuring permanence of reo and tikanga for their respective lines. Central to this is the search, the longing. Paora Sharples explains further:

417

It is in different levels for the families that come here and we have families

from all over. They come from different backgrounds, brought up differently,

in towns, in cities and we all come with our own background knowledge

of tikanga or no tikanga or whatever…So some come here looking for

different aspects and the Marae provides a forum for that to happen and it

is up to the individual to seek how much of that they want. Some seek a

little bit and that is enough for them and they carry on their merry way

which is fine. Others come and they stay for the long haul and they get really

entrenched in reo, tikanga and take on roles around the place and continue

on the legacy of the Marae. So it is providing that opportunity for people to

have that and you know you would be hard pressed to look for somewhere

else in New Zealand that provides that (Paora Sharples, WR, 23 October 2008).

Understandings and feelings the Marae curriculum are of beingexpressed part ofby something poukōrero bigger in relation than tooneself the effects, of of acquiring a sense of belonging, of finding truth and finding purpose.

It is exciting, fun, it is comfortable. . It is challenging, it is everything. It is the

whole world in one place…and I always think back to those times as a child

when I didn’t even know,

and things that make me feeland likeI didn’t a person even havealive any(Shane idea White, about WR, things 16 Māori

December 2008).

These experiences grow and evolve through cycles as new knowledges are gathered and added to the via the cultures and programmes available.

As example, Novi Marikenakete/bag who has worked in Patua Te Ngangara and taught in

418

the Kura explains other knowledges he has gained on the Marae.

I came back to the Marae just to clear my head, and at that time, my mate had

started up a course, Mana Tāngata Tuatahi. The angle of that course was mau

taiaha. I thought this is just what I need, so I spent the next six months doing

mau taiaha every day. That was where I picked up taiaha first. I came out of

that hui fit and totally rejuvenated again. The next year Mana Tāngata 2 started.

The focus was karakia and whaikōrero (Novi Marikena, WR, 29 September 2008).

Novi Marikena reminds us of the possibilities of accomplishment available to

the whānau: And when you have seen kids achieving I think the empowerment, I feel,

not that I did the mahi in watching them achieve, it is very empowering for

me as well you know, and encouraging for the future (Novi Marikena, WR,

29 September 2008).

Kaumatua are identified in this theme central to the purpose of Hoani

Waititi Marae, as Novi had layered how was someone who encapsulated ideas centralthe to late empowerment. Pāpā Fraser Delamere

momentumHaving ongoing of activity goals and and objectives focus aligned. fuels Marae the whānau ethics haveand keeps evolved the that are essential in providing a moral code that has grown organically with the Hoani

. Following are such ethics that have arisen as

Waititicharacteristic Marae overwhānau the period of research:

 Walk the talk - you are your actions. Opinion warrants less worth 419

without evidence (Pita Sharples, personal communication, September 8,

2008; John Tuoro, WR, 24 May, 2009).

 Consider information that can be imparted to others. Some information

can clarify and provide a lesson for others in similar situations.

 Sort specific information for specific people, as in the tradition of

knowledge being guarded within

the ways of that knowledge. specific wānanga for those prepared in

 Remain small in seeking the stories of others in order to hear more67.

 Treat each person; adult or child with their worth, as a special,

remarkable entity whether connecting briefly or for the long term.

 Give unconditionally to the moments of others. Focus with attention,

utilising all senses and facets of being. This extends past regular limits

and the demands of organised time.

 Summarise or review the outcome of exchanges before departing. Leave

secure in the relationship.



Seekor by thekaupapa: welfare we of are the our whole whānau person;. being their whānau by whakapapa

 Rise after a fall, endure times of adversity and where possible lift others

along the way. Navigate through the kaupapa.

 Be loyal.

 Be accurate.



SupportWalk alongside others especiallythem unti lwhen a settled alone outcome or to blame is achieved. within the whānau.



Believe whānau if accused of wrong doings. Support whānau to right 420

wrongs in situations where mistakes have been made.

 Give aroha unconditionally. Aroha has no measure or specifics.

 ‘Get on with it’ while creating little attention to yourself unless

specifically asked.

 Be the best you can be. Be prepared, have evidence available, self-assess

and use external assessment tools. Be able to explain your position

without needing to offer it.



dispute.Do not get caught between or across whānau groups particularly those in

 If you are to blame, take the blame.

An effect of the Marae curriculum is the onus felt by w to create another gelling activity to refocus all members and reignite connectivity.hānau Fundraising for a community gymnasium, is one such example:

…somewhere to keep everybody together…mainly on the Marae side…do

up some plans and get a gymnasium. Most Marae-s have got some big, huge

area…if you have got a bigger place where they can have sports (Letty Brown,

WR, 6 July 2009).

lies would be if it had not been for theirWhānau learning members on question where their fami

the Marae. Being able to build whānau by kaupapa ties within the Waititi whānau aided in securing a place in amongst the whānau for sanctuarypoukōrero, a ndand lifestyle in gaining is secured. knowledges, skills and often employment, a village,

Belonging is obvious and evident. Laughton Matthews describes membership at

421

Hoani Waititi Marae:

Being part of the Marae…It is sort of like a place of birth. It is where you belong so it is sort of like; you have no problem going back there…It has given me perspective in life . . . and my indigenousa Māori language …my knowledge of my traditions and customs, and the same for my brother, and a local connection to our urban Marae and another the sense of belonging (Laughtonwhānau Matthews, in WR, 14 July 2008).

Fig 46: Hoani Waititi Marae site plan, Design Tribe - Maurits Kelderman, 2010

Shane White explains the belonging that retains him:

(W)hat keeps me here is that it brings kaupapa… having a purpose and having belonging just like my mates in gangs, they want to belong to something a bit bigger than themselves (Shane White, WR, 16 December

2008). 422

As discussed in a previous layering, the knowledges and empowerment gained is obligatory by are bound to impart the learnings and support to others. nature. Whānau

Marae members discuss how quickly they become representatives of the Marae and how this makes them better people for the obligation.

In my work that I do with people in methamphetamine, I’m aware that

when I go in there it is not me, it is Waititi Marae…and they expect and

they want, and they need the things that Waititi brings so I make sure

that those things are evident in everything I do. We have to be quite

-ness (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

deliberate in our Māori

Shane White affirms his learning and commitment to what is correct.

It is important for people to know we are doing these things for these

reasons. We are Waititi so we make sure we follow the processes that

we know have been handed down and we know are tried and true, and

we still practice right now (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

The many groups of the Marae that function different knowledges, gather for various occasions particularly ceremonial such as tangihanga and other reasons of community calling. The proposed Auckland restructuring to a one-body

Supercity council in May 2009 was one such occasion that drew a wide spread

The

7,000of members people to march protest was the led lack by ofPaora Māori Sharples representation and Te Whare on the Tu council Taua. body. The

423

march was vibrant with banners and tino rangatiratanga flags in abundance.

Among the concerned public, groups taking part varied from patched gang members to political party members, city councillors, and various city mayors.

Upon returning home to the Marae with the stories were shared amongst those on the bus,wharekura kura students and Marae feeling whānau, empowered from being active participants beside their elders and community leaders.

5.5 Challenge

Challenge as effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum evolved from the information as re-naming. Space was allowed for the concept of challenge to develop, however it remained as re-naming and accordingly stands alone as a theme.

5.5.1 Challenge: Re-naming

Information gathered provides ideas in relation to -naming or redefining the kaupapa, or direction of the kaupapawhānau– the debating,practices reand processes within as if the kaupapa could be changed, altered or adapted in some way. This may be by some form of natural developmental growth such as adapting to environmental changes, the advance of technology or by suggestions more deliberate and directional; some of which are offered here. Another view,

Te Aho

Matuaparticularly, is that from a return leaders to anPāpā adherence Pita and tothe the late foundational Katerina Mataira practices via and principles is the way to maintain (or regain) the special nature of Te

424

-naming in this definition is

Kurain the Kaupapa sense of Māorire, meaning o Hoani to Waititirepeat anMarae. action. Re Naming again; revisiting, ‘getting it have gone askew.

right’ again, because perhaps, the whānau

ThereIn the oldwas days often we a bitused of tobanter have between regular whānau the Board hui. and It was the totally full.

that is all healthy stuff. What is happening and it is happeningwhānau on the but

Marae, is the requirement of governance has sort of killed the spirit and

direction sometimes and we find ourselves dancing to the tune instead

of creating the tune.

We did all that stuff because that is what we needed. We needed old

peoples homes, we needed a kura, not because the government told us

we needed it. Now we are not going to just sit here and exist on

programmes given to us to deliver. We might as well shut down because

the whole idea of the Marae was empowerment of our people in terms of

tikanga Māori and in terms of preparing ourselves for the future out there…

(Pita Sharples, Presentation to Hoani Waititi Marae whānau, June, 2009a).

Com

ment is stressed by poukōrero particularly in reference to the Kōhanga Reo aand purpose Kura Kaupapa and determination Māori that thata different has altered whānau somewhat. existed twentyFor instance, years fromago with a language acquisition perspective (as the resurgence era was mostly centred

urgenciesupon the preservation twenty years of ago te reowere me centred ōna tikanga/language upon and custom) the language of identification and communication, whethe reaswhānau today acquiring the urgencies te reo asare 425

raisedFor the by Marae, whānau pivotal as securing alteration qualifications is from teaching in the learners reo for lifelong to speak choices. a language, to teaching learners the curriculum of the world in that language which is a vast language acquisition advance considering Language Commission reported that the Māori

7 per cent were, ‘54 completely per cent of confident Māori could using follow the language a te reo conversation,in any situation’ yet only

(“Value-for-

money Review On Te Reo Spend”, 2010, p. A6). The Waititi whānau of the initial conception period were representing a movement particular to Māori-dom of the resurgence era. Many families were high profile professionals and leaders. Today our whānau are less profile, everyday people, and the recession has us more represented at the poor and impoverished end of the scale -not that poverty stricken whānau noticed the recession. When did that happen?

familyMāori practiceto be ‘true’ and to ‘thinking renaming. Māori The’ natureis desired of the by theoutside whānau world whānui/extended is thinking or expectant of its hegemonic practices. Thinking Māori requirespākehā all

-speakers to reside in a Māori space whānauand maintain whether the speakersworldview of of te the reo kaupapa, or non particularly in decision making and as this affects others - the ultimate accomplishment being to always think Māori.

Laughton Matthews describes this instilled thinking via the Kura and Marae: Kaupapa Māori

426

HowYour youbeliefs judge is a things big one like. because . .the Māori that makes Party…and you who your you beliefs are…it I guess. gives

(Laughton

Matthews,you a Māori WR, perspective 14 July 2008). of everything. It changes you

Paora Sharples:

I see a lot of our Māori; a huge percentage is losing…our whakaaro Māori.

We need to get back to thinking Māori. Through our processes that we have

got over the last few decades we are now talking Māori, which is good.

theyWe have had gotall those a big percentagehui to decide talking you know, Māori our now. reo Whereas is going thirtydown, years what ago

seeshall us we as do? pretty Then ‘out Kōhanga there’. Wwase have created, got our and own kura, channel, so where own we station are now? but I we

kanohi ki

teare kanohi…and not THINKING this Māori. is the next We arestep. not We re havelating got to toeach get other back Māori,to relating to

part of what we are trying

toeach create other now as Māori.(Paora So Sharples, I see that WR, as 23an Octoberimportant 2008).

language,And while there Māori are have stillcome a large a long number way inof insuringnon-speakers the longevity and the majorityof the Māori of

ri children across New Zealand are in mainstream education.

school aged Māo Paora Sharples remains optimistic and has led Hoani Waititi Marae into a constructive 21st Century. He comments to the community of West

Auckland through its local paper, ‘ We are here to help Europeans understand

427

Māori and to also help Māori be Māori’ (“All Welcome for Waitangi” 2009, p.9). see worth in re-evaluating in this era of development for the

PoukōreroMarae:

It is time to re-evaluate what has happened, look at where we are, our place

within the Marae and society as a whole – what is happening out there - all

beenthe different through levels: and just parliament, re-evaluate society, and get our back own to whānau, aligning what what this we wantMarae’s

and what is important. Sometimes we plod on, plod on, plod on. Sometimes

we have got to get outside of the circle and look back in and it is really

that time now. You know society changes every ten years. It is different with

its own whakaaro, with its own stereotypes, with its own way of looking at

things and you have to adapt to that (Paora Sharples, WR, 23 October 2008).

The effects or outcomes at times, to the challenge of overcoming hurt as an act of healingbrings in the the post whānaucol

Brown and her daughter Moana suggest overcomingonial mamae aftermath. byKōkā way Letty of

/hurt wānanga. Letty: Get support from everybody then start having

to talk about what is

happening,wānanga…get talk our about people the irtogether mamae…

Moana: -and put all these skills together-

Letty: -then once they get over their mamae and they have got

people there who listen then-s going they thisfeel way,like a and whānau. this But

if they know-s not this and whānau they are not together then they will never

getwhānau over their mamae (Letty Brown, WR, 6 July 2009),

428

(Moana Brown, WR, 6 July 2009).

participantWhānau members observations attending suggest gatheringsed a range for ofvarious feasible purposes challenges as identified as possible by undertakings that may secure alternative pathways for the future.

Teacher Only Days of the kura and general whānau and Marae hui are e formalappropriate occasions when whānau are able to share their visions. Som

Government’swhānau suggestion representations of raising have the also school been leaving made. Theage toNational 18 years motivated

kapasome haka whānau academy to approach propos theition kura which with had issues been centred informally on alternatives, investigated being a through national kapa haka exponents some years before. The philosophical statement Te Aho Matua in terms of the direction of the Kura. reminds the whānau of their obligations

Gatherings of people are managed by tikanga and lore that allows potentially dangerous situations to be managed with integrity and traditional wisdom.

Those who enter hui and circumstances with saddened hearts, loss or anger are still required to adhere to the guidelines of and these are not for

kaupapa Māori, rememberingnegotiation, or and renaming. acknowledging Behaviours the includedead, the karakia/prayer acknowledgement to open of leaders and close, and elders, the acknowledgment of others present, acknowledgement of the purpose for gathering, along with reference towards resolution, allowing

429

speakers the floor until they have finished speaking are examples.

Participant observation has allowed the writer to witness some potentially destructive behaviour displayed by long standing, senior Marae members.

observeDespite this,tikanga) the Marae and continues supports to these teach whānau its curriculum (that they. might embrace and

Absorbing the ‘curve balls’ thrown are a Marae managing and governing body committed to integrity, humility and keeping its members intact, including

sometimesthose claiming severely to have reprimanded grievance. Theby its Marae own staffmembers and whānau for maintaining ‘forge on’ the confidences necessary to protect everyone involved.

view the re-naming of the kaupapa as the seeking of newSome initiatives: Marae whānau ‘Taking the Marae’s initiatives further a field is another sign of the Marae’s success’ as Paora Sharples, the Marae manager stated to the

Western Leader October, 2009, upon receiving the Taumata Runanga Māori growthCommunity are an Award indication (“Leadership of accomplishment, Recognised”, then 2009, the p.11). end of If thenew first initiatives decade and of this new millennium has been a resurgence era for Hoani Waititi Marae.

In Conclusion

In investigating the effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum, this chapter has traversed the establishment and history of Hoani Waititi Marae central to its journey, and discussed the Marae organisation and . Some in-depth

wānanga 430

deliberation is provided of an example: Te Whānau o Waipareira and the importance of community relations is recognised. The vision and mission of

Hoani Waititi Marae is outlined - its values, ethos and objectives. The womb to grave education model is discussed followed by capacity building as it related to the Marae personnel in terms of up skilling when a quality management system was affected. An example of cultural capacity building as it extends to non- who reside in the community is also provided. Māori

contributesPersonal member to themes voice of by sacrifice, poukōrero choice ands, participantmana and challenge observation particularly of whānau from whakawhitiwhiti rua learning conversations around what are the effects and outcomes of the urban Marae? (The soundfile offers improved ‘voice’Poukōrero to this. Refer speak CD strongly inside pocketand with of passion.cover).

themes can be found in Appendix C

Further Māori literacies that augment these Gathering the Menagerie of Richness. The following Chapter 6 explores the question, in a Postcolonial

World as itwhat discusses are the the implications many new forinitiatives the education birthed of over Māori the period of this thesis, under the management and Trustees changes and innovations required for a Marae revival.

50 English translation provided by John. F. Matthews of Te Aupouri & Ngati Kahu.

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51 It would be considered rude to document or speak about Hoani Waititi Marae without acknowledging those people responsible for its creation (via committees, fundraising etc is a useful way). When Māori formally mihi/greet initial acknowledgement is extended to those elders and leaders who are responsible for the purpose of the gathering or undertaking. And, culturally it is considered necessary to visit history. Hoani Waititi Marae whānau will expect the historical development of the Marae to precede discussions of possible outcomes. It will most likely be the part that interests them. 52 Tumatauenga: God of War (predominantly). 53 Te Runanga Nui o Ngā Kura Kaupapa Māori o Aotearoa: Governing body of Kura Kaupapa Māori of New Zealand. 54 Dr Pita Sharples as witness for the claimant, Waipareira Trust 55 In 1992 The Treaty of Waitangi Fisheries Deed of Settlement had been signed – the Crown allowed for the development and involvement of Māori in the fishing industry. $150 million was paid to Māori to purchase a half share in Sealord Products Ltd (New Zealand’s largest fishing company), holding 27 of the per cent New Zealand quota, 20% quota of new species and greater representation of Māori on statutory bodies on fishing management. In 2004, the act was revised as The Māori Fisheries Act: 40% of net profit of the company is distributed, 80% is mandated proportionately to iwi organisations and 20% to Te Ohu Kai Moana/Corporate Trustee on behalf of iwi. 56 Whānau Ora constructs an evidence-based framework for the facilitation of strengthened whānau capabilities, an integrated approach to whānau wellbeing, improved collaborative relationships between state agencies in relation to whānau services, improved relationships between government and community agencies that are broader than contractual and improved cost-effectiveness and value for money (Durie, 2010). 57 Translation of Hoani Waititi Marae vision statement by John Matthews Te Aupouri/Ngati Kahu 58 Translation of excerpts into English by John Matthews Te Aupouri/Ngati Kahu 59 For in depth discussions see Sharples (2002b). Hoani Waititi Marae: He nuka kokiri mo te whakatu whare wānanga, unpublished report. 60 29.01.02: Letter of support from Trevor Mallard, Steve Maharey and Parekura Horomia. 61 The Ministry of Māori Development

62 Karanga/ ceremonial calling, whaikōrero/oratory and kawa Marae/etiquette of Marae proceedings were among the training undergone in an effort to empower elders at a level where they could purposefully aid in the function of Māori urban institutions, activities and events. A register was collated of Auckland elders, particularly from the West. Eight wānanga and Māori language classes were developed at Hoani Waititi Marae and at neighbouring Te Kotuku Marae. Once completed, graduates were attached to local Māori bodies as residents. 63 The so’o became the catalyst for a ‘culture of reconciliation’ as New Zealand’s past grievances during the period of the Mau Movement were apologised for by the Mayor of Waitakere particularly as it was from West Auckland’s Whenuapai Airbase that military departed to cause much destruction for the Samoan people. Support was extended from the Marae to Waitakere City Council to create a Maota Samoa for West Auckland (Hoani Waititi Marae Trust, 2004, p.5). 64 There are presently over 100,000 Samoan peoples in New Zealand. 65 The cities of Auckland were amalgamated under one ‘Supercity’ which came into effect by rates policy in 2011. Therefore, Waitakere City which was the local body council for West Auckland no longer exists. 66 The late Pāpā Fraser Delamere was a respected Te Whānau-a-Apanui elder who resided with his late wife Donna at the kaumatua flats on the Marae up until his death, shortly following his return home. He was cousin to the previously mentioned Joseph Delamere, a stalwart of Te Rautahi and much loved member of the Hoani Waititi Marae whānau whānui.

432

67 Roberts (2000), p. 63, in his discussion of Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed, and later works, advocates the value of silence in communicative relationships as ‘silence affords participants in a dialogue the space to truly listen to what others have to say. It allows one to appreciate questions and doubts’, and to connect with the internal rhythm of the speaker’s thought

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Chapter 6

The Facilitation of Hoani Waititi Marae Curriculum

There are many facets to the expressi

though probably the most illustrative onis theof Māori Marae. autonomy As a centre and for authority, both

formal and informal meetings, the Marae is the most enduring forum for

debate and decision-making and, more often than not, the most authentic

Most Marae centre on

in terms of Māori cultural values and symbolism.

sharedwhānau ancestors, or hapū, and common reflect journeys, the culture and and joint history fortunes of its and members, misfortunes. their

Decisions made on a Marae tend to carry more authority than those made

in other arenas, insofar as they relate directly to the affairs of a group, and

this is one reason why the Marae is a preferred venue for hui, especially

when binding decisions are needed. A Marae is one of the few places where

-determination has

anythe agendameaning is atcontrolled all, then itby finds tāngata fuller whenua…and expression inif selfthe politics, procedures

and leadership of the Marae (Durie, 1998, p . 221).

Hoani Waititi Marae68 facilitates its curriculum via a number of whare

(both literal and symbolic, refer fig 47 & 48) or cultureswānanga/houses that alter of and learning change as the populous demands, and as funding becomes available while ensuring that what is essentially knowledge remains steadfast. Versions and aspects of essentialat the knowledges core of Māori may evolve and re-shape.

434

Essential

knowledges

are

facilitated

through

groups such

Reo,as Kōhanga

Fig 47: Hoani Waititi Marae entering from the waharoa/gateway

d Te Roopu Manutaki. The education

Kura Kaupapa Māori, Te Whare Tu Taua anis created through these wananga. of urban Māori in the postcolonial world ways of sacrifice, choices, manaChapter and 5 concludedchallenge as that a result the whānau of the Marae have grown curriculum. in This chapter explores the research question, d) what are the implications for the education of Māori in a postcolonial world, as an investigation of the context of this education in terms of surviving with the colonizer. The wananga of the Marae are detailed to provide substance to this context. How education on the Marae occurs and is facilitated today through the curriculum of the wananga is described in catering for the needs of the people. Case studies that remain constant and unchanging such as the expressive arts forms of Te Roopu Manutaki for instance, reflect the viability of wananga as vital steadfast curriculum.

Implications arose other data gathering sources, and

from poukōrero and 435

have centered on the a

daptation of Māori, the restoration of Māori, tāngata

whenua recognition, and tāngata whenua not being recognised. 6.1

Development of Marae Wananga/Cultures The following discussion of the de provides a layer that illuminates howvelopment curriculum of the developed wānanga to of cater the Marae for the

Suggestions and inferences postcolonialneeds of the whānau.world are drawn from this historical forgrowth the education of initiatives. of Māori A in a discussion of the purposes, administration, the growth of whanaungatanga, and longevity from Marae conception through to the present lays a base of criteria to enable the interpretation of postcolonial survival.

Involvement with the Department of Labour∼ employment-subsidy schemes from Marae conception throughout the 1980s enabled the Marae to function

preparationinitiatives that and equipped improved Māori opportunity with indigenous for employme knowledges,nt. Furthermore life skills, the

workforce,initiatives addressed particularly the those disproportionate unable to enter representation the arena at aof level Māori of informal the

education and high numbers of Māori who were illiterate (Sharples, 1986a). In the early 1980s, periodic detention work schemes (two gangs of ten members) worked on ground development, general maintenance of buildings and Marae hosting in weekends at the Marae. Community service referrals attended to similar tasks of Marae hosting: taking part in welcomes and kitchen 436

assistance for example. Department of labour Periodic Employment Programme

reed patterned panels ran(P.E.P) alongside schemes work of ground skills programmes development of and catering tukutuku/ for large functions, art and craft, and pre-employment courses centred on improving self esteem and self worth (Sharples, 1981).

At the closure of schemes and developments of others the trustees realised that much benefit could be gained from running the schemes, including those that

trusteesdid not operate in 1986 as in well concluding as intended. the budget Pāpā Pita ‘wind Sharples-up’ of theto a Ranui meeting Horticulture of the

Project stated ‘(H)undreds of young people had received work and training both at Ranui and at the Marae – Immeasurable benefit in terms of young people many of whom would have been in trouble’. Further advantages were identified in terms of scheme overheads that financed building and maintenance of Marae sites, benefits to the community, and spirit of the Marae. In this particular circumstance, the trustees geared themselves to the possibilities available via the Training Assistance Programme (T.A.P) (Hoani Waititi Marae Inc Soc, 1986, p.2).

(T)rainees on T.A.P will greatly benefit from the development of their

inMāori the lifeidentity, of the which Marae. necessarily This holistic follows approach from helps their buildactive young involvement people’s

pride and self esteem, which are such crucial factors in obtaining a job,

437

and especially in performing and holding down a job (Sharples, 1986a,

p. 3).

T.A.P ran with optimum numbers in 1986, linked to the West Auckland business community, industries and technical institutes, and was accompanied by the

Access Scheme. These were the seventh and eighth schemes run in collaboration with the department following years of involvement with the schemes gaining knowledge and experience. ‘Essentially the three main strands of the training…cultural input, vocationally orientated life skills and vocational courses focussing on work skills’ (Sharples, 1986a, p. 46).

Marae based training modules allocated specific vocational modules integrated with non- language formodular self confidence programmes in operating around life in skills,a work Māor environmentitanga and and Māori society in general, supervisor operator training modules of: clerical skills in association

guage with the Rehabilitation Leagues clerical staff that linked with Māori lan learningor learning having support a quarter in literacy of the and trainees numeracy, rostered catering on life with skills, the Māori assistance language of the

Hotel Catering Industry Training Board and Auckland Technical Institute, and the main vocational module: sewing, in association with the Apparel Industry

andTraining affected Board self and esteem local and textile confidence businesses. were Modules weaving that as anbuilt indigenous Māori identity knowledge that equipped trainees to produce works of ‘deep cultural 438

significance’ and skill for employment, and bone carving which developed skills, technique and employment possibility in a similar vein to the weaving module.

Flower production and outdoor vegetable modules modelled on the Agricultural

Training Council cadet schemes were also offered with assistance from

Carrington Technical Institute and Youth development Trust. Marae based modules were supported by supervised operator training with local employers,

traineethe Kōhanga in the Reo belief and that businesses people differ in the in city. skill Programmes and knowledge were base. tailored to each

The Marae recognised the need for job search and exploration as a necessary stage for achieving the ultimate employment goal. Established connections were ongoing with West Auckland businesses and employers and connections established with follow-on learning via technical institutes (Sharples, 1986a,

1986b). Further to these modules and similar programmes and courses, the

Marae developed modules for Māori language tutors, teacher training, and for

Te Reo Māori. 6.2 Marae Wananga in the Second Millennium

Some of the present wananga of Hoani Waititi Marae are buildings or structures that by conventional Eurocentric definition do not embody people, however in the example of the whare tipuna of gathering, celebration and death, this building symbolises (and culturally is a direct source to) an ancestor (refer fig

439

47). The ancestor, particularly in the case of tribal whare, was once a living being whose magnificent feats and deeds were personified in teachings to successive generations. Some buildings of this urban pan-tribal Marae - Hoani

Waititi Marae, are designated cultures as they are architecturally created in human recognisable physical form, externally and internally clothed by

- ancestors, the dead of the underworld are recognisedpou/carvings within depicting these in structures, essence and thus they are restored as representations for the people.

Fig 48: Hoani Waititi Marae, Te Whare Tipuna/the ancestral house – Ngā Tumanako

Learning foundations for tamariki, kapa haka groups, and associated committees have evolved in the three decades since conception.

6.2.1 Managerial groups

440

Marae Trustees: A body of five trustees are fiscally responsible for the administration of the Marae. The body meets bi-monthly. A Marae committee is concerned with the day to day Marae operations and is chaired by a Marae

Trustees member. Committee meetings are held monthly. Staff, kaumatua and

Marae .

whānau attend 6.2.2 Te Roopu Manutaki

Te Roopu Manutaki is named after the lead bird - manutaki that guides the flight path of the flock. As metaphor, the reference implies that the group will lead

and guide the work of kapa haka and in Pāpā Pita’s words, ‘the leaders and

guardians of Māori culture’ (1998a, p.3). Te Roopu Manutaki performing arts group was founded in 1968 in Te Atatu

North, West Auckland by combining three smaller groups under the tutelage of locals Pita Sharples and Te Aroha Paenga (then Sharples) (refer fig 49). Open to all ethnicities and with no cost, the founding group of eighteen members were based at Matipo Primary School. The group increased in numbers and moved to the Te Atatu North Community Hall where Thursday night practises were held.

Manutaki Junior group started and grew to 120 members while the senior group grew to eighty-five.

Te Roopu Manutaki competed in all Aotearoa Polynesian Festivals and Te

441

Matatini Festivals since conception in 1972 to 2011 led by Pita Sharples and recently his son Paora. Te Roopu Manutaki has entered as many as three teams in the festival, such as 2004. They have won the national trophy twice, and Pita

oneSharples of only has three won people the Kaitātaki to have Tāne/male competed leaderat every trophy festival. five times, also being

Fig 49: Te Roopu Manutaki led the haka powhiri /welcoming ceremony for opening of Te Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae.

The group has gained international acclaim for its cultural aspect and as dance

990 Commonwealth Games withtroupe. the They support have of led 2000 the performers,Māori opening and of they the have1 experienced a plethora of overseas events and tours with all original material up until 2004 composed exclusively by Pita Sharples. Their annual membership is sixty-five and the ongoing membership is thousands. Funding is secured by paid performances, fundraising and grants.

442

Members of the first established kapa haka group tend to be active participants or leaders of Marae wananga and activities. They have children in the Kōhanga and Kura, and are staff. This meaningful learning- teaching cyclic relationship with the Marae provides a continual feed of knowledge, membership, ownership and passion; all of which are evident in performance.

6.2.3 m – Te Aroha

Whare Kai/Dining Roo

openedThe noa/common in 1978 (refer house fig of 50 hosting, & 51) food preparation and eating; Te Aroha

. Combined with Ngā Tumanako and the donationsgrounds, funding from oth ofer these Marae wānanga wananga, for andtheir koha maintenance that is presented and upkeep to the is Maraefrom from visiting groups facilitating a dual arrangement whereby the Marae offers services to the community and in turn those services contribute to costs incurred.

Fig 50: Plaque mounted upon opening of Te Aroha 1978.

443

Fig 51: Inside the wharekai/dining room - Te Aroha.

6.2.4 -

Whare Tipuna/Ancestral House Ngā Tumanako -

WorldWharehui/meeting and this remain housess true remain of Hoani refuges Waititi from Marae the- modernists whare (refer non figuresMāori 52-

54). The Marae and wharehui are relevant sites of the social world for the sourcing of knowledges such as cosmology, and genealogy. Culture is retained and practiced here. The Marae and the wharehui are also a focal point and space for the gathering and politicising of groups (Rosenblatt, 2003).

Whare tipuna as named after ancestors are celebrated by the pure reincarnation of their existence through the embodiment of their name. The design of the whare structurally represents the ancestor, symbolically via representations of

head, maihi arms, tahuhu spine, hekethe tinana/boribs anddy so aspects forth (Tauroa such as & the Tauroa, tekoteko/ 1986). / /

/ 444

In the case of Hoani Waititi Marae, the whare tipuna carries the name Ngā

Tumanako meaning aspirations or hopes. The name embodies an ancestral

element as described by Pāpā Pita in a presentation to employment trainees,

Fig 52: Inside Te Whare Tipuna/ancestral house - Nga Tumanako

[E]very carving in the meeting house was an ancestor “whether it was a

person or an event”. Of course there is precedent for seeing events as

ancestors in the chants which take “the dawn” to be an ancestor, and

perhaps also in the inclusion of mental states like “desire” in genealogies,

Rosenblatt,or the emphasis 2003, on p. the 233). growth of “thoughts” in narratives (cited in

Ngā Tumanako opened in 1980. It is presently facilitated by a number of main 445

kaumatua, some whom are residents and reciprocate obligation to the Marae functions as speaking male elders for example. A number of speaking female elders assist and are residents of the kaumatua flats. They are supported by non-speaking kaumatua and kui.

The kaupapa of people who

Ngā Tumanako reflects the place and purpose of all are connected by depicted ancestors. Ngā Tumanako composed by preservesThe waiata/song such knowledge for the successive generations ofPāpā Hoani Pita Waititi Sharples Marae wh

ānau: Poi – by Pita R Sharples

NgāKa Tumanako tangi te poi Rere atu te poi Whakarongo ki te poi No te whare Tumanako Te Marae Hoani Waititi e

Aue e poi e

Aue tuia ngā whakairo e Aue nā te koruru AmoKā heke ki te iho paepae mai Ki ngā maihi O nga Tipuna e-e OKi te ngā Taitokerau poupou e

Fig 53: Inside Ngā Tumanako – Hoani Waititi me te Poutokomanawa/central post

Arowhare e Ki te Arawa e Waikato Taranaki Me te Whanau Apanui -e Kahungunu Tuhoe Ngāti Porou e 446

Me Te Waipounamu mea ataahua KaKia huri whakahonohono e poi ki ngā nga iwi e!! Aue e poi

mea tuku tuku KaokaoRere atu – e no poi ki ngā Tu Matauenga he taua Poutama – pukumahi – rangatira

no te ao kohatu Hi!Ko ngāHi! Purapurataonga tipuna whetu – tini te whetu

wi e Ha! Ha! Ko te waamu Whanganui MeKo ngāte mana I Taranaki Takitoru –Porourangi Roimata Toroa Papakirango Waharua Patikitiki e

Fig 54: Inside Ngā Tumanako

Whakarua kopito – te ihi o te toa e Ko te Tirawhetu – kai na te korurangi e Me te kowhaiwhai – na te kaha ururoa Huri atu e poi ki nga Iwi e

Ko to koutou whare whakairo E mihingā waka atu nei e Na te poi kua whakaheretia Tatou ki a tatou e Aue Tumanako Tumanako e

69:

Pāpā Pita expresses the meanings of these words

WestNgā Tumanako Auckland. isThis the poi name is written of the wharenui to preserve built the on knowledge Hoani Waititi contained Marae

447

in the taonga of the whare, and to teach the generations of children at Te

iti Marae.

Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Wait It describes the carvings beginning at the Koruru, Maihi, Amo, Paepae to

the Poupou on the Mahau. It names the tribal poupou inside the whare.

It then names and describes the tukutuku panels in the house. Finally it

refers to the Kowhaiwhai on the heke and concludes that this house,

memorial to the late John Waititi is indeed a house for all people because

they have tipuna in the whare.

T are reflected in symmetrical pattern formed on the oppositehe poupou/carvings wall of the hou se. The tribal groups depicted aim to have equal representation as do the people. The rear wall (death wall) is given to representations of the Northern region whose people(s) are largely represented in the Auckland isthmus. Under the window at the front of the house, three carvings depict sailing ships including James Cook’s Endeavour.

These waka represent the settler community now embodied by their descendants today who have a speaking place on the Marae and in the whare.

Direct personifications were not chosen by the master carver, the late John Te

Kauru Taiapa, nor are the carvings named as specific ancestors (reflected in the house not carrying an ancestral name). The pan-tribal perspective is centred upon the desire to depict and facilitate a shared distribution of power across

protection from possible supremacy.

iwi/people as

448

6.2.5

Te Kōhanga Reo & Te Kōhanga Matua Te mana kohungahunga, The dignity of the children

TukuTe mana iho reona te Māori Atua AThe gift dignity from God of the Māori language

(Te Kōhanga Reo o Hoani Waititi Marae, 2005, p.1)

Theinitiative Kōhanga in education Reo of Hoani and asWaititi such Maraeis part isof athe member largest of grass the national root educational Māori alternative (refer fig 55). and also the most favoured by Māori in New Zealand‘s history

and80 Māori teachers leaders to discuss attended. current 40 young issues hotshots of the time. attended, One of doctors, the main lawyers topics

of discussion was the language and its imminent disappearance. One of

the ideas passed was the establishment of an early learning centre for the

language. That was the original name, ‘Kōhanga mo te Reo’.experienced The idea with was

childrento put young in a roomlearners and and close a nanny the door fluent from in MondayMāori and through to Friday and

(Pita Sharples, as cited on Morgan,

2010).they would come out speaking Māori

conceptsThe kaupapa of administration, Māori curriculum programming is delivered and in Teimplementation. Reo, based on Itwhānau is the source

to which Kura Kaupapa Māori and Wharekura Kaupapa Māori attribute. 449

Fig 55: Hoani Waititi Marae Kōhanga Reo

Mainstream early childhood education is unable to offer total immersion programmes with similar curriculum and pedagogical emphases (Rata, Nepe,

Smith & Smith, 1988; Sharples, 1992a; Smith, G. 1997).

Pāpā Pita revisits the establishment era in talking to Waititi whānau:

The effect of Kōhanga Reo was dynamic. It was probably in my view, the

most important thing to happen to Māori people last Century…In 1979,

tribesthe government fighting with did each not even other know (laughs) the namethat was of the it… iwi.and Theyfor the knew first Māori time

in modern times our iwi took our leadership that was significant. Iwi

450

started to find authorities and Trust Boards and different things like that

to be recognised.

Then they formed the Confederation of Tribes …it failed after a while but

at least it got strong enough for government to get a fright. Government

started listening to them and trading with them and now government deals

just about only with tribes, which is sad. They have gone over the other side.

We are more than just our iwi. We are a LOT of things, but for the moment

our iwi are paramount (Pita Sharples, Presentation to Hoani Waititi Marae

whānau, June, 2009a). Lavington

HospitalThe kaupapa in Epsom, Māori Auckland centre opened (Executive 1982 Managementin buildings relocated consultancy, from 2002) and

Hoaniwas registered Waititi Marae, as a licensed 2005, p.9). Day Care Centre in May of 1983 (Te Kōhanga Reo o

important things that

When the Kōhanga Reo was getting started, one of the

Reostood centre. out for They me waswere that there the to parents help the were tutors there teach to supportthe children. the Kōhanga Some of

the parents came every week to help with the children by singing with them

and doing much more (Te Aroha Paenga, as cited on Morgan, 2010).

The Kōhanga Reo is funded by the Kōhanga Reo National Trust, Work and

FamilyIncome participation New Zealand is (WINZ) expected subsidies, to support and learn paid ingfees particularly by whānau for members. those

70 A wide range of developmental activities are parents who do not speak Māori. 451

implemented in encouraging independent learners. The Kōhanga adheresd to the principles of the National Kōhanga Reo Trust Charter, and the aims an objectives of the associated texts: Korowai and Te Whariki in providing quality

Te Tirirti o Waitangi and tino

Kaupapa Māori based education. The principles of rangatiratangacapable stakeholders are paramount in the administration in equipping and the operationsKōhanga whānau of the plantas informed, (Te

Kōhanga Reo o Hoani Waititi Marae, 2005). -image and dignity, and to restoreThe Kōhanga language intents and aretikanga to strengthen practices Māorias was self first set down in the

establishment of Kōhanga Reo nationally as arms against colonisation and the

loss of Māori authority in the resurgence era of the 1980s.

Mystand job on was their going feet…Because around Kōhanga we loved Reo the in Tāmakiidea, we Makaurau, all got involved. helping Everybody them

taught in the Kōhanga…we were writing kaupapa and things like- that when

andthe kōhanga finally of started. course, Thewe realised idea was we we were would in theuse realno pākehā world, aidswe hadall toMāori use

computers and Osch and things interfered and then there was this clash

between tikanga Māori and the government, and even that’s still on today

(Pita Sharples, Presentation to Hoani Waititi Marae whānau, June, 2009a). A wide range of experienc richness in language experienceses for children, and communication the restoration are of all Māori augmented knowledges, by the

Marae facilities as resource and real, living and learning lifestyles. 452

our Marae and we will support

Whānau as Marae members is explicit, ‘(T)his is it fully in every way’ (Te Kōhanga Reo o Hoani Waititi Marae, 2005, p.11). In waitingkeeping listwith priority the whānau to those nature prospective of the kaupapa, enrolments priority who is are given established in times Waititiof

whānau. -seven weeks of the year for children of ten monthsThe Kōhanga to six Reoyears operates of age. Curriculumforty aspects have attended to knowledges,

runderstandings and the articulation of whakawhanaungatanga/building

elationships, ko au/myself as in pepeha/tribal indicators and family, whakatupato ahi/fire safety and the origin of fire to Mahuika, Tangaroa and his realm/sea God, ko ngā taumahekeheke o te komowera/Commonwealth Games, oranga tāngata/healthy living, he manu/birds and their origins, Ruaumoko and his realm/volcanoes and earthquakes, manaaki manuhiri/hospitality, tāngata rongonui/famous people, koanga/spring, kararehe o te waao/animals o te of the world, whanaungatanga/relationships and noho Marae and te

kirihimete/Christmas. Te

In 2010, the Marae created a new initiative in kōhanga reo via the concept of Kōhanga Matua, a reception unit for the development and preparation of older children in transition from to Kura Kaupapa

(refer fig 56). ‘They thenHoani go Waititi into a moreMarae stream Kōhanga lined Reo ‘kura’ type learning’

Māori 453

(Ethel Paniora, WR, 27 August 2010).

describes the curriculum of self-

Whāeadetermination Ethel then. In termsa kaiako of Masonof the Kōhanga Durie’s (1998, Reo, p.4) definition, ‘essentially

(andMāori the self protectiondetermination of the isenvironment about the advancement for future generations) of Māori people, at the as early Māori’, pre - school age:

Anything that happens in this K

about it. They should know howōhanga to answer Reo the the phone, tamariki what should is happening know

- what are the things we are going to talk about? When

Iat talk the about whānau tino hui rangatiratanga; that is self-determination (Ethel Paniora,

WR, 27 August 2010).

Ethel culture,

comments on the kōhanga reo T

wharehis kōhanga tupuna reo and is the rich Marae. in taonga We haveand its the rich richness like that of thebecause resources of the

available to us here. When I look at the resources I look to those flats,

a tatou kaumatua, and then you just weave your way up here. It’s like

when I go home…they are so rich because in town we are having to create

teenvironments taiao Tangaroa…they so that ngā have mohio the ngāriches tamariki of the kienvironment, te taiao Tane we Mahuta, don’t, but ki

we have the richness of o tatou Marae. The beauty of what we have here

is that it is a iwi. But we all still whanaunga atu ki a ratou a tatou ki a

orou and I would not get that back at home

whanaunga o Tuhoe, Ngāti P 454

and so I guess each place has their richness. We utilise what we have got

(Ethel Paniora, WR, 27 August 2010).

Fig 56: Kōhanga Matua

The richness of the urban Marae

is the basis for Ethel’s

curriculum development

as has been since Marae

conception.

Awe lot are of herethe curriculum on the Marae. derives When from I talk those about era the momo richness āhuatanga I talk about now the

ability of our tamariki to be able to see what they are actually mihi-ing to

(Ethel Paniora, WR, 27 August 2010).

The Marae -a-

is the source for pāngarau/maths, pūtaiao/science, tikanga iwi/social sciences and other concrete and values curricula that fall naturally 455

and thematically into curriculum strands that reflect everyday cultural practices on the Marae. ‘We have got it here …we talk about curriculum like manaaki

tāngataPaniora, and WR, they 27 August are doing 2010 that). within the kai that they are going to make (Ethel

Curriculum developments have been planned in three year cycles, relevant to the Marae. The design template:

Kaitiakitanga will start right here on our Marae, how we will tiaki on

this Marae it is up to the

mokopuna……andFor thewe canfollowing look at year types – of mokai/pets, …The third year

will focus on te hauora o te Marae. Thosemanaakitanga/caring three things we do really well

here on this Marae. And…our mokopuna are being exposed to them. They

are living what they are learning (Ethel Paniora, WR, 27 August 2010).

6.2.6

Kaumatua/Elders Residencies Six onsite kaumatua homes house single elders and couples. The flats were intended for elders of sixty years age who required housing, and who were able to assist the functioning of the Marae. The properties are maintained by the

assist in upkeep (refer fig 57).

Marae caretaker and whānau generally

456

Fig 57: Kaumatua/Elders residencies

6.2.7

Kura Kaupapa Māori and Wharekura Kaupapa Māori Promoting an education of success without sacrificing Māori identity

(Pita Sharples, 2009a).

Thereone of wasmy favourite this kid that kids. we W senthen heto schoolcame back from, he the was kōhanga a bit shy and and he wa

suddenly after a week he started to answer only in English, then he didn’t

even want to talk to us. After a while he looked at me like I was the last

person on earth that he wanted to be near. I couldn’t believe it because I

was so close to this kid … I just thought why has this boy turned against me?

I other. And, it was because I’d sent this

n the kōhanga; they all love each

kidschool. to a I’dpākehā deceived school this with child. the I’d skills said, to ‘This survive is the in waya Kōhanga of the world Reo, not – kia a

ora! karakia mo te kai, share your food, mihimihi tuatahi, hear your name

all the time. He went to the school and never heard his name, often made

laughedto sit on andthe matso on. by I himself. DECEIVED The that only child. time Ihe said, spoke ‘This Māori, is the the way kids of the

457

world’ for two years, sent them off to school. From that day I turned to

the parents and I said, ‘We must build a school. We cannot deceive our

2009a).kids (Pita Sharples, Presentation to Hoani Waititi Marae whānau, June,

Kura Kaupapa Māori is a Māori initiative that sadly expressed by Pāpā Pita grew out of one of the losses and errors of the past, an error in amongst the whirlwind of the Kōhanga Reo movement, but Pāpā ‘takes it on-the-chin’, and refashions it into a weapon to ensure similar mistakes are not repeated.

In not being a government initiative, . It remains one of the best examples of tinoKura rangatiratanga Kaupapa Māori: belongs to Māori

It’s about exercising choice, creating opportunities and possibilities and

purposefully determining a future. As suchas aKura self -Kaupapadetermination Māori model.is a path It

isthat the is best attracted example to Māori of self and-determination that exists that we have’ (Sharples, 2009a).

cast off the perceived

Kurafailure Kaupapa carried Māorifor 173 is years emancipatory; and allow ita allowsnew beginning Māori to with M curriculum; via ideology, philosophy, theory, pedagogy and practice,āori owned about

Māori owned knowledges, from Māori owned knowledge sources, in the ways

of Māori people to Māori ownership and control of education. ary, as it delivers

Kura Kaupapa Māori is vision a Māori future that nurtures and 458

provides for Māori language thisand knowledgeculture. And, at Kura the forefront Kaupapa of Māori legitimate validates and officialMāori knowledge understandings, by placing by acknowledging mea

ning and relevance of Māori knowledges, by legitimising Māori practices and techniques, and finding a meaningful place for Māori practices in today’s world. Akonga

KuraMāori/pedagogies and Wharekura or asāhuatanga extensions ako/aspects of of learning Reo ( specificallyare exemplified discussed in the in the previous chapter). the Kōhanga

reo71, bilingual units and school. Kura

Kura Kaupapa Māori differs from rūmaki laKaupapanguage Māoriof instruction’ go beyond and ‘a isschool clearly in defined which te by: reo Māori is the principal

1) adherence to Te Aho Matua

3) Māori knowledgeownership and and use control of Māori pedagogy

4) whānau

5) total immersion Māori languagekawa learning

Māori cultural etiquette/ These elements are active, necessary ingredients that when applied are easily identified, and can be recognised when absent. As was directed

‘When we see it drifting off, we have a responsibility to pull it backby Pāpāinto these Pita, terms’ (2009a). Today the definition is criteria and is a definitive prescription, whereby one can assess the activity of the Kura by aligning to these terms: Is the

459

Kura adhering to Te Aho Matua and in what ways? Is it evident that the Kura is

s in practice? Which pedagogies?based on Māori Can knowledge? staff articulate Are them?Māori Dopedagogie they discuss their effectiveness? And so forth, through fundamental terms of ‘the constitution’ parts one through to five.

If the members have to pause at the foundations, then at least they know where to pour the concrete.

These terms were fought for and resisted by mainstream New Zealand society,

and some Māori back in the establishment era. It was totally resisted by everybody - threatened- death threatening

letters. People are so scared…But it was resisted by the department (of

Education), they said, ‘How can we build a school-You can’t. This is the

Ministry of Education (Auckland Education Board)’ ‘Well we want a

school that ’. ‘There’s no such school’ ‘That’s why we

want to buildteaches a school’ in Māori and they go, ‘Well you don’t build schools, we

because

theybuild don’t schools’. exist? ‘So’ how can we get a school that teaches in Māori,

‘Go to Māori Affairs’. , ‘Oh no, go to the Education

Department.So we went to We Māori don’t Affairs. build schools.And they We said build Kokiri Centres’. So we

went back to education and said, ‘We want to build a school’ and they

said, ‘You can’t. There is no such school planned’. And that is how it went

for a long time (Pita Sharples, Presentation to Hoani Waititi Marae

460

whānau, June, 2009a).

were required to secure a provisional license to avoid individual membersThe whānau being prosecuted for not sending their children to school or not providing proper care. Further demonstrative acts by the Auckland Education

Board followed. Pāpā Pita best describes this himself at a presentation to Hoani toWaititi a variety Marae of whānauaudiences in nJuneationally of 2009 and as internationally he has done many for the times purposes over the of years

describedindigenous in determination. brackets. The reactions of the whānau in attendance are

They said, ‘Y acts ticking off on a

clipboard) ‘building’ou’ve got (the to have room a burstsbuilding’ with (Pāpā laughter). Honestly that is

how it went. ‘You ha g

off a checklist), ‘teacher’,ve got ‘A to REAL have TEACHER a teacher’ with (Pāpā qualifications’ again acts out tickin

(imaginary list is ticked off again), ‘qualifications’. And then as we went

to walk away he said, ‘And you’ve got to have a drinking fountain’ (Again

the

this whānauold building is in an– Papakura. uproar). We ‘IT’S came A SCHOOL! back about LOOK a month AT THE later. WINDOWS!’ We found

they didn’t want it. It cost us $30,000 to move it over here, got the

carpenters in, got some teachers and we went back to the education

department. ‘We have got those things’. ‘What things?’ ‘The school - we

built a school remember? ’. ‘You got the building? ‘Yep we have got the

building, got it on the Marae, got it done up’ ‘You got storage?’ ‘Yeah we got

storage’ ‘You got teachers?’ ‘Yeah we got teachers’ ‘How did you get your

461

teachers? ‘Well we offered them a third of their salary, and a chance to

make their own shelves, write their own books, clean their own rooms

(room bursts into laughter)and all those kinds of things to pioneer the

kind of school that you don’t build, and they jumped at the opportunity.

They were SO angry ‘and we have got a hose on a tap’ remembering his

blimmen fountain…And so that is how it started. We got a provisional

license, we got a pre-fab from Howick College and we had to pay for it.

We mucked up their grounds getting it out of there- the building right

down on the road there. Te Ataarangi, carvings, Te Iti Kahurangi - it

started there…

Some sassiness is evident in the working relationships across organisations and

apathy,agencies, strategic particularly deterr whenents theand whānau bordering decided institutionalised to boldly forge racism on despitethey were the

faced with. Further examples are supplied by Pāpā Pita: David Lange was the Prime Minister and he was my friend. He rang up

and said, ‘I hear you are going to open your kura? I’ll open it’. I said, ‘Well

put it this way, to open a kura you have to be kuia, an old lady, or a virgin

which one are you?’(laughter in the room) ‘I am the Prime Minister and

I’m opening that building’. ‘OK Prime Minister’ (laughter in the room

again). He came and he put down a cheque of $5,000. That was a lot of

money in those days. He just had faith in the vision and everything and

so he just put himself in the square (Pita Sharples, Presentation to Hoani

(refer fig 58).

Waititi Marae whānau, June, 2009a)

462

Despite the handsome cheques donated on the day, years fund raising (refer fig 59). the Kura whānau spent

Fig 58: David Lange greets whānau. . Fig 59: Pita Sharples, Mrs Graham & the late Sir Paul Reeves at the opening

After three years of operation, other Kura opened in Mt Eden, Ruamata,

Christchurch, Palmerston and in Otaki. They came in 1985, 1986, 1987, 1988, and 1989. Greater parental involvement of Tomorrow’s Schools in April, 1989,

schoolsignalled systems Pāpā Pita by joining and other curriculum whānau committees.members to Theretake part they in hera the ldedchanging the concept of Kura Kaupapa and found it did not fit with any of the Tomorrow’s

Schools Committee’s concepts. Tomorrow’s Schools eventuated, and it did so with six kura operating either privately or unofficially.

ataira had returned from Germany where she had

At this time, Kōkā Katerina M studied The Silent Way method of teaching which formed the basis of Te

Ataarangi . A number of

Hoani Waititi Marae whānau were involved in the 463

development of Te Ataarangi vocabulary

as Kōkā Katerina established sequences and the phraseology aspects of the programme formation. Te

Ataarangi Skills Book 1, Book 2, Book 3 were later compiled.

She was a personal friend so I went to her to see if she would head our

school, me and my wife then Aroha…We were there for three days before

she would let me talk about the topic because I wanted her to come

and live in Auckland and start the kura with us…a week later she rang and

said, ‘We bought a property up at Glendene and my son Pita and I will come

and live there’…her tane will live in the other house and she will give us two

and a half years to develop the kura together. That is the kind of commitment

2009a).that we had (Pita Sharples, Presentation to Hoani Waititi Marae whānau, June,

The first curriculum of the Kura was sea, land and the

based on moana/ whenua/

Ngātheir Atua/ knowledgeGods as of the the fundamentals culture, the environment, of Māori existence. and tikanga The whānau. A curriculum drew from was sorted from this fundamental point of epistemology through ages and stages levelling that were not seen as difficult. Maths, science and further curriculum naturally evolved from the first curriculum, the emphasis being on te reo immersion, supported by a core group of ded who supported their children through to the next phaseicated (Sharples,kōhanga reo 2009a). parents

The late Katerina Mataira:

464

It was a new road one that myself and Aroha had no examples to guide us,

besides my instinct not to follow in the wake of mainstream and knowing

athow its important core while it ensuring was for thestudents school knew to maintain how special its Māori they spirit were…Because and traditions

there were few students there were greater opportunities for parents to

become involved. One of the sections in Te Aho Matua limited the student roll

to around 90 pupils. If that number was exceeded families, students and parents

would not be able to form bonds and the familial relationship would start to

break down. An important part of the school required families and students

all working together. Also some parents were still learning. That is one of the

principles contained in Te Aho Matua. As is the idea that staff and management

would all be sourced from the family (Morgan, 2010).

And in reference to Te Aho Matua, she commented:

The school is a home. The aspiration is for students to grow to become

great adults. How a person turns out is a great barometer of how good or

bad a school is. I don’t look at the school but at the children and how they

have grown through that school and become a leader in their communities.

One of the objectives of Te Aho Matua is to become a role model for their

communities (Morgan, 2010).

o Hoani Waititi Marae being the first total

This, Te Kura Kaupapa Māori in New Zealand, opened in 1985 asimmersion a prefab Māoriwith three language teachers. school The designated Kura is now a state funded institution via that caters for Years 1-13. An early statement from t

he Kura Kaupapa Māori 465

movement identifies the impetus of curriculum which remains today:

The curriculum for Kura Kaupapa Māori will focus upon tikanga Māori

butand willwhich also the embra whānauce the deems requirements important of in the the national education guidelines. of their children The

planning.Māori language The English as the languagemedium ofwill instruction be phased shall into be the central instruction in curriculum of

ient and appropriate

children where and when the whānau considers it exped

(Kura Kaupapa Māori minutes, Okoroire, 1988, p.3).

In 1989, after much lobbying Kura Kaupapa Māori became recognised in the fundedEducation and Act. continued Te Kura to Kaupapa pursue Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae became fully validated via NZQA (Sharples, 1992a).Kura Kaupapa The original Māori charter Teacher document Training (1990) now expressed the ideals of the movement and identified Te Aho Matua as the

guiding principle. Kōkā Katerina: Through our work some concepts, ideas, themes, and principles emerged

that both Aroha and myself agreed should be included. The government

asked us to put together an advisory group to look at developing some

ofguidelines Pita, Pem for Bird, Māori Graham immersion Smith, schools…I Kathy Dewes, remember Tuki Nepe, the group Toni Waho,consiste

Rahera Shortland and myself. I remember all the men got up and left saying,

‘You ladies can write it’. I think they went to watch the rugby. I had my pen.

Kathy and Tuki had theirs. Rahera was there to go over our work. I said to

them. ‘Write down what you think should be included in the guidelines’. We

466

had completed writing it in an hour although we had been thinking about

this subject for many years through practical application. When it came to

write it down, my pen just flowed because the words just came to us. I firmly

believe now that the words came from our ancestors (Morgan, 2010).

Government was reminded

Crown and that the Māori language was protected by the the government’sthat goals as a ofschooling biculturalism option; ( Kura Kaupapa Māori fulfilled

Marae, 1990, p.4). Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi

Curriculum principles in Te reiterated R the Kaupapa Māori mandate of transmitting emātaurangambodied in Māorithe mission statement.eo Māori by Documented authorities asof prioritythe people in theas was charter framework, further connections to the philosophy - Te Aho Matua and Kaupapa

m, spirituality of the child,

Māori practice are identified in references to holis whanaungatanga/relationships, interaction with kaumatua and the whānau whānui/wider family, the Marae being integral to learning, whānau, hapūs with and iwi affiliations, full involvement of whānau, and the sharing of resource goalsother andKura objectives Kaupapa discussedMāori. As expectedaspects of therefore, Te R explanatory, English, local curriculum

eo Māori whanaungatanga, Marae– ātea/Marae frontage, manuhiri/visitors, te Kōhanga

Reo, waiata/songs haka/war dances, and taha wairua/spiritual side amongst organisational factors (Kura Kaupapa Māori467 o Hoani Waititi Marae, 1990).

WaititiParticularly Marae in assisted the initial the decade establishment of operation, of ot herTe Kura Kura Kaupapa Kaupapa Māori through o Hoani its

functioningmembership kura of the for Tāmaki observation, Makaurau reference, Committee resources, and practically support and as ina many

re undertakensenses; duplication. by Tamati Initial Reedy ‘reviews’ (1990) of as the a formative original six research Kura Kaupapa and development Māori we project.

The first wharekura opened at Hoani Waititi Marae in 1993 with a role of 18 students and three teachers due to the persistence of the Marae and Waipareira

Trust with Dr Pita Sharples contracted as consultant to the Ministry of

ucation and chair of the wharekura whānau (Executive Management

Consultancy, 2002). The whānau expected the wharekura to continue the philosophy of Te Aho Matua and to practice as

(Sharples, 1993b). Initial curriculum biased academiaper Kura via Kaupapa the core Māori subjects of

mathematics, science, English, tikanga Māori and physical education. Henderson High School under its late Principal Ian Mitchell provided resources, facilities, knowledge and collegiality. The High School hosted options for students such as home economics, Japanese, computer studies, design technology, geography and physical education (Sharples, 1993b). The curriculum chosen aimed to ‘provide(s) a balance between empowering

468

students(Sharples, with 1993a, knowledge p.4). and techniques and Māori knowledge and kaupapa’

Design philosophy of the wharekura extended from the Marae metaphorical concept of Koro Pitau – the young, curved, growing shoot of the fern. The

embracing the other koru/spiralstages of growth begins across at the to whare the wharekura, tipuna and and curls it is out hoped that it will traverse

spiritual and cultural bonding’ (Sharples,

1993b,beyond p.6).to a whareThe pitau wānanga. roundness It ‘carries is expressed in curved structures and circular formations of buildings.

Thewarmth; Koro development; Pitau is the Māori nurturing; design protection; pattern to express:development; growth; inc birth;lusiveness;

shelter; softness; communication; cooperation; sharing; continuity;

tuakiri-o-te-

tāngata (whole brain learning; and independence). All these

tofeatures the whole are -presentof-life e inducation Kura Kaupapa philosophy Māori (Sharples, and are 1993b,particularly p.6). relevant

Upon conception wharekura enrolment required the prerequisite of having

‘Wharekura should provideattended an a Kuraeducation Kaupapa for those Māori children (Sharples, who 1992c, have 1993a).completed an education in

Enrolments in the initial

Kaupapa Māori primary schools’ (Sharples, 1993a, p.4). period were mostly from the Marae whānau. While the original purpose around administration of the wharekura was committed469 to by the wharekura whānau

of whom were supportive of the kaupapa back in 1992 (Sharples, 1992c, p.20);80% for example, high numbers met with the principal and staff monthly, and were regularly involved in ongoing tasks and activities of the kura including aspects of tikanga, fu organisations, as layered,ndraising, supporting trips and were members of Māori

Sharples (1992c, p.21), the whānau today are limited in their participation.

-domdescribes in the promotion the whānau of of education the early for generative their children’ period. Theas being, Kura

‘theand wharekurakeenest in Māori have since been designated composite school status and are both governed by the same elected Board of Trustees.

Wharekura buildings were designed by the Ministry of Education architects in

students.collaboration Obvious with obstacles Marae whānau, that hindered and University and continue of Auckland to hinder Māori the architect growth of

developingWharekura newKaupapa wharekura Māori aredespite the lack the pathof processes forged by and the understandings Hoani Waititi Marae in

(Sharples,whānau, and 1992b, the dearth 1992c). of Inspecialist order to teachers address whothe lack were of speakers ideal personnel of Māori from

eachers, with experience and commitment to the selection of Māori speaking t

Kaupapa Māori education, and with appropriate qualifications for specialist teaching, four sample Kura Kaupapa Māori training programmes of tion by Dr

Pitadegree/diploma Sharples (Sharples, level were 1993b). devised and sent to the Ministry of Educa

470

It was not difficult to predict - the Kōhanga Reo movement gained momentum, government responded, albeit reluctantly, BUT in honouring their Treaty obligations, funded the first national initiative for the preservation and validation of kaupapa Māori. The Kōhanga Reo graduates became of age and legally had to attend school. Schools would be required that were different from conventional schools…not that unrecognisably different considering the ‘difference’ had already been scoped by Kōhanga Reo in their variance to early childhood centres. One could apply the scope of the difference to the school - kura concept .i.e. difference in structure, difference in processes, difference in curriculum, difference in methodology, difference in pedagogy and so on…how difficult is this to forecast?

Then, some eight or so years later, Kura students graduated from Kura Kaupapa

Māori and secondary schools were required - revisiting the same, somewhat worn path. And yet, at each turn, predictable or not, Pāpā Pita Sharples and others pre- warned our treaty partner of the pitfalls, prescribed clearly navigated pathways and explained necessary fundamentals of Māori, and…been ignored. In fact

Sharples, (1993b) itemises numbers of phone calls to Māori Ministry of Education officials who were unavailable/detained/lacked knowledge of their part in the process in developing the first wharekura. Following this a decade of criticism ensued, suggested failure as our Treaty partners accused Kaupapa Māori of being unprofessional, unqualified and incapable of ministering to our own initiative.

471

In Whanganui, also in 1993, the Runanganui o Ngā Kura Kaupapa Māori o

Aotearoa was established along with the Ru different areas. The late Tuakana Nepe and Pitananga Sharples Whāiti becameof ten delegates national from

Hereappointees. the progress Pāpā Pita of the was wharekura elected inaugural was reported chairperson to other (Sharples, Kura. The 1998b). mantle of wharekura was to be taken up by other Kura in attendance. It was the logical

next step to ensure the validation of Māori knowledge through the state as all wharekura adhered to Te Aho Matua (Sharples, 1992c). In 1995, Te Runanga

72 became an incorporated society.

Nui o Ngā Kura Kaupapa Māori o Aotearoa Te Aho Matua into

EnglishReluctantly, at the in request 1997, Kōkā of the Katerina then Minister Mataira of translated Education, Wyatt Crech (Sharples,

1998c).

Past the first decade of New Right Eurocentric reviews that chastised Kura

Kaupapa Māori and contributed to an onslaught of public negativity toward total immersion kaupapa Māori education, today, all Kura Kaupapa Māori and

Wharekura Kaupapa Māori are reviewed by the Education Review Office under principal understandings and workings of Te Aho Matua by Māori educationalists who are knowledgeable and passionate about creating success for Māori students.

Again, this took much application, drive and force from principal leaders.

Te Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae has a present teaching staff of 472

eight tuatahi, seven wharekura, four ancillary staff, Head of Wharekura, Head of

Kura Tuatahi and Principal. The kura operates forty weeks of the year as per

Ministry of Education requirement and donates $2,000 per term73 towards the upkeep of the Marae, in a dual partnership. The Marae offers the kura use of plant, access to expertise, guidance and pastoral care.

WharekuraKey features are of thedescribed education as: of the Kōhanga Reo, Kura Kaupapa Māori and



Students are speakers of Te Reo Māori  The emphasis of Te Aho Matua

or Māori philosophy for life 

aWhānaudministration values and support actualised through whānau control of

 The total immersi

on in Māori language 

An environment of Māori pedagogy including akonga Māori  world view

The presentation of mātauranga Māori and a Māori  The mapping of personal curriculum for students at a secondary level

 Core specialist staff and part time expert staff (Executive Management

Consultancy, 2002, p.8).

In the Ministry of Education’s publication, Te Piko o te Maahuri – The key attributes to successful Kura Kaupapa Māori (2010), key components identified in the conclusion of research of five ‘succes unwavering commitment to the values and sful’principles Kura Kaupapa of Te Aho Māori Matua…(p. were, ‘an18)’

(and perhaps pointedly for the kura that suffered annual cycles of Education

473

Review Office review, and having been appointed a limited statutory manager).

 Collective, evolutionary, responsive and reflective leadership shared

Ahobetween Matua a strong and forged tumuaki by shared and a supportiveexperience whānau,and common grounded goals. in Te

 An educational approach that ultimately acknowledges and ‘respects

the dignity and the divinity of the child…’

 A fervent and on-

language… going commitment to the revitalisation of the Māori

 Affirmation through dedication and daily practice, that identity for the

child, as a member of

development of the child’sthe whānau, self-image hapū and and esteem. iwi is critical for the

 Learning environments that make evident the value of a Te Aho Matua

worldview to the child.

 s .e.g.

Teachingmanaakitanga and learning and seeding practices those underpinned principles in bythe Māori kura throughprinciple daily

practice, thus embedding them into the social fabric of the kura.

 Explicit aspirational goals for all graduates of these kura to become high

achievers… (p. 18-19).

In 201

(refer fig0 the 60). whānau met regularly to reinvigorate their commitment to the kura

Beverley Manahi shares much of her life’s work and passion over the twenty- five year history of the kura:

474

Fig 60: Waititi Kura whānau hui, discuss and plan curriculum aspirations October 2010.

The biggest impact on the kura is the influences from outside. The aspirations may be from the community itself, the Marae itself and to a lesser extent the ministerial offices that have come into the kura over the past 25 years. The kaupapa matua for me is really the Marae and the local community because those are the people who see us day in and day out and that is where the sense of what we are doing wrong or what we are doing right comes from…

We strive to be up there and out there but not at the expense of a child losing his or her rangatiratanga identity... The way that relationships occur in the Kura – it’s REALLY, REALLY important…they need to know this is the one place, we will always be here for them. That is one of the things that we do really well here at Waititi.

Within Te Aho Matua .

; we are simply an extension for some whānau 475

thatThey they have have, their but immediate then t whānau which are those blood lines or ties

Waititi Marae and Kura. Wheye are have an this extension bigger ofwhānau their second that they home. call InHoani

some cases we ARE the home (Beverley Manahi, WR, 3 December 2010).

6.2.8 onry

Te Whare Tu Taua o Aotearoa/National School of Ancient Weap The weaponry school of New Zealand began 1983 in Hawke’s Bay for the

ti Kahungunu mau taiaha.74 This evolved to Te Runanga Tu Taua teaching of Ngā Mau Taiaha O Aotearoa, then in becoming an incorporated society in 1995, was renamed Te Whare Tu Taua o Aotearoa. Te Whare Tu Taua o Aotearoa is funded by Creative New Zealand (CNZ), and various self-sustaining sources. It is led by

– Pita Sharples and the Tumuwhakarae/head guardian of ethosnsible and curriculum for programme delivery, assessmentMana Whakapae/project and management coordinator – Paora respoSharples (refer fig 61 & 62).

The school provides a wide- customs, weaponry, health, physicalranging, fitnesscoordinated and leadership. programme of Māori language,

476

Fig 61: Pouwaru of Te Whare Tu Taua – Takaparae Papuni, Paora Sharples and Jason Pahi (foreground) perform ahae/rudimentary steps. Photo taken in the mid-1990s

Te Whare Tu Taua is dedicated to producing quality programmes based

on the full contemporary and

taonga are not only looked upontraditional within museums use of Mau or Rākau, simply so read that about these in

books, but be developed into a fighting art, utilised and correctly

livingincorporated treasures, into taking Māori their custo placem and in formaltoday’s Māori times ceremonyfurther validating of today, as

(Sharples,another aspect Paora, of 1998,Māori p.5). Custom as something valid and worth retaining

Te Whare Tu Taua teachings are taken into the community in Marae, schools,

over the breadthand community of Aotearoa centres., many The of programmes whom have been reach failed numerous by the Māori mainstream education system. Over 2000 students are enrolled. The curriculum is cumulative in Application of ori pedagogy and eightmethodology pou/levels is paramount. with no cost The to clientele. curriculum extends to Mā ceremonial and spiritual use of weapons, combat and fighting techniques,

477

practice in ong staff weaponry,

kapa haka, mau rākau/l Māori language, physical fitness, and tikanga knowledge(s).

Tutors are volunteer tauira of the school. The growth of the school to 2000 members across Aotearoa with twenty-five fluent speaking pouwaru graduates is testimony of the success of the

programme due to its attractiveness to Māori; tutors,Māori preferred and levelled teaching syllabus methods, (Paora inclusiveSharples, curriculum, WR, Aug, 2010) motivation. from

‘Success’ is described in relation to the example of a movement that has achieved bilingual competencyKura via Kaupapatotal immersion Māori as

(transitional bilingualism75

in practice at Te Kura Kaupapa moreMāori than o Hoani three languWaititiages) Marae), and in as both importantly languages an (some environment, kura/schools organisation offer and content knowledge

conducive to Māori. Alongside notions of curriculum, this study educationunfolds ideas system of ‘success’ (refer introdu in relationction) to andthe historyin determining of Māori curriculum failing in the that creates The philosophical, theoretical, and praxis implicationsimproved for the choices discussion for Māori. of cu rriculum of Hoani Waititi Marae remains at the heart of Te Whare Tu Taua where success defined by is not simply couched in academia, such as literacy and numeracythe attainment. whānau Success is defined predominantly to give comfort for example;in theall determinersability to support, around to people manaaki/to function care,s as to host,

478

opposed to accomplishments for and of the self.

Traditional weaponry knowledge is high in demand due in part to the resurgence of kapa haka nationwide (Hoani Waititi Marae Inc Soc, 1999).

Te Whare Tu Taua stand as a leading example, of an organisation that has

taken

by ourbut ancestors, one of our and many has fully taonga/treasures developed this that taonga has intobeen programmes entrusted to ofus

teaching suited for today’s times and for today’s needs, enabling students

to be empowered with knowledge of who they are and where they come

from, giving them the confidence to determine for themselves where they

are heading (Sharples, Paora, 1998, p.5).

Fig 62: Pouwaru of Te Whare Tu Taua – Takaparae Papuni (foreground), Paora Sharples and Jason Pahi train in wero/challenge.

6.2.9 Alternative Education

Alternative education is a Ministry of Education initiative that caters for 13-16 year olds who have ultimately been failed by the education system. Focusing on

479

re-defining and re-establishing an enjoyment of learning, alternative education aims to (re)introduce students to positive learning outcomes conducive to their age, social and conceptual levels. To ensure regular attendance, students are transported to and from the Marae and taught fundamentals of societal existence. The roll sustains eight students but has catered for twelve. NZQA qualifications are sought and attained at a high standard via the correspondence school (Shane White, WR, 16 March 2009). Literacy and numeracy credits are achieved in a small class via an academic programme that is supported by a strong physical component. The alternative education students of Hoani Waititi

rateMarae (Shane have White,a high attendanceWR, 16 March rate 2009). of 90% However, and a high the academic future of achievementthe programme is tenuous as similar programmes in West Auckland such as Tu Tāngata of Te

Kotuku and a comparable unit at Waipareira Trust were terminated.

6.2.10

Te Whānau Āwhina The restorative justice programme has operated on the Marae for eleven years with the purpose of repairing the mauri of offenders in recognising their wider circumstances and processes/life for forcerectifying their loss, and the loss of those offended. The needs of the offender are addressed via an action programme that acknowledges the offender’s contribution to the crime situation. Te Whānau Āwhina differs from other restorative justice programmes in that the model centres is

on Māori cultural480 values, facilitated by Māori elders

and role models, and held on Hoani Waititi urban Marae (Webster, 2000) (refer fig 63 & 64).

Fig 63: Ngā Tumanako and the Marae tari where many Marae undertakings are convened.

Effectiveness is sought in, ‘increasing the involvement of victims in the criminal justice processes, increasing victim satisfaction with the criminal justice system, and reducing re-offending’ (Hill, 2000, p.1). An interagency group comprised of

Justice,representatives Police, Victim of Māori Support and Pacific and Ministry Island communities,of Corrections judiciary, contributed Ministry to the of formation of criteria and processes for the conferences, for facilitator selection and facilitator training.

Funded by the Crime Prevention Unit of the Ministry of Justice, cases are

referred by police, courts, lawyers, whānau, and victim support where the theoffender offender has agreesentered to a participating plea of guilty, in is a a conference first time offender, with court Māori, approval and where (subject

481

Fig 64: Hoani Waititi Marae ātea/frontage where Te Whānau Awhina stakeholders (and all visitors) are received.

to Section 14 of the Criminal Justice Act 1985). Concern is given to the seriousness of the offence, whether imprisonment is likely, the victim’s attitude and participation, possible reparation, and drug and alcohol usage. Action plans are generally comprised of apologies, reparation forms of community work on or via the Marae, offerings to the victim, donations (as in native trees) and rehabilitative activities to prevent re- to support their family member throughoutoffending. the restorativeOffender’s whānau process. are The required victim participates in the process and the action plan is agreed upon by all affected.

Two staff and a source of panellists facilitate hearings at Hoani Waititi Marae several times per week. The Ministry of Justice requires facilitator provider groups to be personnel with links to the community and who are representative of the cultures of victims and offenders. The panel assess each case for safety

482

and workability. Remorse of the offender is a necessary ingredient (Hill, 2000).

A high level of skill is required in negotiating positive outcomes for all stakeholders in the process. In 2000, Brian Webster, Senior policy analyst for

inthe preventing crime prevention reoffending unit anddemonstrated cost savings that were Te Whānau$193,096 Āwhina compared was to effective costs of the conventional court process (Webster, 2000).

6.2.11 - methamphetamine prevention programmePatua Te Ngangara/Battle with the Devil

Battle with the Devil is a ‘P’ methamphetamine awareness campaign that has been funded by a variety of stakeholders76 . The programme originated in 2003 at Hoani Waititi Marae as a response from the Marae, police, youth workers,

District Health Board youth suffering methamphetamine, and council to ( commonlythe rapidly known growing as numbers‘crack’) abuse. of Māori All stakeholders o taken hold of thef Māori community youth had since little the knowledge mid-1990s. of The the campaign ‘P’ epidemic or ‘project’ that had has undergone a three phase growth cycle.

The Road Show

Waititi Marae compiled andPāpā distributed Pita Sharples, an education Shane White package and Novi amongst Marikena the community of as a joint project with the New Zealand Police. The police contributed a power point presentation

483

and the Marae staff delivered an oral presentation from the perspective of the

community via a realistic approach centred on impact to the public, law, prisonMāori and drugs, real life case studies, gang culture, historical, American impacts, Pacific Island gangs, recruitment for shoppers and sellers, prostitution,

suicide, urban and rural Māori, and restoration. Train the Trainer programme

Later the same year, the bodies joined forces again to establish education teams via a Train the Trainer Programme. Representatives from iwi, police C.I.B and community agencies extended the education package to their own communities.

The programme operated intensely over a two year period until 2005 highlighting education and awareness to schools, universities, prisons, Marae,

District Health Boards, parliament and the Police College where eighty police were trained (Sharples, 2003).

Regional Focus.

Patua Te Ngangara delivered a vision which gathered improved participation from families who had suffered the experience, as a knowledge base for others.

A four pronged approach broadened information dissemination, particularly as methamphetamine continues to be a local and national epidemic: i) information gathering ii) information sharing iii) creating evidence base iv) developing up to date resources. The project is staffed by two and a half full time employees.

Good will and voluntary work is associated with the programme such as

484

whānausupport. who have been through the project and want to reciprocate their

Shane White comments on future direction, growth and development:

We created a pathway plan a few years ago and then we thought, what are

we doing this for, and what do we want to be? We put up our dreams and we

look back there and we seem to be accomplishing them (laughs) without

actually having specific strategies to get to these places. We are still

managing to create resources - a health forum, services, the demographic

we want to be servicing, and we are just at that stage now where we think

we should be having input into a residential type situation. All we can do

at the moment is refer people into non- … It is about having

a place and a space where people can runMāori to. That situations initial first part of P that

we have is about separating yourself from P, from all the things that trigger

you into use, separating yourself from that environment of use, and likewise

the social circle (Shane White, WR, 16 March 2009).

Present strategies of prevention positive, sought- are through the wharekura kaupapa Māori. A being requested afterby different profile Kura.in the TheMāori team community do not to has force resulted their way in the into team

identifycommunities. when Theyresources are of are a mind required. that aT community,hat is when theyschool, offer or theirwhānau unique will mix of knowledge, resources and support.

485

In 2010, the Hoani Waititi Marae Patua Te Ngangara team designed an intervention programme (White & Ngamu, 2010, p.2) managed and facilitated by the Marae that proposed to combat methamphetamine use and abuse via prisoner rehabilitation. Since a correlation was evident between crime and ‘P’ abuse (via relevant research connecting convictions, associated convictions, and environmental indicators), the necessity to provide an intervention programme was ‘indisputable’.

In a prison context (PTN) can serve to educate inmates and assist with

the rehabilitative needs around offending behaviour. This in turn would

contribute significantly to the primary objectives of incarceration – to

reduce the likelihood of re-offending; and increase the safety of the

community (White & Ngamu, 2010, p.3).

6.2.12

Manaaki Manuhiri/Hospitality Afforded Visitors The manaaki manuhiri are a changing body of people who are drawn from all the wananga of the Marae to host and care for visitors. Schools, tertiary institutions and private organisations that require a ‘Marae experience’ utilise the Marae for this purpose and in turn fund its operation and maintenance.

The Marae operates year-round with the exception three weeks at

Christmas. Weekends function by outside groups and Marae groups depending on need (Waitakere City Council, 2001).The Marae is able to cater for this diverse range of activity by keeping in accordance to tikanga. This allows

486

manuhiri to also function within common realms of understanding, and to be able to learn and understand how these function.

6.2.13 Tikanga Programme

The tikanga programme is a code facilitator that also targets criminal offending.

As a corrections contract it focusses wanting to

on motivating whānau into change. The programme is based on a five day residential at Hoani Waititi

Marae utilising such as carving, kapa haka, and te reo that require living various wānanga

by Māori values for five days, …like eating and washing dishes together. It’s useful in that some of those

same values that people practice for five days is actually the best way to be

– we all put our little bit in and then we’ll all get a really nice kai. And, now

that we have all put our little bit in, we should all do the dishes together…In a

way it is about connecting people back into all the support systems that we

can (Shane White, WR, 16 March 2009).

the tikanga programme have exited the jail system,The whānau are undergoing who participate community in sentences, periodic detention, community service, or probation. From the Marae they receive an introduction back into

isited, reinforced and utilisedMāori community through real as lifeit exists activities. today. Māori values are rev

You create a tikanga based environment on the Marae where we can say

487

we truly have control over our lives and this is actually not the place for

talking teka’ (Shane White, WR, 16 March 2009).

2010 saw the establishment of a tikanga sister programme run in similar methodology for similar purpose under the tutelage and guidance of a female facilitator.

6.2.14

Whānau Ora i disadvantage

Whānauusing the Ora family is a asgovernment a basic unit initiative of intervention aimed to to reduce confront Māor social problems

serviceexperienced providers by Māori and extendedin a holistic families and integrated to deliver way. family Whānau centred Ora services. gathers

$134.3million was committed in Aotearoa, over four years to establish the

Nations,programme 2011). which is managed and governed by Māori where possible (United

The ‘Nannies On Wheels’ project is funded via Te Puni Kokiri as a pilot of

intervention project aimed at supporting young parents, particularlyWhānau Ora teenage early first parents isolated in the city. Referrals are gathered

byfrom a team the midwife of two kui maternity and kai sector.tautok Māori in need of family support are visited

Kahurangi whare of Hoani Waititi Maraeo/supporters. and supported They are by basedPlunket in whichTe Iti is also on site. 488

In terms of intervention, Shane White shares his own experience:

Put some support in early because they spend millions of dollars afterwards.

Over two million dollars was spent keeping me in jail, and what was the

outcome you got from that? You could have sent me to Oxford; I could have

been a lawyer and a doctor and I could have come back and given you one

and a ha

totally (Shanelf million White, dollars WR, change, 16 March as Pāpā2009). Pita constantly pulls out, and I agree

6.2.15 Youth Court

Fortnightly, a youth court resides at Hoani Waititi Marae. The regular court

etting, hearing an average of ten cases per process is followed within a Māori s day. Kaumatua commence the process by welcoming people. Where Te Whānau engagementĀwhina caters strategy. for first Lay offenders; advocates the are youth employed court is in based a supportiv on a highere role as representatives of the youth offender. All stakeholders in the process address

learnthe court firstly in te reo Māori includingamilies arethe encouragedyouth who has to speakbeen requiredrather than to sit in thetheir public pepeha/tribal gallery. The youthboast. makes F a presentation to those people to whom some onus and responsibility may be afforded, such as family members.

Following this process, all those participants in the deliberations share a meal viz, judge, law advocates, youth and families. Lunch is eaten at one table rather

489

than the judge in his chambers, the offender in her cell.

In similar vein to the restorative justice concept - ‘punishment’ is redefined in meanings orientated towards repair. Examples of youth who have tagged a fence creating a piece of art work as part of recompense to accompany cleaning the wall is seen as more valuable to the community, the individuals involved, and the concept of justice. Present suggestions are being raised to the possibility of a drug court regarding Patua te Ngangara.

6.3 Decolonising praxis

Hoani Waititi Marae functions a model of self-determination, in acting with agency, a transformative model that engages its people through many arms as

hat connects then reconnects with members, empowering, and impartingwānanga t knowledge. Mason Durie (2005, p. 136), warns, “The results of colonisation were consistently disastrous, and a common pattern emerged: loss of culture, loss of land, loss of population, loss of dignity, loss of health and loss of traditional methodologies Even though the government as Treaty of Waitangi partner has been

”. treasures,given the right including to govern langu theage people and practices, under Article under 1, Article and protect 2, this Māorihas not cultural come to fruition out of inability or unwillingness (Durie, 1998 as cited in Bishop, 1999).

Schwimmer (1999, p.19) in his study of Hoani Waititi Marae viewed the activities available on the Marae at the time77 that dissimilar to today’s climate, as indicating dedication to customary culture and to the needs of disadvantaged

490

Māori, its principle remedy being the advancement of all Māori. Those setting up an urban non- y educational

agenda depend not only on theirtraditional own intimate whānau knowledge with a largel of the institute they

mean to transplant, but also high pedagogic skills and exemplary control of

some fields of subject matter (Schwimmer, 1999, p.19).

Schwimmer (1999) suggested then, that Hoani Waititi Marae was slowly authoring a new concept of what it is of the period and the social dynamics toof bethe Māori, result(s) in amongst of the urban the literature hodgepodge.

This he believed contributed to ‘the alternative world’, a world fashioned by the

charisma and masterminding of Pāpā Pita via the Marae project. But such moves do not suffice for the making of an alternative world. Te

necessarywhānau o Hoanito transform Waititi theMarae minds has of always the membership been aware by of activitiesthis. It is alsoand

practices which gradually internalise the new kaupapa. This process

begins with forms of initiation and is maintained by rituals-turning into

habitual social actions, attitudes and skills. These skills may require

arduous physical training. Concomitantly, slowly, bodies and ontologies

change; minds relinquish the figured world of colonisation (Schwimmer,

1999, p.23).

From the fashioning of the Marae project to the transformative power of Kura

–25 years later with growing numbers. However, in this new era

Kaupapa Māori 491

where the conscientising struggle has been achieved (and as Fanon has suggested real decolonisation results from participation in the actual struggle for freedom) the possibility, whānau threatens have of onless the necessity one hand to creatingbe driven a sensein creating of repressive the dynamic, nationalism by narrowing ‘what fits’ in the kaupapa ((refer Chapter 1, (Said,

2004)) and on the other, re-colonising perhaps from an excess of colonial residue or fanatical pursuit.

6.4 Hoani Waititi Marae-s Application to Decolonising Education

In developing theory around the concept of what are the implications for the education of Māori in a postcolonial World, a number of themes emerged from

1) learning conversations utilising the research data gathering tool,

Whakawhitiwhiti Rua 2) participant observations 3) written responses from

archer as

Maraepoukōrero, member and- 4)insider organic and knowledge 5) interviews accrued gathered by the from tauira/rese Hoani Waititi Marae associated documentaries and presentations (refer references), themes emerged, developed, metamorphosised and settled naturally to four, first level coding categories (refer chapter 2)

: Adaptation of Māori, Restoration of

Māori, Tāngata Whenua Recognition, and Tāngata Whenua Not Recognised. 6.5

Adaptation of Māori as an implication postcThe adaptationolonial world of Māori, is expressed principallyfor as the one education aspect – of Māori in a

as whānau by 492

kaupapa

/by purpose (not related) as an adaptation from whānau by blood rural(genealogically lifestyle to bonded). Auckland Although City in the the process adjustment of urbanisation, of Māori is obviousthis was fromposed but not identified as such in this question.

6.5.1

Adaptation of Māori: Kaupapa v Whakapapa Information is gathered from many layerings and included where reference is

not related by blood. The first forma madeHoani toWaititi whānau Marae in this study, The Ngāpuhi Executivelly identified Committee whānau, realised of that administration and control of a Marae complex would ultimately lie with the local body council, then the Waitemata County Council. In forming a

whānau,of direct controlthe executive of all aspects alongside of Maraeits formative buildings fundraising and associated efforts, undertakings also dreamed due to the fact that they could envision the majority of the cost being raised by the committee (which was comprised of three smaller committees discussed earlier). This original networking of the three smaller committees and action of

thefamilies Ngāpuhi unrelated Executive became Committee united in heralded a common the purposewhānau aboutby kaupapa the business concept of as sustaining .

Māoritanga/Māori ways of being How to build the kaupapa; the possible ways and means of extending and

kaupapaadding to op existingportunities. initiatives Examples was offered of whanaungatanga as further avenues were describedfor whānau by by p stions for new expansions. Each had

oukōrero and sugge 493 of the poukōrero

ideas and was keen to share, to be involved and keen to embrace ‘the kaupapa’. Suggestions were common in that they: connected people, offered a range of services, catered for a range of ages and stages, were cross generational and cross gender and were inclusive in intent.

(H)ow to unify the people …work together over here where you can do

tuku tuku, raranga, pep a, whanaungatanga, whakapapa,

all that sort of mahi …theneha, you moteātea, get all the waiat secondary schools, primary

schools in West Auckland, all these tutors; put all the kids under them,

all learning the songs at different schools, all coming together over here

to practise. Then you bring everybody back here to the Marae again (Denis

Hansen, WR, 12 November 2009).

sameNovi Marikena blood as you, has saidand thenearlier there in a are separate those layering,with whom there you is have whānau shared with a the

notjourney. fulfilling Who to is have to judge both that? whānau by kaupapa cannot be as meaningful? Is it formula that assists in fillingWhānau one up by from kaupapa the inside. is a definition It extends of to richness, all ethnic a groups groups , theysocio may economic not have groups known and had religions. it not been The forwhānau the Marae become experience immersed or in

- circumstance. Kōkā Te Aroha Paenga in discussing embracing non Māori people

while upholding Māori values and ways has said, There has always been an open kaupapa you know to my knowledge it

494

has never been a closed one. I think as long as they understand that it is

Aroha Paenga,

WR,the Māori 5 April way; 2009). there are rules and regulations of Māori (Te

yearsWhānau later by to kaupapa work weekend members learning return tosessions; their kapa cooking haka for groups the team some or twenty teaching items from their time in the group. They return as teachers to the Kura where they were pupils, they return as masters of disciplines where they were once

students alongside other whānau members. This has been identified as a type of – journeying and

Māori literacy in chapter 4, particularly vital post resurgence teina/tuakana pedagogy.

to lessen competition against

The kaupapa whānau is driven by the necessity hakaother battle groups. is importantRemaining psychologically connected as whānau and spiritually. by kaupapa Being throughout able to return the kapa whole, constructive, and well is always the aim by supporting all the teams of

the Marae as one Waititi whānau, sitting together in the stalls and festivals, and

ultimately being one whānau with many branches. d acknowledgement are revitalised and relived byThe occasions whānau levelssuch as of the respect 2009 an Hoani Waititi Marae Koroneihana performance.

As layered, for nine months leading up to the King’s Coronation, three kapa haka groups from the Marae and a group from the wharekura practised a series of

items from the groups as a combined performance495 of the Marae whānau. Tutors

from these groups worked with the Marae community at weekend gatherings in the Te Atatu Community Hall where Te Roopu Manutaki first started some thirty years before. Leaders from these initial years to the present day helped to

encourage and up skill a range of whānausupporting from seasoned. Children kapa and adultshaka performers alike formedto Marae the staff rows, and s whānautanding sidemembers by side; a mix of competing kapa haka groups,

–

Kura, Kōhanga Reo, Marae, and other Marae cultures all Waititi whānau. bracketWeekly andtaught weekend by leaders practises of the were three held group fors interestedand extra support whānau provided to learn the for those who required it. Between one and two hundred Marae members trekked

togetherto Waikato amongst that day; kids, the aunts wharekura and uncles; by bus the and ‘flash others’ ones, by thecar. ‘kak Whānau-handed’ stood ones all in the fresh new white on black printed T shirts with the motif for the occasion, and stood as one, out of the home area for the celebration of a far greater kaupapa. This adaptation of cu the Marae whānau is facilitated by the Marae postcoloniality.rriculum and stands Being unitedas a major and implicationsuccessful ( thein the ability education to support, of Māori to care, in to host, and to give comfort) while adapting to the urban lifestyle creates an optimum context for learning the essential knowledges, in this example the kapa haka performance.

6.6

Restoration of Māori

496

The restoration of Māori has emerged in three strands: tino rangatiratanga/selfation and ethnicity.determination, reo me ōna tikanga/language and customs and, popul

6.6.1

Restoration of Māori: Tino Rangatiratanga

individualThe information and or gathered group determination portrays the characterisedrestoration of byMāori the questpeople for via critical, political, or active awareness. Examples are in the self-determination of the

becomingNgāpuhi Executive mobilised Committee and administering establishing the initialthe original Hoani three Waititi committees, Marae concept.

Another example of such a quest is evident in the late P p Denis Hansen who identified his need to withdraw his own arrogance as statedā ā , and through his ability

curriculumto see others design who whakamana/enlargeis restored, and a pathway themselves to self in-determ arrogantination ways. cleared. As such, the

Focusing on what is important and not being consumed by ‘the small stuff’ is the important message from Paora Sharples. The ‘big picture’, being the future

-dom is the kaupapa and, not the petty struggles between this person andfor Māori that especially when decisions are not formed well at these times. All can find a niche at Hoani Waititi Marae; a type of growth or furthering,

I think now without wanting to shut the door on anyone, anyone can find a

497

place on the Marae because there are so many different levels of roles

(Shane White, WR, 16 March 2009).

differently from the tribal in terms of expectations,The whānau view the urban Marae

Exposure

Sometimes we have a co operative spirit; this mahi tahitanga just goes on,

resortpeople back rush to out, our “Yeah, tribe yeah(Shane I’ll White, do that. WR, I’ll 16just December jump in” and2008). sometimes we

Refocus

Back home it i

have to do yours apart, tribal be guilt seen trip, to do “Come your onpart. boy, That come is not down here the on Marae” urban MaraeYou

(Shane White, WR, 16 March 2009).

The curriculum of Hoani Waititi Marae restores the indigenous knowledge base for its community; essential language and cultural access codes. It is a decolonising curriculum and as transformative praxis continues to be the future for Hoani Waititi Marae, as mainstream institutions persist in struggling with

- earlierwidening chapt gapsers). between Māori and non Māori students (Refer statistics in

The future to me is -

children. I have seen wewhat can’t happens do without in the a schools. place like There this ifors more our Māorihurt,

fighting, shooting, stabbing and that sort of thing out in those schools

(Te Aroha Paenga, WR, 5 April 2009).

498

Self-determination as a restoration project involves bringing the traditional

strong connectionsbase that is far) as from a cultural where resource urban Māori to the live Marae (some in ano form longer that have can be managed a of all tribal affiliations discussednd accessed this by earlier, Māori and she questions how .‘traditional’ Kōkā Te Aroha is defined Paenga for has those born and raised in the urban milieu. As self-determination then, the common

s the sustainability of strong, purposeful youth who have courageview of poukōrero and futures i of worth and value, delivered via the epistemological transfusions administered via the Marae clinic.

This is the only traditional base they have that they know and I think it is

vital that we continue. The future for me is to just keep going. No doubt

we have got to change with the times, and it is just those pockets that are

seen every year to try and improve…When I look around I think IT’S

HERE, it is all here for these children. So it HAS substituted this place for

all the papakainga that we don’t get back to. It has taken over that and it

is beautiful. It has so enriched our kids…we can only go on further. There’s

no stopping any more (Te Aroha Paenga, WR, 5 April 2009).

Resolve is identified strongly as a leadership component, and this extends beyond the Marae as is evident in regional and national events and situations when the Whare Tu Taua particularly are called upon to assist or accompany

. Some of the eventdignitariess and tosituations powhiri/welcomes are portrayed or asat timesvisual of representations debate and protest.

499

Marae members express feelings of empowerment in being involved in marches,

Marae.gatherings, At these hui, andevents, protests membership for kaupapa is concreted Māori causes as Marae as members members of seen the from the outside -dom, in similar vein to

, and extended to the wider network of Māori

the hapū sourcing to iwi. This element was strong and held a passion and vibrancy that ‘tribal only’ advocates would do well to taste, if only to be able to relate to urban agency, understanding that it is borne out of necessity.

6.6.2

Restoration of Māori: Reo me ōna Tikanga

byInformation reo and or gathered tikanga. showsThe second the restoration aspect of restoration of Māori and to survivalaccompany of the self culture- determination being that of the language and culture, is fundamental and first sought in practice . Before Marae establishment, pocketedfor Māori gatherings education in surviving postcolonialitygelled and formed groups; Te

Roopu Manutaki (1968) is testimonyof to urban this as Māori with other early pioneering kapa haka groups. Now gathering annually in Wellington under the umbrella of Taikura, these early performing groups became anchors for the migrants, and they are still in part

-type sources that continue to contribute knowledge and experience. the urban hapū The long term survival of the reo and tikanga as facilitated via the many cultures of the Marae depends on maintenance and continued growth in the home, away

500

from instruction. In the early era at establishment phase, commitment levels from all stakeholders was optimum and so too was commitment to speaking the reo in all situations including when bereft of instructors and competent language models.

My big aspiration (for graduates of the Kura) is that they teach (their

children) working. All the students that I have taught

Māori- 7at at home. home. It’s But my big hope is that everyone has two,

three,speak fourMāori children 24 and that as they are growing up the parents will

the time of conception, to birth to

speakwhen theyMāori send to their them children to the kura, from this kura (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10

April 2008).

Twenty-five years later a re-kindling of that commitment re- to once again focus on the need to restore the language and tikangaboots the component. whānau

Rewi Maniapoto’s78 forecast reminds us that it is struggle without end; the speaking generations are required beyond one generation of twenty-five years.

Also strongly voiced is the desire to restore associated customary knowledges

varioussuch as raranga/weavingforms via a number and of waiata/songtemplates and which tutors are over regularly the years. resurrected Waiata in particularly has been curriculum on the Marae and available through teachings at pre-birth

and early childhood via Kōhanga Reo, through childhood at Kurain keeping Kaupapa with

Māori, through early adulthood in the Wharekura Kaupapa Māori and

501

the womb to grave concept, in adulthood with families via Te Roopu Manutaki, Te

Tumanako (which is not the case for some kapa haka groups where

Rautahichildren and of performing Ngā members are not able to attend practises).

The three groups commit, and to asthe such concept by d efinitionof whānau this involvement requires the and participation growth in kapa of thehaka family, as kaupapa not isolated Māori members who become dis-membered in order to participate.

For groups that do not allow the attendance of non-performing members of the family, dependents are perceived as distraction and possible avenues of exposure.

settled performers by having partners

Poukōreroand children comment attend, unitythat the whereby benefits families of having become members by association, teina- tuakana learning as younger children become immersed in performance material as

, far out- examplesweighs the of competition. Māori pedagogical A greater practices, application as the to practice kaupapa of is kaupapa balanced Māori against the desire to compete.

Over and above the formal organisation of structural learning, having

knowledgesclose knit community available alsoin a resourcedfacilitates kaupapaone-on-one Māori learning venue whereby such as thetraditional Marae knowledges such as weaving for example, is facilitated for members upon

instancerequest by) who skilled teach whānau necessary members tikanga such including as elders associated (Māmā Judy conservation Cooper for of the craft alongside skill development. These informal learning situations, funded

502

by aroha a whanaungatangand koha/donation of the Marae. are They meaningful arise out wānanga of direct that need contribute and last as to long the as required by participating members. Any member can join these workshops by attending. Information is disseminated by word of mouth.

You could easily spend your life on the Marae learning. There are a vast number of knowledges to become immersed in that are in-depth to advanced levels. Where these knowledges are not in course form, there are people resources that are able to facilitate in close contact learning situations. To spend a year on the Marae, the equipment one would need to become absorbed in a range of language, customs, weaponry and art knowledges would likely be: a black skirt (trousers for a male), manuka stick, cutting blade, six pegs and a tea towel (to donate to the wharekai because we are always short of tea towels)79. You would most likely not need pen and paper.

Marae and

MaraeAll poukōrero facilities of particularly the exploration the education believed thatof children the education is a vast of improvement the from the education that they were a product of.

The future for me is educating our children the way we are doing now…

Any one of you can bring the kids up and they can just set the place up,

mattresses and whatever. They can just move into the kitchen and do

whatever. I know the school tries not to do it too often because of their

curriculum studies and it is awesome these children can just go over

and just walk in and go and sit with that nana and know how to tautoko

whoever (Te Aroha Paenga, WR, 5 April 2009).

503

grownSome whānau and catered members for in in the hui kura expressed as individuals their satisfaction and were pleasedin seeing with their the children wharekura for allowing their children to develop with varying talents and strengths.

At Marae hui, adherence to tikanga is formalised in meeting structure, as identified by participant observation. Kaumatua remind the Marae committee of

fobligationsormat, as example, to acknowledge thus the those attention of importance to in regular mihi/greeting

mātauranga Māori is forever in practice – the kaumatua as repositories of knowledge undertake that role, and live the role as daily practice.

6.6.3

Restoration of Māori: Population or Ethnic Group

The restoration of Māori that centred upon the population or ethnic group inincluded numbers any such information as population that referred growth orto expansion.the Māori ethnic It remained group abeing small restored category.

‘ people, well we are increasing in population.My hopes, my I really, aspirations really dofor hope Māori that these kids will have at least three to four children’ (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008) Bev’s expression is in light of the fact that these students are all speakers of te reo who will raise their children to be speakers. Her aspirations highlight speaking generations into

504

the future, not just an increased population.

Increases in population are also raised in respect to the roll of the Kura, particularly the wharekura that regularly faces the twofold dilemma as do small schools of being limited in curriculum options for students - a deterrent for attracting students. The kura regularly faces the shackling position of low roll versus sustainability.

Increaseglobalisation in Māori and theas an Supercity ethnic group swallow is raised-up of assmall an outcry identities or backlash in the urban to sprawl. With a rapidly expanding cosmopolitan ‘One-Auckland City’, the desire

createdto be seen by andHoani heard Waititi as tāngata Marae werewhenua dissolved is equally in the enhanced. Supercity Past solution, initiatives such as

Te Taumata Runanga.

e idea of the Te Taumata Runanga was to allow for Māori participation

fromthroughout the various the city. areas To toallow have for a sayrepresentation at top level onfrom issues the variouson Council Māori that

affectedthe people Māori, (Sharples, or on issuesas cited on in Māori Parata, themselves 2001). which affect council and

This partnership was recognised and acted upon in consultation processes and the Waitakere City Council’s Marae support policy (WWC, 2001).

6.7 a Recognition

Tāngata Whenu 505

Recognising the education amidstTāngata postcoloniality Whenua/People has emerged of the in Land two streams:as a suggestion ownership for Māori and status.

nformation gatheredThe stream that ownership of tāngata whenua recognition-determination emerged as rightful from i ownership of

portrays tāngata whenua self The stream of statuslands, water,developed air spaces from information as per Te Tiriti o Waitangi/Treaty of Waitangi. recognisable status among the Newwhere Zealand tāngata populous. whenua are portrayed having high,

6.7.1

Tāngata Whenua Recognition: Ownership Ownership may be recognised as access to services or ownership of property for example. Ownership issues were thought out in terms of ‘administration and

control’ by the original Ngāpuhi Executive Committee in the initial refersestablishment to the executive’s period. Whāea considerations Marara Te of Tai ‘overall Hook’s control’ minutes previously and documentation raised, and how the (then) Waitemata County Council might have considered direct

Executive’control by anif they ‘administration saw to raise or‘the Marae major Committee portion’ of appointed the finances. by theFrom Ngāpuhi the onset, ownership issues were deliberated amongst partnership with council. Māori well in advance of

Others such as the late ed on building and

kaumatua Pāpā Denis Hansen focus improving the ownership stake from the whare wānanga to a proposed medical 506

centre as stipulated, to shops on site and other facilities needed to service a university-type institution.

The tāngata whenua is recognised in ownership terms also in the development

Sharplesof mātauranga refers Māori to Te Rooputhat has Manutak grown andi members developed identifying here on via the research Marae. Paora models, a paradigm and process for Te Roopu Manutaki knowledge:

Looking at three models of research…it is really good when you go through

the process because commenting on the Manutaki model, ideas came out that

we were kaupapa driven and because Pāpā Pita led us for three to four decades-dom

nationallyand he had (Paora his finger Sharples, on the WR, pulse 11 ofDecember whatever 2008). was happening in Māori

Philosophical differences become apparent embrace of the kaupapa as has been evidenteven in some among of the the drive close and whānau ambition

As layered, government were preparedtowards a to whare fund wānangathe initiative for Hoanihowever, Waititi fundamental Marae. differences between the

courses structure and the model developed to pursue mātauranga Māori remained to eludedbe negotiated to, when leaving we are the all Hoani ‘on board’ Waititi it doesn’twhānau necessarily to realise as mean Beverley we are Manahi settled has in ethos or methodology. The matter is not has been set aside. entirely resolved although the wānanga site

6.7.2

Tāngata Whenua Recognition: Status

Elements of perceived racism may be apparent507 if status of Māori is above other

people(s). In this sense, status is defined in terms of indigenous rights and determination. This is recognised in aspirations that are centred upon the self-

determinationthey simply are of not Māori. in the Other focus. peoples are not competed against or considered;

I really do not have any aspirations for any other ethnic group. That is

withwhat China, this Marae it ha ddoes; better it makesbe good you for go my “GRRR people. GRRR”. If you The come trade here deal you

You can keep your South African-tanga

orhave your to teachIndian kaupapa- Māori.

(Beverley Manahi,tanga, WR, BUT 10 Aprilyou must 2008). teach to children that are Māori

MaraePoukōrero by regular articulate monitor the statusing and of evaluation.the tāngata whenua being maintained on the

Just evaluate ourselves, where we have come, where we want to go,

a bit of brainstorming, set things up again and forge on ahead with our

kaupapa. But carry on the legacy that was left behind for this marae.

At the end of the day, that is what matters the most and we are all proof

of that – what we have gained (Paora Sharples, WR, 23 October 2008).

Others see the balance necessary in maintaining the partnership with our

Treaty cohort.

Exposure

(Shane White, WR,

16There December are certain 2008). pākehā people that make the effort

Refocus

508

I always try and put it in balance (Shane White, WR, 16 March 2009).

6.8

Tāngata Whenua Not Recognised eing ‘lacking

Tāngata Whenua Not Recognised has emerged as a single entity, b notstanding’. having Information recognisable is status included in among where thethe Newtāngata Zealand whenua populous. are portrayed as

6.8.1

Tāngata Whenua Not Recognised: Lacking Standing Whenua not recognised in lacking standing may play out as a

Tāngata pākehā v Māori

Pacificview, or Island within peoples a multicultural being perceived view where by mainstream one poukōrero New voiced Zealand frustration as having in equal

lynesian’ anthropological classification of status as the tāngata whenua (as in the ‘Po toMāori services and Pacificsuch as Island language peoples), institutions or in the and provided facilities access funded for by Pacific the tax Island payer. peoples

Continued applications of a neo-def

icit theory against Māori were also raised. I think we are still on the path to partnership. I think we still have a very

uneven system in place in New Zealand and unfortunately a lot of people

are not even aware of…because it has never affected them so they are

totally blind to it (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

Differencesand role(s) onbetween the Marae tauiwi/non not the sameMāori and and seen Māori to arebe in apparent, need of repairtheir place(s) by

509

mented. Shane as one of these members voices these concerns,those poukōrero and continues: who com

Exposure

There is a slight difference with a tauiwi person on the Marae. There’s just

not quite the same mind to everything, to not everything but to most things

(Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

Refocus

We have to regain that even standing…with people in power. Some of that may

have to be pushed on them (Shane White, WR, 16 March 2009).

se it isThe a cheapidea thater option pākehā was use also the voiced Marae, for‘it i tokenistic purposes, or becau here, take things, use things, use up spaces too maybe often and that contribute pākehā kaupapa nothing’ push (Shane in

White, WR, 16 March 2009).

not have to fight for

Ideasconditions are also such expressed as standards that oftāngata living whenuathat are shouldaccessible for migrants to

exhaustiveNew Zealand. periods The notion in queues that for the health tāngata care whenua (for example) are required was raised.to wait In for

Auckland city where a high population of immigrant peoples reside, examples such as access to health care, social services, community facilities, and even law

enforcement are cited services that are denied Māori according to poukōrero. 510

A lacking in standing is rendered in the Education Review Office treatment of

Kura Kaupapa Māori over its years of review as described by whānau members inMembers whānau describe hui, and how by poukōrero for ten years who finance have beens had Board been identifiedof Trustees as members. problematic and at each review a number of compliance issues and recommendations

becoming indifferent. Being reviewed annually and not every threeresulted years in the as are whānau standard reviews, does not address the pro it, but rather intensifies them. blems as whānau view

The themes that developed out of theory around the concept of what are the implications for the education of Māori in a Postcolonial World resourcefulness in adaptation by way of ; indicateexample, Māori the need for the restoration of self-determination, language,whānau culture, by kaupapa and the as people by population.

airBeing spaces recognised and the as need tāngata to address whenua in terms of Māori ownership of lands, water and range of information gathering toolswhere particularly Māori lack via learningstanding conversationsare identified bywith the

poukōrero. In Conclusion

Implications for education in a postcolonial world have been investigated via the facilitation of Hoani Waititi Marae curriculum by describing the

fromdevelopment conception of the as themany Marae wānanga continues of the to Marae, facilitate and curriculum how these today.have developed These implications in postcoloniality focused upon the a

daptation of Māori, the 511

beingrestoration recognised. of Māori, tāngata whenua recognition, and tāngata whenua not

the Hoani Waititi Marae has created a transformative modelThrough of manyself-determination wānanga, in that people are connected, knowledge is imparted, and people are reconnected, and empowered. The adaptation of

(genealogicallyMāori is shared bonded).as whānau This by matterkaupapa of anurbanisation adaptation has from been whānau a central by blood recurring theme of the work.

→ → kaupapa v whakapapa

→ Adaptation of Māori → tino rangatiratanga- -

populationRestoration or ethnic of Māori group reo me ōna tikanga

→ → ownership-status

→ Tāngata whenua recognition

Tāngata whenua not recognised→ lacking standing

The restoration of Māori has transpired in three strands: tino rangatiratanga, reo me ōna tikanga, and population and race. The restoration of Māori of tino grouprangatiratanga determination portrays characterised the restoration by the of questMāori for people critical, via political,individual or and active or

awareness.survival of the The language restoration and of culture Māori isarises reliant as onreo continued me ōna tikanga. maintenance The long and term commitment in the home. group was a small category.The Increases restoration in population of Māori as were population also raised or ethnic in respect to the small roll of the wharekura which cannot offer a range of subjects.

512

streams: ownership and status.Tāngata whenua recognition has emerged in two

Ownership portrays rightful ownership of lands, water, air spaces as per The

Treaty of Waitangi. This is recognised as access to services or ownership of

formation was property. Tāngata whenua recognition: status occurred when in incorporated where tāngata whenua were portrayed having high, recognisable status. Tāngata whenua: Not recognised emerged as a single entity, being portrayed‘lacking standing’. as lacking Information recognisable was status included in amongst where the the tāngata New Zealand whenua populous. were

This has played out as a deficient in society. pākehā versus Māori view, or where Māori are seen as

68 Hoani Waititi Marae is an urban pan-tribal Marae located in what was ‘Waitakere City’ despite the Supercity swallow-up. Waitakere is a piece of New Zealand with a population of 186,444 people ranked fifth out of the 73 districts in the country, holding 4.6 of New Zealand’s population. 7.0 percent or 22, 890 of the population are Māori and 4 percent of New Zealand’s Māori population lives in ‘the West’ (Statistics New Zealand, 2006 Census). 69 Also translated by Bev Manahi: The flight of the poi as it gently passes the carvings and the woven panels of the ancestral house – Ngā Tumanako, as it stands proudly on the Marae at Hoani Waititi. Beginning at the veranda of the house we look up to the koruru, flowing down to the maihi, to the amo, joining the paepae and flowing back to the poupou of the Northern tribes, and the flight of the poi enters the house. As it enters the house it acknowledges, Te Arawa, Waikato, Taranaki, Whanau-A-Apanui, Ngāti Porou, Ngāti Kahungunu, Tuhoe and Te Waipounamu. The poi turns on and views the wondrous art forms that bind the ancestral pou together. It moves on to the woven panels: The Kaokao – symbol of Tu, Poutama- signifying perseverance, resistance and excellence, Purapurawhetu – the many stars of the people, Waamu from Whanganui and Taranaki Takitoru, Porourangi, Roimata, Toroa, Papakirango, Waharua, Patikitiki e Whakarua kopito – the essence of greatness Tirawhetu – profusely covering the heavens The poi continues on to the painted panels of the shark and some other forms undesignated. It returns to the people. This is your carved ancestral house made for you. This poi has woven its story to tie us together again today. Alas the hopes and aspirations, the hopes and aspirations. 70 As with all Kōhanga Reo and Puna Reo, parents or guardians of children are expected to learn Māori language. In some Kōhanga Reo this is a requirement of whānau membership.

513

71 Rūmaki reo are total immersion designated language facilities that are not Kura Kaupapa Māori. 72 Te Runanga Nui o Nga Kura Kaupapa Māori o Aotearoa is the national collective body of the Kura Kaupapa Māori Kura and whānau members. They facilitate discussion within and amongst external agencies such as Education Review Office, Ministry of Education and the Kura themselves (Takao, Grennell, McKegg, & Wehipeihana, 2010). 73 There are four terms in a school year of ten weeks thereabouts. 74 Taiaha are fighting staffs with a spear head and blade end, of the approximate height of the warrior. 75 Transitional bilingualism-the heritage language is learned via total immersion. Instruction is in the heritage language. At a designated point, usually predetermined when the literacy skills of the heritage language are secure (the student is able to converse, read and write in the heritage language) then the mainstream language is introduced as a second language. In some transitional bilingual programmes, the designated point of transition is by years in the programme whether or not the skills are acquired i.e. Year 3/4. Kura Kaupapa Māori is a form of transitional bilingualism. 76 Te Puni Kokiri, Community Employment Group of the Department of Labour, Waitemata District Health Board and grants from community agencies to the present day Ministry of Health. 77 Marae sports co-ordination, Kura Kaupapa Māori teacher training, Waitakere City Council conferences, Māori medicine, Te Whare Tu Taua, Māori justice programme, self-employment student programme, work and study skills programmes and second chance education and training. 78 Referred to in earlier chapter as cited in Smith, G.H. (1997), The development of kaupapa Māori: Theory and praxis, Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Auckland, New Zealand 79 Black skirt for powhiri/ceremonial welcomes, a manuka stick for weaponry training, the cutting blade for gathering flax, and six pegs for holding weaving together.

514

Part 4

Claims To Power

Chapter 7

Conclusion

This research began as a small acknowledgement to Pāpā Pita Sharples and the many past and present kaumatua and kuia of Hoani Waititi Marae who have given much of their lives to shaping positive futures for urban Māori whānau (and others) in the West Auckland, and Central City suburbs over the decades leading up to this millennium, and, as a novice researcher with a Masters in Education- curriculum, I intended to prepare a thesis exploring methodologies and pedagogies on the urban Marae where I am whānau. This proved to be a closed, prescriptive focus that would illuminate only a narrow glimpse of ‘the curriculum’.

It took an entire journey to discover the curriculum of Hoani Waititi Marae; the curriculum that is agency, that is urgent, and that is organic. As an inside member, the curriculum was accessible and readily available, with code mostly in a local vernacular. The enormity of the responsibility of the correctness of this focus and definition however, made its weight felt at varying times over the period of the study and I shall welcome the day when it no longer taps on my shoulder.

The urban ‘intangibles of Māori-ness’: An ethnographic description of urban

Marae curriculum as decolonial praxis has explored four research questions:

What is the nature of the Marae curriculum? From where does the Marae

516

curriculum derive? What are the effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum?

And ? The

What are the implications for the education of Māori in a postcolonial world study has been an expression through the voices of Marae members, the writer and collected information from Marae documents and records, and personal papers belonging to Dr Pita Sharples, of the curriculum evident at Hoani Waititi

Marae and how this curriculum came to be necessary by way of wananga or designed initiatives in the up-skilling and empowering of Marae members.

The curriculum is drawn from intangible Māori epistemological references described here in a framework such as mana/prestige, tapu/sacredness, ihi/psychic vital force, wehi/fear, mauri/life force, tikanga/customs, whanaungatanga/relationships,-determination. manaakitanga/caring and tino

rangatiratanga/self

The Marae wananga as curriculum have developed organically from within the needs of the people, by the people as opposed to being created outside the people as much mainstream curriculum is designed and externally imposed.

Over the history of the Marae, the initiatives themselves have been invented and reinvented within a cyclic action of reflection and reaction. This praxis is the activity or action drawn from three kinds of knowledge: theoretical, to which the end goal is truth; poetical, to which the end goal is production; and practical, to which the end goal is action. Praxis, is the process or action through which a theory or skill is practiced. Without praxis, theory is limited as it exists in the abstract without action (refer endnote introduction).

517

The Marae curriculum has been described as decolonial praxis in its transformative nature. All curriculum aspects of wananga are the result of a

strategy that evolved out of this West Auckland, Māori community as a means to underachresist and transform the loss of Māori language and cultural knowledges, the loss and disillusionmentievement of Māori in the national schooling system and sense of colonisation. apparent in Māori communities as a result of

Graham Hingangaroa Smith has discussed in depth the complex arrangement of conscientisation, resistance and transformative praxis (that extends past the limits of critical pedagogy that relies heavily on theory and does not consistently offer practical solutions, nor advance change by way of action) and it is from this basis that the notion of Hoani Waititi Marae-s transformative curriculum is drawn.

Transformative praxis as described by Smith requires a change action. As

Freire (1971, p.60), has stated, ‘…there is no transformation without action’.

Meaningful outcomes are arrived at when conscientisation (to dismantle hegemonic practices and privilege) and resistance (acts of opposition) are heightened by the addition of transformative praxis that enables a change of the status quo. This was the nub of Smith’s (1997) revolutionary work in

transformative actions and transformative

Kaupapa Māori as it applies to outcomes (Smith, 1997, p.39).

518

The wananga organically evolved at Hoani Waititi Marae are delivered by way of curriculum described in this thesis as transformative curriculum as these three elements: conscientisation, resistance and transformative praxis have been the essential blend in the process of organic wananga development. In the

providedexample of th thee Kura Kura example Kaupapa in Māoritheir works), (and both acts Linda of conscientisation and Graham Smith occur have when parents enrol their children in the Kura Kaupapa. They may then engage in forms of resistance activity through becoming more politically involved, and may undertake transformative action in learning appropriate cultural

situations,kawa/etiquette for instance. and be able to actively participate in formal ceremonial

Transformative curriculum is the curricula that is designed for this purpose, and that achieves these outcomes. Its evidence in this thesis is offered by poukorero who describe change action having taken place in their lives. As examples, Novi expresses having little reo, to becoming a teacher of Te Reo; he says, something he would have never imagined becomin have been if it was not for this Marae? Shaneg. He describesasks where feeling his whānau like he wouldhas the whole world here, on this Marae as a result of the curriculum, from growing up; going to school and being the blame when things went amiss, and Bev who

‘came onto the Marae with nothing’ and has since led the Kura Kaupapa Māori in 519

management positions for two decades, explains the value of the Kura Kaupapa

journey, the emancipatoMāori as thery second journey home as it to is whānauengaged who in stepping embark into on the the

- perspectiveconscientisation→resistance→transformation as three generations of women experienced praxis dynamic. change The action writer’s via tri conscientisation (for we can enter the dynamic at any point of the cycle and become attracted to the other points, or in isolation wither (Smith, 1997)), and

Paora who has designed and implemented transformative curriculum across a

he responsibilitynumber of wānanga and accountability for two decades, externally shares towardsthe need the to nowtreaty aim partner. some ofChapter t

6 and Appendix C, Gathering the Menagerie of Richness, particularly provided further evidence of these outcomes of the transformative curriculum.

Urban Intangibles of Māori –ness beliefs and practices. Linda Smithare who drawn pioneered from Māori their documentationcultural constructs, in

Decolonizing Methodologies

(1999),application describes to Kaupapa these Māorias ‘projects’. research Expa in ndedher work, upon here and localised to this

Māori literacies details for the reader access to the central core

Marae whānau;-ness. For it is by way of these intangible workings that the curriculum isof organicallyMāori grown, designed, implemented and taught. The processes of learning and teaching adhere inherently to (through) these literacies as a code of practice understood by way of cultural norms.

520

The Urban Intangibles of Māori –ness are also apparent in methodological practice via culturally inherent ways of learning and teaching (Simpson, 2004)

Waititialso identified Marae practice. in pedagogies These pertaining are specifically to Māori listed and and characteristic described in of Chapter Hoani 4:

Preferred Pedagogies on the Urban Marae.

In claiming and pursuing improved de-colonised states, the Marae pursues curriculum that generates creative resistance to the colonised code that Marae

, and been educated by (with the exception of Marae graduateswhānau have ). In lived a Bahri by (1996), sense, where resistance is oppositional; cultural identity is acquired via the curriculum and celebrated with remaining residual like dependencies and connections to the coloniser. Said (1993, p. xx), describes

‘residual imperialist propensities’ and Holla (1997, p.1) speaks of ‘colonial residue’.

Post- yet, continuing colonialismcolonialism does, does hence not the exist desperate, for Māori, revolutionary at least, not act of the Marae to open

necessary outside the state education system. theIn pursuing first Kura a decolonisedKaupapa Māori, state if grapple with possibilities of neo- colonisation (subjugation throughMāori expanding capitalism and globalisation)

(Bahri, 1996, p.2), re-colonisation, an internal form of colonisation where the colonised re-colonise their next generation as did the original colonisers, or a

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type formed from aspects of both. These ‘postcolonial’ states are identified in

classic colonised moments encountered poukōreroby fellow researchers discourse to Pohatu the extreme and Warmenhoven of (2007, p.117).

Decolonialism is an emancipating ideological approach (Kumar, 2009) whereas

essentialism,postcolonial theory and hybridit describesy in humanism/assimilationism,analysing the engagement and nativism, contestation strategic of colonialism’s power structures, social structures, and discourses. -dom continues Māori has been achievedto grapple to withdate Pākehāby way ofdominance a number that of mechanisms as Smith (1997) such hasas, bystated, creating policy and legislation as barriers, by controlling the curriculum to reflect cultural habitus, by deciding what official knowledge is, and by

centre.understating the achievements of Māori and positioning themselves at the

In responding to the needs of its indigenous community the Marae goes beyond

the policy and legislation barriersdesign to creating and ownership. wānanga Initiatives in a new bargaining such as the firstspace, Ku a new category of Māori name officialra Kaupapa knowledge, Māori controlhave demanded curriculum indigenous and are able control to pursue where and Māori celebrate the achievement of its community members in ways that are acknowledged, comprehended, and referenced in Te

World. As political urgency, colonial interpretations areAo rejectedMāori/The and Māori the world

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is rewritten from an understandings are in authentichistories, indigenous ideologies, Māoriand methodologies position where.

terms of Māori A way to serve the political interests of the indigenous (Kumar, 2009) is via strategic essentialism (as espoused by Spivak) which legitimises the strategic

Maraeuse of Westernbalance theconcepts. desi The whānau of Te Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi

res for Māori knowledge and their children’s abilities to mainstream,operate in Māori for example society with students academic acquiring achievement NZQA qualifications in New Zealand in science

epistemology.

without compromising the cultural teachings of Māori The Marae provides access to indigenous knowledge systems and Eurocentric knowledge systems via the Kura, rather than a pursuit of hybridity (Bhabha,

1994, 2009) where a third negotiating space is created of in-betweenness. The third space intends to shift the polarised groups from their bases and allows for the creation of commonality.

Treacher (2007, p.232) has described the colonial residues as ‘carrying the haunts of anxiety, uncertainty and diffidence’. In his native land, Egypt, the residues exist amongst the people when they are unaware of it. Crisis in the form of silence, shame and helplessness infiltrates the population. Humiliation, embarrassment, ridicule and anger become tools that continue colonisation in the absence of the coloniser. For Hoani Waititi Marae the decolonising

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curriculum has centred on language and cultural revival to negate the crisis- an empowering dynamic versus powerlessness dynamic. Silence is replaced by the attainment of the indigenous language, and shame and helplessness interchanged with agency through the acquisition of specific cultural knowledge.

∼ In describing the Marae community Capra (1996) has been fitting - a community ‘in a constant state of self-renewal and regeneration …members

(who) manage their behaviour, share their own knowledge and bring about a shared sense of the community and world they live in.’ This shared sense of village-ness

gatherings,has been record uncovered keeping via and poukōrero documentation tellings, ofmemories, the Marae.

huihui/ A transforming phase gathers momentum, as described by Graham Smith in his

‘Bi-culturalism or Separatism?’ presentation in October 2010. Here he discussed with educators of West Auckland, a twenty-five year change-cycle based on

Habermas. Te Kōhanga Reo and Kura Kaupapa Māori were cited as examples birthdaygiven that in Te 2010. Kura Smith’s Kaupapa message Māori owas Hoani to focus Waititi on Maraesmall achievem celebratedents its rather25th than vast anti-climactic expectations. Example - Gender equity. “Have we achieved gender equity in twenty- – have however

five years?”524 Not likely Māori

gained enormous progress across and within the arena. A generation’s difference finds us hurtled into another world. When Shane White describes his

FUCKEN,pākehā neighbour GET OFF screamingTHE FUCKEN at him ROOF’ and in his the brothers good, little, and rich,sisters white ‘DON’T town

, or Paora Sharples remembers where the poor, Māori family turned up to live his name being pronounced every possible way except how it is pronounced – these once were norms – have become norms no more. Twenty-five years and a cultural resurgence later, the small achievements along the way are more than celebration; they are that aspect in the definition of transforming that Moana

Jackson holds dear, something more than reform or change that accelerates us into a new territory (Jackson, 2010). A fully carved, urban, pan tribal meeting house complete with fully equipped dining room, a Kura of speaking and

prepared youth, six national competing kapa haka groups, Kōhanga Reo and

SchoolKōhanga of Matua,Ancient kaumatua Weaponry, residencies, an alternative Te Whare education Tu Taua programme, o Aotearoa/National

Patua Te Ngangara-methamphetamine Teprevention Whānau programmeĀwhina/restorative justice, all within the, Tikanga manaaki Programme, manuhiri - hospitalityWhānau Ora afforded and Youth visitors Court, are on the the vehicles Marae, today for a multi-faceted curriculum that is testimony to one agenda these twenty-five years past – empowerment. But as new devils: aids, diabetes, smoking related illnesses and methamphetamine abuse for instance, leap into

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the twenty-five year change-cycle, so too does the necessity to combat them and protect today’s youth, along with the old devils: unemployment, poverty, prison incarceration…

Raised by a number of poukōrero, via participant observation and amongst onewhānau of the was Maraea theme-s greatest of the strengths,connectivity and across further the to wānanga this, it is of not the fully Marae, utilised. being

Example of connectivity in practice is of students in the wharekura who when in difficulty were the student by welcomiassisted ngby thethe parentsMarae. Kapa and siblings haka whānau into the embraced group as the a genuine family of gift of aroha in an act of support. The entire family became performing members

ll the kapa haka groups of the Marae would do this,and steadfastin situations Marae whānau. A

where they were able to support Marae whānau. Such workcohesiveness better alongside between eachthe wānanga, other in a could parallel be furthermodel, butstrengthened as a model not of so they interdependence; with less emphasis on parts that make up a whole (as discussed in Research Methodology, chapter 2), and more so as parts that need each other in order to better survive, as holism, save collaboration.

Interdependency is capable of creating improved reliance, trust, shared

understandings and whole whānau participatory planning and support. This regularsuggests attendance all the wānanga and reporting of the Marae to Marae including Committee the Kura meetings Kaupapa for Māori example) (as in

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under the mantle of the Marae Trustees.

Part one of the thesis, The Journey that has Brought Us Here begins with an introduction to situate the writer, and an orientation and prologue - The

Historical Journey. Emergent stories provide a script to better relay the writer’s worldview. The introduction should offer a sense of character, and insight. These life excerpts are selections of some of the events that are drawn on and that had life impact.

In the instance of eating the pies when locked in the pie room at primary school, following 173 years of colonisation, even at a young age, we fight back – injustice gives us cause and somehow we revolt. We will not be overcome. Perhaps eating the pies in the pie warmer wasn’t the most revolutionary act, but then I was about five years old (and I liked pies).

The prologue describes an act of social control. Thisthe colonisation historical precursor of Māori is and a necessary the education statement of Māori in any as

furthermore events of history after the fact require an enormousexploration amount of Māori, of energy, to move from the deficit forward. The West, the

be run onacademy, equal terms pākehā. ‘We’, conveniently the indigene forget remember this as they and desiretake cognisance the race to of now the journey, and when we speak (or write) about decolonisation, we begin with the colonising journey of who we are today following land taken, language banned,

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and customs outlawed to a change action that is facilitated in curriculum available daily on the urban Marae.

From the information gathered here (in relation to a celebration of the curriculum of Hoani Waititi Marae; its unmatched history80, its resurgence epic and multifaceted approach to healing, educating and empowering a many tribal people) these explorations into areas of curriculum are a necessity. In

bilingualdiscussion and of Kurabicultural, Kaupapa although Māori, today children, kaiako are ofdescribed the kura as express being motivated,that improvements be sought in literacy and numeracy to higher levels of attainment. The essence of Te Aho Matua is expressed and is regularly revisited in layerings throughout the study as a reminder that the philosophical base remains constant.

Part 2: The Research Process contains the Literature Review-Chapter 1, and The

Research Methodology-Chapter 2, and Appendix C supports further reading of

Gathering the Menagerie of Richness.

Maraethe Māori have literacies been chosen in (via kaumatua and Marae Trustees)The to wānangafacilitate of the

of spirituality and essencesmātauranga unavailable Māori and in directly Eurocentric tap into schooling Māori sourcesand educational models.

Moments are achieved, experiences unmatched whereby the surge overtakes the individual in haka, and the awe mixed with fear and wonder possesses the tauira . Maslowian-like moments of humanistic

upon the ātea in mau rākau 528

curriculum strain accomplish self-actualisation and are ‘both the end and beginning of learning’ as discussed in the literature review alongside the social reconstructionist conception which views curriculum as a way of producing a better society for all and has the learner attend to humankind’s severe problems.

Csikszentmihalyi notions that centre upon optimum learning and the concept of

‘flow’ in being engrossed with learning at an intense level, that one becomes lost in the task and transcends self and all self-awareness, is an area worthy of further exploration. Positive states, heightened motivation and concentration levels are sought after in any learning institution. If education is defined as being about, Shapiro’s development of whole people fit for human society, positive growth, self-improvement and realising identity in being able to contribute constructively to a greater society, then Hoani Waititi Marae has

achieved that; its members, as babies in the Kōhanga Reo, children in the Kura

Kaupapa Māori, and as adults in the number of wānanga of the Marae. ’s (2003) five capabilities toWhānau care, to capacities share, for are guardianship, discussed in to identifying empower Durieand to plan ahead, indigenous measures grounded in the cultural constructs o Then a place to challenge taken-for granted knowledges is soughtf Māori for emancipatory society. change and unshackling from domination.

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Chapter 2, Research Methodology explores how the reader can come to

ethnographic exploration on this understand kaupapa Māori research in this pressuresurban Marae, to deliver among evidence the pan tribal of achievement(s), whānau. In a political the example climate of the rife three with generation turnaround is testimony of the success of Hoani Waititi Marae curriculum. The three generations of the measure used here begin with my late mother Tere (she was present in this realm when I began the thesis) effected with indifference and fear following her father’s death as a child. The removal of the only language model in their family home resulted in loss of language, much customs, values and worldview. Differences over years left her (she believed) bereft of salient cultural life aspects. In varying ways she recovered these aspects through atte

nding te reo Māori language classes, placing her youngest commonchild of the place resurgence conscientising era in aactions Māori ofBilingual the lost Unit, generation and so. forth.A generation These are with the no language model is subsequently born. And, while sometimes the intentions do not eventuate, it does not necessitate that change-action cannot. In Chapter 2, three women sat on Hoani Waititi Marae- generations it took to alter the anxiety of mys ātea mother representing’s generation the three (refer fig 65).

Fig 65: The three generations of women on that significant day 2008.

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An act of conscientisation occurred in the next generation when Laughton was enrolled in the Kura (along with her brother John, ‘Tiger’) to ensure access to more than one world. ori o Hoani Waititi

Marae equipped LaughtonThe curriculumwith the skills of Te ne Kuracessary Kaupapa to be able Mā to fulfil what had been her aspiration, to be a performing member of Te Roopu Manutaki at fourteen years of age. Chapter 2 stated, ‘The Marae has affected a change axis between these three generations creating dynamic transformation from fear to fulfilment’. It is one raw example of transformative curriculum in action.

Supportive reading, Appendix C: Gathering the Menagerie of Richness unveils

small list of cultural constructs and practices identified during

Māori literacies, a the writer’s whakawhitiwhiti rua learning conversation model. These i -ness as inherent ways of being are pertinent for they are

ntangibles of Māori the ways that create the worldview; how the information is read, viewed and coded which may be the difference between comprehending sense and nonsense. The relationship between these literacies listed and living example

– is testimony to them in makingprovided attempt by poukōreros to reach as understandingsthey named themselves that the reader might apply where

worldview necessitates.

solicitation of a Māori celebrating survival, envisioning or

The association of Māori literacies such as sacrificing to the exploration of the nature of the Marae curriculum, the curriculum derivation, effects and outcomes, and implications for the education

531

is to attune and reach understandings.

Partof Māori 3: Four in a research postcolonial question worlds engaged the study. What is the nature of the

Marae curriculum is raised in Chapter 3 entitled Curriculum Definitions. The heart of the first research question secured the nub the research project. The essence is in the use of the word, nature. For a student with a Master’s degree in curriculum, the emotional word appears mis-matched to the concrete topic of curriculum. However, the curriculum needed to traverse to the intangibles. For a great number of indigenous peoples, the intangible aspects of culture are as important as the tangibles in defining the curriculum’s essential character. And, this sense of nature has opened the definition to embrace the many occurrences of self-actualisation evident in

all poukōrero conversations. As is depicted in the methodology chapter, four first level themes emerged from the grounded theory and arose from the data. T voice was canvassed as in elders and youth, crosshough representation a range of poukōrero of Marae cultures, and possible political ‘camps,’ the celebratory nature of the Hoani

Waititi Marae whānau as a unified, voice of resurgence, purpose and determination was steadfast from the snapshot of members past and present.

The nature of Hoani Waititi Marae-s curriculum is centred upon a solely constructive re- emerge with a heightenedthinking of sense what ofit ismagnificence, to be Māori andwith how strength the whānau of character could in relation to being overcome (all that has been lost of ourselves;

Māori in order to 532

not to overcome others). The constructive views represented in the projections of self-worth, (perhaps Maslowian idealism posited by the writer in pursuit of awe, mystery and wonder) as Marae members become something remarkable (in members own measured terms) after exposure to Marae curriculum transpired

to pride of Marae whānau membership, wānanga membership such as kapa ethnichaka membership, group membership. or Te Whare A constructive Tu Taua membership view of upbringing for instance, arose tofrom Māori

poukōrero as an urban Māori statement of childhood raising and furthermore, positive,some poukōrero accepting viewed and proactive. being seen as different by other cultures of people as

The nature of the Marae Curriculum:

→ Constructive View → self-worth -ethnicity-upbringing-difference

→ Destructive View → racism- isolation, resistance-foreign cultural

dominance

→ Influences → educational-home environment-by others-by

unawareness

→ Cultural Maintenance → family-restoration-biculturalism

The nature of Hoani Waititi Marae-s curriculum is emancipatory; it unshackles.

It throws off the weight of 173 years of colonisation if you allow it. There are remains, raised as ‘residue’ and experts in the field such as elder Rangimarie

Rose Pere and Mason Durie provide understandings that extend to the health arena. Destructive views of racism were exposed around wrongful blame,

accused of theft because ‘you are the only Māori so you must be the thief’ 533

scenario(s). The destructive view of racism was followed by a destructive view of isolation and resistance. This was mostly attributed to hegemony, cultural habitus and attempts at racial subjugation. The carry- dynamic in the form of isolation, alienation and sometimesover to ho today’sstility arises whānau

issueson the thatMarae centre towards on not the delivering Marae. Poukōrero the dream have with referred enough toexpediency. an assortment Yet the of examples detailed by Marae members can be considered solvable within the kaupapa – for example, the dilemma of pursuit of personal mana over the pursuit of the kaupapa is clearly pursuit of the individual over pursunravelleduit of the kaupapa,if whānau and believe so on. that For there there is ar noe clearly understood and have come to warrant as custom. Thereforeobserved fundamentally ways that the it shouldMarae whānaunot be problematic.

Tikanga is tikanga. Perhaps the beginning point is to refer to tikanga, not hui to discuss the issues or the problems of the wh (for they are the end product), rather under the mantle of the Trustees and ānauMarae Committee meet regularly as

to immerse with guidance from kaumatua, kuia andHoani those Waititi returned Marae Kura whānau graduates, on discussions of tikanga in order to alleviate the misunderstandings that accrue around knowledge, definition and application of tikanga.

A destructive view of foreign cultural dominance has affected the curriculum of the Marae particularly as initial instigations of urban

Māori were to reproduce- colonisingsimilar colonising and recolonising methods andpractices tools aswere described never adopted by poukōrero. by the MaraeThese neoas it

pursued Māori knowledges as emancipatory weapons. For those exposed to 534

foreign cultural curriculum, it left little

for the tāngata whenua. The nature of the Marae curriculum was affected by some influences: educational, concerned with the home environment, by others and of unawareness.

While foreign cultural dominance was seen as being destructive, some constructive aspects were separated and identified in an Apirana Ngata sense of

taking from the pākehā that which could enhance and excel the people, while maintaining heritage knowledges. Literacy skills of the pākehā were identified as valuable tools that equipped Māori. The learning and teaching stressed thespecifically resurgence by poukōrero that is no longer identified valued a ‘hard nor andseen fast’ as a learning necessity that for accompaniedtoday’s requirements appropriate now that the Marae. Asis thirtysuggested years by old individual and twenty poukōrero,- it may be

five years in Kura Kaupapa andMāori to consider who theto whānau consider is the today. quality Few of members graduates are and native staff speakers alike. Integrity, honestywhānau andmay humility need are held in high regard and their practice is considered more culturally appropriate when administered or practiced via forms of social control.

a are vehicles for curriculum to be undertaken in their most naThetural Marae and wānang realistic form as independent living works and arts, and they have

535

always been this way from Marae conception. Laughton Matthews commented that once schools had been the only place available to feel smart, and Paora

Sharples reminds us that Hoani Waititi Marae is a place where people are able

to live their tikanga and live kaupapa Māori on a daily basis. I was asked recently if I would return to mainstream education, and while there are valid features of mainstream, it would be difficult to replace the pure beauty of working with and being predominantly surrounded by one’s own people every day – the struggle without end is not so much of a struggle here.

The late Wh purpose behindāea Mavisthe establishment Tuoro said that of Hoani creating Waititi whānau Marae. ties This in the cultural city was the maintenance factor arose clearly valid for the Marae curriculum as it is directly concerned with language and culture. Cultural maintenance in the form of family, restoration and biculturalism arose from the information. The family discussed is the family of the Marae and the sense of family by kaupapa sought when conventional family has been wanting or distant. Specific transformative

identifiedcurriculum for such language as that and prescribed cultural andrestoration. itemised The by the success Kōhanga of the Reo original are resurgence era is identified with specific commitment, agency and support, and

also a somewhat panicked Māori nation that was nearing language extinction. Figure 66 represents the formulation of information gathered of the nature of

536

the Marae curriculum as it is affected by the constructive views of Marae members centred upon self-worth, ethnicity, upbringing and difference, and their destructive views centred upon racism, isolation or resistance, and foreign cultural dominance.

These views in turn contribute to influences identified by poukōrero as educational influences, home environment influences, influences by others and influences by unawareness. The nature of the Marae curriculum can therefore by its definition of essential character, be about all those things that affect the people and contribute to resurgence dynamic. the people in striving to create a Māori educational

The output of the nature of the curriculum is cultural maintenance; of family, of restoration, and of biculturalism, and this having emerged from its people, records and information although obvious, is Hoani Waititi Marae-s finest achievement.

Chapter 4 Identification of the Context discussed the second research question in exploring the derivation of the Marae curriculum. The pursuit of tino rangatiratanga is aligned conceptual frame of reference.to understandings of kaupapa Māori by way of a

The information related to the first research question indicated that the nature of the Marae curriculum is family based, restorative and focussed on

537

biculturalism. Some from the God

source are discussedof alongside the taonga the tuku pathway iho/gifts that handed provides down wellness,

connectedness, and wholeness. Tino rangatiratanga is represented as ‘been through the transformation’, ‘through the journey’ as the study took on the journeying representation.

The revelation of kaupap in the vision statement of the

a Māori was expressed fundamentalMāori Education to the Trust ethos (2000), and workings chaired by of DrHoani Pita Wa Sharplesititi Marae, who particularlyhas been prior

-s training ground and much of his heart (not to overstepto 2000. The his tribalMarae affiliations). was also Pāpā

moral belief:

The values are of Māori mbracing‘powhiri/committed all people genuinely to withoffering respect, hospitality, manaaki tāngata/e aroha/providing whanaungatanga, ngākau māhaki/maintaining calmness and warmth, ngakau whāiti/humility, he tapu to te tāne anō to teersonal wahine/regard integrity for of the uniqueness of men and women, ko te mana ko te kupu/p the word and the action, he toka tu moana/authenticity -anddetermination relevance in and the whaia validation of Māori knowledge, tino rangatiratanga/self te iti kahurangi/seeking the highest standards’. The information gathered indicated that the curriculum of Hoani Waiti Marae

derives from mātauranga Māori; these in turn are derived from knowledge that is specialised, knowledge as methodology or538 kaupapa Māori, and knowledge as

curriculum.

Part of celebrating life in the urban milieu is balancing between drawing upon knowledges that are tipuna based, some accessible to everyday people, and

utilisingthis millennium. pākehā knowledgeDisappointment which is hurtles regularl usy somewhatexpressed intothat thetribal cyber histories, realities of beliefs, religion and philosophies are recorded by non- tipuna that may have been charged with the tasks were mostly unacknowledged.Māori, and Those published

on. Many specific iwi through pākehā historians lost have or been uncovered raised andin conversati as a result, understandings of otherand hapū iwi tohungaknowledges are adoptedare in their place creating a generic template. This surrogate practice may be a ‘stand-in practice’ as the resurgence era of the suggested twenty-five years comes of age.

Hoani Waititi Marae whānau have asked for a baseline content knowledge that they believe graduates. S oftaff the of Kurathe Kura Kaupapa commented Māori and to similar Wharekura effect. Kaupapa These understandingsMāori should acquire are centred upon knowle arts, geographies, histories, leaders, wars, religions,dge of flora, the Māori medicine world; and iwi, so forth. And that these general understandings are integral to annual Kura assessments,

Further togrowth this, curriculumand expectations designed of students from a closer as members locale of of the the immediate Marae whānau. community; being members of the Marae and its West Auckland community be firmly rooted as baseline core studies.

Specialised knowledge that is guarded in context of exposure to a foreign alien

539

view is commented on by poukōreroways. and Losses observed in translation in reference that to haveperspectives occurred inthat specialised dominate knowledges Māori in colonising being passed across the two languages continues to

manifest on the Marae and among the whānau to theingrain present their day ways via foreign and beliefs inethnic culturally whānau dominating and staff whoways. as This whānau is monitored suggested and held in check for obvious reflection and practice of decolonising praxis.

practicing

Mātauranga Māori that is defined as methodology as kaupapa Māori; Māori arose firstly as an act of conscientisation from the very first gatherings of

The Ngāpuhi Executive Committee inMāori formally in the proposing city centre the to Maraethe undertakings establishment of and profiting fundraising ventures. The physical resource aspect of Hoani Waititi Marae allows its

find difficulty. The Maraewhānau to literally practice culture where other whānau grantedwhānau -are rich as Ethel Paniora has stated in waysignite that the is initial sometimes acts of taken for conscientito have so many wānanga available to

sation. The question of twenty is raised-five again years however, ago and who a new is theera whānaubegs a new vision.today? It is not the whānau

Intangible aspects of kaupapa Māori as methodology are considered to be the real things of the kaupa

pa by the whānau of Hoani Waititi Marae and these intangible aspects again, support the thesis name, ‘The Urban ‘Intangibles of

Māori-ness’: An Ethnographic Study of Urban Marae Curriculum as Decolonial

540

Praxis’ the real things that transcend by way of tikanga into the physical world.

Working in the kaupapa to become a better person as described by Marae

-dom’.

members is delivered through the curriculum and ‘inborn in Māori

There are negative aspects or views of Māori knowledgeharacteristic as methodology, of results or or consequenceskaupapa Māori. of Information actions. The gathered competitive tended nature to be of ckapa haka was raised for the reason that kapa haka is high profile with three national representative groups on the Marae with also Te Roopu Puawai and Te Wharekura of the Kura.

Including Te Putahitanga, six kapa haka groups in a body of four hundred people frequents the Marae on a regular basis, being half the Marae population at forty per group involved as performing members of kapa haka. Consequently, there will be negative aspects identified if the activity is in competition, despite the group-ness attributed to alleviating individual identification. The nature of competition will afford winners and losers; therefore, youth is nurtured to the content, the epistemology, the knowledge gained, and the whanaungatanga, as intended.

In terms of the attend to identified concerns from associated outsideKura, agencies the whānau and those is able concerns to expressed and accepted by the

. whānau In chapter 6 Pāpā Pita provided to this endfor :the whānau clear guidelines and the definition of Kura Kaupapa Māori 541

1) adherence to Te Aho Matua

3) basedownership on Māori an knowledge and use of Māori pedagogy

4) d control is by whānau

5) total immersion Māori language learning reified

‘When we seeMāori it drifting cultural off, etiquette/kawawe have a responsibility practiced… to pull it back into these

terms’ (2009a).

d into four domains of learning styles,

Mātauranga Māori as curriculum branche

Rooputhe Treaty Manutaki, of Waitangi, Te Rautahi tika/correct and Nga and Tumanako tikanga. Theare raised kapa haka as prominent groups: Te mediums for curriculum and learning styles developed and were piloted from

-dom both on and offpoukōrero the Marae. who Durie are now (2003) leaders posits in whānau varying capacitiesdomains of in Māori reference to the ability to take control of surroundings in the environment(s) such as the ability to anticipate change, create flexibility and preparedness including dealing with the limitations of short term planning which he s

(suggestion of this is in state dependency), theuggests success Māori of Hoani are prone Waititi to, Marae -s kapa haka groups may be here. Generation after generation of grown potential leaders are equipped with such capacities, nurtured and fed, skilled and fledged.

Once in the world outside the Marae, members are able to influence and

ding place or another arena where contribute to their own tūrangawaewae/stan kaupapa Māori continues to be pursued. A significant factor that can impact on organisation is the necessity to ‘go with the flow’ and be prepared to alter the course and plan of any given day. This is

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life on the and powhiriMarae that maydue torequire the large number of wānanga, visitors, death practices members to the Marae who havethe difficulty attendance with of theall whānau practice members., not attending For new these commitments is similar to not going to the table where everyone else is eating, or more severely, not attending a funeral or church service. Part-and-parcel of this dynamic therefore is the teaching skill of being able to manage and arrange curriculum undertakings at short notice with groups not planned for, perhaps without resources, sometimes without a facility. This is administered with calmness and when at its best with professionalism. Styles of learning are discussed alongside preferred pedagogies on the urban Marae; explained in context of their use and appropriateness.

The Treaty of Waitangi (1840) was considered essential learning , but it was not raised as significant curriculum by of Māori striving for improved relations with the treatyall poukōrero.partner was Partnership discussed more and often as opposed to the partnership document as a curriculum base.

toMāori be correct knowledge in terms as curriculum of tikanga is- referred to in information centredBehaving on correctly aiming and observing custom is acknowledgedthe essence as necessary of being cultural Māori. curriculum. The attributes of the Hoani Waititi Marae member who lives by the kaupapa is

described by two poukōrero; one kaiako, one tauira. Emotional Values in the information gathered related to an emotional view of

543

life’s balance where spirituality plays a principal role in the curriculum. In steering away from colonising practices, accepting other member’s ‘colonial residue’ in forms of foibles and eccentricities are part of the journey alongside the many health issues faced. Recognising these and designing empowering curriculum is where the necessity lies.

Our Urban Marae, Chapter 5 explores the third research question centred upon the effects and outco establishment of Hoanimes Waititi of the Maraecurriculum. is central The tourbanisation this. As an availablof Māorie andvenue, the

Hoani Waititi Marae filled a service for Auckland City as identified by the Race

Conciliator of the late 1970s. Providing the Auckland City schools, educational institutions and associated agencies with Marae experiences was a niche predominantly filled by Hoani Waititi Marae in the 19 saw a more liberal form of education warming in the aftermath80s as the of taha the Māori race- era relation difficulties that divided the country post Springbok Tour of ’81. The

Marae- remains steadfast. purpose toMarae cater programmes for the cultural were and designed educational to attend needs to of the urban failure Māori of

andMāori identity in the lossmainstream through educationa number systemof initiatives. by addressing Community indigenous relations language established long before the Marae was erected by the early pioneers such as

Letty Brown, the late Mavis Tuoro and the late Tuini Hakaraia is the nub of theKōkā success of community initiatives such as the Marae undertaking. The enormity of the task that involved drawing from Auckland schools, local council,

544

police, Mayors, private business and the local papers remains the mainstay of

Marae connections in today’s political and economic climate.

The vision of Hoani Waititi Marae leads us to where the effects and outcomes of the curriculum are aimed:

 self-

epistemologies.to empower the Māori people to pursue determination and to validate Māori



to allow us the Māori people to live as Māori in this land and in this world.  to not lose the seed sown from our ancestral homeland.

 to hold onto the inheritance of our ancestors to sustain us in this time.



to find pathways that will allow the Māori language and custom to reach its potential.  in

allto upliftparts andof this support land. the Māori language in this country, to be heard in all places and

 to awaken those kaupapa that were oppressed and marginalised by law and

colonisation.



theseto be proactivelands a foundation in establishing to care Māori for future business, generations to legitimise (Sharples, these 2002b,things and p,20). to plant in

Generic values are discu and ethos upholds authoritiesssed as of the God, revelation ancestors, of people,kaupapa land, Māori. family The and philosophy those

reinforcewho are special, the sanctity and to of promote wellbeing the whi rejuvenationle practicing of peace, Māori love,knowledge truth, calm and toand correctness, all this while acknowledging God as the source of all learning, and setting the curriculum direction for the effects and outcomes to have

545

emancipatory benefits.

Birth to death (womb to the grave) growing up secure in a place where educationone becomes is best strong described to cope by and Pāpā ultimately Pita as thrive in the world. Training programmes were initially designed for personal development and to enhance employment opportunities and these remain the

focus. Specific initiatives such as the Whare Wānanga remain objectives for the

whānau. Four main strands of sacrifice, choices, mana and challenge emerged from the information. Two strands of sacrifice settled into one theme relating to giving up something in pursuit of the Marae curriculum. The common aspect of sacrifice has been layered throughout the study. Sacrifice is a two-sided perspective and like other values, is context specific and dependent. Regularly members work past the hours, the job description and the wage, as the kaupapa is the greater driving force and purpose are many examples where members feel they havefor been being sacrificed in the whānau. or have There had to sacrifice in ways for the greater cause and this relates back to the early members who initially pioneered the work of the Marae and instilled the value – the kaupapa is greater than the individual.

What are the Effects or Outcomes of the Marae Curriculum?

→ Sacrifice →

Māori 546

→ Choices → world-kaupapa

→ Mana → loss of mana: alienation-mana: empowerment

→ Challenge → renaming

Choices as effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum arose as acts of conscientisation. They branched into two strands: world and kaupapa. Choices for the world indicated making choices that effect who one is in the world, for the world, in pursuit of wider worldly things or lifestyle. Protesting the

Supercity (which absorbed Waitakere City) was an example of making choices as worldly acts of conscientisation. Choices made for the kaupapa, about the kaupapa are provided in examples where children are raised on the Marae by

andthe widershare whānau.in parenting Poukōrero others. areCommunal proud of relationships their children require raised some by the restraint whānau of arrogance and other dominating human persuasions. Humility and cooperation as aims of congeniality are a necessity in a community of care with an education and resurgence agenda requiring integrity, maintaining the nature of discussions in meetings and owning one’ to face sense. The point is also made in respects words of showing in a kanohi support ki te of kanohi/face people and situations necessary to enable elders, and the Marae trustees for instance,

to be informed as to how the whānau see issues of importance. Mana as effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum evolved from the information in two fields: loss of mana - alienation and mana - empowerment.

547

Information gathered around alienation illustrated family or individuals within a family believing they have become alienated or left out as a result of the Marae curriculum, or as a result of pursuing the Marae curriculum. Feelings of loss of mana or mauri are evident and individualistic in nature. Tribal canestrangement be oppositional is another to kaupapa form of Māori alienation in being counteracted by the curriculum of urbanisation. Alienation and other negative effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum tended to be synonymous with straying from customary practices. Those graduates of the kura who are uncomfortable in believing they are having to provide guidance to present day elders as to protocols and undertakings necessary for the Marae function may revisit the tenets of Te Aho Matua and fundamental cultural observances.

Mana: Empowerment illustrates family or individual empowerment as a result of the Marae curriculum. Attempts to achieve, feelings of pride and feelings of acceptance by the w -awareness and being reconnected to identities through experienceshānau are evident.and gaining Self knowledges from the Marae

information.curriculum is This repeatedly aim and claimed accomplishment by poukōrero of Hoan andi gatheredWaititi Marae throughout cannot the be overstated. Keeping the ‘momentum of activity’ pulsing is an ongoing task

Brown’stantamount suggestion with motivation of fundraising in large for community a Marae gymnasium organisations. to refocus Kōkā Lettythe

u on a large venture once again is one such motivational proposal.

whāna Challenge as effects or outcomes of the Marae curriculum evolved as renaming; debating, or redefining the kaupapa or direction of the kaupapa – the

and/ 548

practices and processes within, or a return to an adherence to the practices and principles of the special nature of Hoani Waititi Marae-

s past years. The whānau traveldemographics from outside have ofchanged, West Auckland in the Kura despite alone a a population of the whānau established in the immediate area and central andnest southern of Kura Kaupaparegions. Language Māori acquisition dynamics have altered as expected from teaching the language to teaching in the language and this extends to new curriculum aspirations, budgeting and resourcing demands. Being adaptable and prepared for change is

view it - adhering to the lorekey toof thetikanga longevity while of scoping the Marae the landscapeas the present for future whānau possibilities.

Implications for the study

The Marae manager, Paora Sharples at one point in the study suggested surveying the Marae-s contribution internationally as to how it has assisted other indigenous cultures, particularly those close to demise. The same task could be applied across Aotearoa in mapping the Marae-s contribution locally

andthe manynationally iwi. The by waywork of of its the support Marae and could drive be trackedfor tikanga in terms Māori of that how transcends youth have been able to assist events in other contexts.their home Marae and/or facilitate culturally pertinent

programmesOther points raiseddeveloped by whānau here that stress are the value of Hoani Waititi Marae organisations. Examples are P unique and not found in pākehā 549 atua Te Ngangara and Te Whānau Āwhina. While

Paora’s survey suggestion has not been undertaken in this work due to enormity of the task in the time frame available, its value to the Marae is not underestimated. Much research on Hoani Waititi Marae in a matrix of possibilities remains only scoped by this thesis. As touched upon, a small

participanttheir thoughts group on topicsof ten fromrelated a present to history whānau and themes of four of hundred education shared and some of curriculum. This is a very narrow tuning of the eye glass – in terms of a research dynamic for Hoani Waititi Marae, with the Marae being registered with

Historical Places and gathering thirty years of history, a Hoani Waititi Marae

Research Centre would cater for the formal collation of archival records that are steadily deteriorating simply due to age and lack of appropriate storage facilities that are conservation fit. A research centre could extend to gathering artefacts such as original Te Roopu Manu it appropriate) clothing for instance, weaponry,taki (and certificates, other wānanga photographs who deemed and compiling and displaying these in presentable formats for the community. The

hed in this way.

Thehistory centre of each might wānanga possibly where be available appropriate, to provide could research be researc facilities to the

investigationsvarious wānanga and operating ventures. for present day or past historical or tribal

Particular research themes became obvious: the investigation of the birth to

death model of education, the exploration550 of past whānau returning to impart

knowledge on the Marae, the recorded history of Te Roopu Manutaki, the building of Te Aroha and Ng Tumanako, an anthology of Te Roopu Manutaki compositions, the recorded historyā of Te Rautahi, an anthology of Te Rautahi

compositions, the tracking of Kura Kaupapa- prospective Māori graduates, demographics analysis for of roll forecasting.Kōhanga Reo A andplethora Kura ofKaupapa material Māori is available and practical ventures can be

undertaken that might contribute to improved cohesiveness for wānanga. In terms of the negative aspects of the research, there have been only a few and have tended to centre upon the same. Pia Pohatu and Tui Aroha Warmenhoven

(2007, p.117) believed in their research paper discussing new directions in community based research,

Probably the most difficult situation we as community researchers have

had to observe has been the downward spiralling behaviour of

self-orientated individuals that occupy a place of authority on the Marae

selfishness.and, therefore These within individuals the hapū consistently structure. This comprise is not acollective case of mere well -being.

They encourage div

isiveness within the hapū collective, place barriers in the

researchers,way of hapū opportunity,but would rather have discuss no will concernsto resolve indiscriminately. issues with you asThese

people, takahi tāngata, they have one rule for themselves and another

rule for others. They will discriminate on the basis of age, gender and

genealogy. These people have no respect for consensus-based and

551

collective-oriented processes, going to extreme lengths to maintain a

status of chaos, disparateness and disorganisation. They are tyrants

and saboteurs of the highest order. And although they are but a few

the encumbrance the effect on a collective’s development is

phenomenal.

We have come to refer to such acts and attacks as ‘classic colonised

moments’…This definition enables us to de-personalise a situation

and to quickly remind ourselves of the context we are working in.

This grievance leadership strengthens our resolve and tenacity. The

paradox is that we have become resilient and stronger than before.

Pohatu and Warmenhoven were undertaking tribal research as insiders in their

-patriating with the best intentions. ownClassic hapū colonised in Ruatoria moments on the while East destructive,Coast, re unfortunately, are the painful stuff of truth and also where the negative moments of this research journey were rooted, when and where they occurred. In maintaining morale in times of adversity, being able to ‘de-personalise’ as suggested by the whanau usins, has brought about a similar paradox inNgāti the kaupapa Porou – the writer isnga/co similarly strengthened in resolve.

Re-thinking some of the well-worn Eurocentric educational designs is worth

is visiting particularly in terms of how information about whānau communicated, tracked, monitored, and collated. In the Junior English

552

Department of the Kura, the writer has re-designed the late Jim Laughton of

Richmond Road School’s progress against the self model (as opposed to measuring progress of the student against others as conventional assessment models are prone to do). The Education Review Office found the graphing

technique to be innovative (twenty years on). Similarly, Te Kura Kaupapa Māori o Ruamata in the Ministry of Education (2010, p.124) publication, Te piko o te mahuri: The key attributes of successful Kura Kaupapa Māori, also referred to abandoning past models twenty years ago. Here they discussed ‘appraisal’ rather than ‘assessment’ in choosing ‘a personal learning journey’.

Eric Schwimmer (2004) had suggested that an analysis of Hoani Waititi Marae praxis would entail considering the figured worlds of the and robustness whānau

in producing relationald and values producing of the traditionaltrans-national whānau, values ‘producing’ in terms ofsymbiosis a world withview. the Schwimmer pākehā worl has followed the progress of the Marae over the years, is a supporter of the Marae works, and has published on the subject; he is close to the praxis. However, robustness is more resurgence concentrated for obvious reasons – are not under threat of losing their

Māori The

Ngāpuhipākehātanga/whiteness Executive Committee any time some soon. forty The years kaupapa ago was in thenot mainproducing behind symbiosis with th -national values in terms of a world view. Todaye pākehā world nor producing trans

the same is true. The wānanga553 are Māori knowledge specific. The

raisedwhānau over are the vigorous course in of producing the thesis relational by building values urban of Marae the traditional facilities whānauand as

reconstituting ‘what it is to be Māori’, by heralding and hosting the resurgence persistenceof Māori language and bloody by offering-mindedness free Māori in cre languageating an classes education on thesystem, Marae, by bya 200 strong membership to national competition of kapa haka at various levels - the

world,list forms this another occurs asresearch an organic topic. offshoot, But as to a lateralproducing as the symbiosis result of with attending the pākehā to the loss of necessary indigenous knowledge(s). Wholeness is filled alongside

rehabilitation,healing. Wānanga youth such court, as those tikanga discussed programmes that attend and so to forth drug aiddependency, members to function improved lives. Likewise a world view is broadened; however, the

passed the ‘racist, homophobicvalue system andremains sexist essentially global ideologies Māori. For that Māori were arepart and parcel of European colonial expansion’ (Jaramillo & McLaren, 2008) and have come to laugh as

Justice Mick Brown (1998) reminds us of the 70s Dave Allen joke where a teacher tells her class that Captain Cook discovered Australia 200 years ago. Her student Thomas retorts that the aboriginals have lived in Australia for over 50,

000 years to which the teacher replies, “Well yes Thomas, but up until the

arrival of Captain Cook, you didn’t know where you were”.

infIn ending,ormation this gathered Hoani Waititi here over Marae the whānau,five year by period observation of research, and inis capablethe of capitalising on these capabilities and uniting under them, and surpassing the

554

classic colonised moments. These include the values listed: generosity, compassion, tolerance, courage, and a spirit of hope, as Emily Dickinson (a

coined, ‘the thing with feathers that perchespākehā writer) in the soul (cited and in sings Hoag, without 2007) the words, and never stops – at all’.

Building a positive future is essentially inte capacity building as actively fed and nurturedrwoven through in whānau Hoani Waititi capacities, Marae and,

curricula via the many wānanga that are growing generations alongcentre a birth of to death education model. Whānau is at the heart of Māori, and the

kaupapa Māori. As parents of children on the Marae our role is to do a better job than our parents did, simply because we are able to. My children in a short amount of time, both only teenagers are already, much improved models of me. They have knowledges in advance of mine and indigenous ways of perceiving the world from a young age that has affected their world view. I am rich, because I have been given a gift long before growing to sit in a rocking chair – my children have achieved what I could not in language acquisition, veracity, diligence, and personal strengths. I have seen them actively engaged in the themes of this study including awe, mystery and wonder as caught up in moments of flow, they transcend optimum states of learning - these have in the most part been acquired on the Marae – this Marae, and the attached wānanga. The fact that we as whānau can be fulfilled that our children be restored to being whole people in a Shapiro sense, winding the clock

555

back 173 years, negating the failure rates and the ‘sad-arse’ statistics.…. and, we get caught up in the day to day life here on the Marae and simply forget - just how far we have come…

oani Retimana

E tika ana kia mutu rā au ki te whakatauki i tino mariutia nei e H

ToWaititi end heiwith kaupapa the proverb ako ohāki valued mākohakoha by Hoani Retimana nōna ki ngāWaititi; iwi/ that It is he appropriate used as a teaching tool, and his final lasting gift to the people.

Ka p te ruha ka hao te rangatahi.

The old net isū cast aside, the new net goes fishing.

80 No other Marae has the first Kura Kaupapa Māori attached, or the first Te Kōhanga Reo in West Auckland. Its history of development in the particular urban milieu, within the tribal and hapu boundaries is not replicated.

556

Part 5

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Glossary

Ahikāroa/home fire āhua/character Āhuatanga Ako/Aspects of Learning aki/motivate ako Māori/Māori learning Aotearoa/New Zealand aroha/love ate/taiaha blade ātea/Marae frontage auahi kore/smoke free auraki/mainstream education awhi/help haphaka powhiri /welcoming ceremony hākinakina/activity ū/sub tribes-being haukāinga/true home hauora/well Hawaiki/ancestral homeland hinengaro/intellectual hītori/history hōhonutanga/depth hui/gatherings ihi/psychic vital force Io Matua Kore/God iwi/tribal groups iwi/people Iwi Runanga/tribal authorities kai/food kaiako/teacher kaiarahi/leaders kaitātaki/leader kaitātaki wahine/female leader kaitiaki/guardians kapa haka/performance art, karakia/prayer karanga/ceremonial calling kawa/protocol kawe tūpāpaku/undertaking customs 583

kaumatua/elders kaumatua and kuia/elders kaupapa/themekete kaupapa/purpose. /kit Kingitanga/Kingship Kingi Tuheitia/The Māori King (his name) kīwaha/colloquial sayings koha/donation kōkā/aunty kokiri/charge formation kōrero/talk kōrero pūrākau/mythology Koroneihana/Coronation korowai/cloak koru/spiral patterned panels kotahitanga/unity kowhaiwhai/ kui/female elder kuia/female elder Kura Kaupapa Māori/Māori language total immersion school Kura Weu/Year three in Kura Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae mahi- - mārō/hard ā ringa/workfrom ‘way with back’ the hands mahitahi/working together mai rā anō/ mamae/pain mana/prestige mana/power and authority mana/personal power manaaki/caring manaaki manuhiri/hospitality afforded visitors mana whenua/original inhabitants of the land manuhiri/visitor manuhiri tūārangi/visitor from far away Māoritanga/Māori culture matakite/seers matatau/fluent - - - languagemātauranga Māori/Māori knowledge mātauranga Māori hōhonutanga reo/Māori knowledge depth of the Māori mauri/life force 584

mauriora/life principle nry mau patu/hand club weaponry mau rākau/long staff weapo mau taiaha/long staff weaponry mihi/acknowledged mihi/greeting moana/sea moemoeā/dream muamōteatea/poetic verse murimotu/island /past /present muru/cleansing neherā/ancient times Nga Atua/the Gods ngngahau/entertainmentgentle ngākau māhaki/humility: āwari/profane noa/common noa/

ope/group ōrite raruraru/reoccurring problems pā/fortified -village paepae or taumata/orator’s- bench pākehā/non Māori pākehātanga/non Māori ways pakeke/adult pakiwaitara /stories pāngarau/maths ad Pāpā/father thepapakāinga/homeste devil patua te ngangara/beat the demon/methamphetamine education/battle with pepeha/tribal boast pepeha/identification pito/belly button pou/guardian pou/levels pou/mentors pou/pillar 585

pouako/head teacher articipant poukōrero/pillar of talk poukōrero/research p poupou/carvings poutama/knowledge stratification pouwaru/ level eight graduates of Te Whare Tu Taua/Weaponry School powhiri/welcomes puhi/virgin child pūtaiao/science pūtea/money rangatahi/youth rarurarrangatira/chief rangatira/chiefly leader u/problem reo karanga/first voice of the Marae rohe/areas rongoā/medicine rongopai/gospel rūmaki reo/full immersion taha wairua/spiritual side taiaha/long staff weapon takahi/stamping of the foot takahi tangata/belittlers take/issuestam Tāmaki/Auckland ariki /children tāngata rongonui/famous people tāngata whenua/people of the land tangi/burial practices tangihanga/death rites tangihanga/death customs taonga/treasures taonga tuku iho/gifts handed down, tapu/sacrede tapu & noa/sacred & profane tari/offic tātai/bloodline tau/settle tauira/learner tauira/researcher tauira/students 586

- tauiwi/foreigner tauiwi/non Māori taumata/orator’s bench tautoko/support Te Ao/The World Te Ao Māori/the Māori world Te Ao Mārama/World of Light teka/untruth Te Kōhanga Reo/total immersion Māori early childhood Te Reo Māori/Māori language Te Reo Māori/the indigenous language of New Zealand Tete reo t me ōna tikanga/language and custom Te Taurawhiri i Te Reo/Māorilues Language Commission īmatanga/the beginning Te WhTino Uaratanga/Key Va Te Tiriti o Waitangi/The Treaty of Waitangi ānau Āwhina/restorative justice programme. Te Whare Tu Taua/weaponry school Tihei wā mauri ora! /I breathe life! tika/correctness, tikanga/customstikanga-a- es tikanga/cultural practices iwi/social scienc tikanga Māori me Whakaaro Māori/Māori practice and thinking Māori tinana/physical tino rangatiratanga/self determination, , tipuna/ancestor tohunga/priest tohunga/specialists tōtara/native tree tuahine/sister tukutuku/reed patterned panels Tūmatauenga/God of war tūrangawaewae/homeland tūrangawaewae/standing place Tūtahi Tonu/Stand always as one tūtūngarahu/leaping war dance tūturu/genuine urupā/cemetery utu/reciprocity waharoa/gateway 587 waiata/songs

wairua/spiritualani Waititi Marae-ness wairua/spirituality Waitititanga/Ho waka/canoe wānanga/academy wānanga/cultures wānanga/learning sessions wānanga/school wānanga/university whaea/aunty whaikōrero/oratory whakaaro/thought whakahīhī /arrogant behaviour whakairo/carvingrge whakaiti/make small whakamana/enla whakamātautau/exams whakanui/acknowledge whakawhanaungatanga/the process of establishing relationships whakapapa/claim by genealogy whakapapa/genealogy whakapohane/the showing of buttocks whakatauwhakarehu/taiaha- - spearerbs headwhose author is known, whakatau/welcome ā kī /prov whakataukī/proverb whakataukī/proverbs whose author is unknown whakatau tinana/physical fitness and health whānau/family whānau/community-manaaki- family -caring-helping whānau by kaupapa/family by purpose whānau awhi/family whānau katoa/whole family whanaunga/cousins whanaungatanga/relationships whānau whānui/extended family whānau whāiti/close family whāngai/adopted whāngai/adopted child wharehui/meeting house Wharekurawhare kai/house for hosting visitors wharekai/dining room Kaupapa Māori/total immersion588 Māori secondary schools

whare nui/large house whare tapawha/four walls of the house wharetangata/womb whare wānanga/house of learning whare wānanga/higher house of learning whwhare whakairo/carved house whatumanawa/emotional enua/land wiri/hand movement

589

-ness’: An Ethnographic Study of Urban Marae Curriculum The Urban ‘Intangibles of Māori As Decolonial Praxis

By Jacqueline Anne Matthews

Volume II

Appendix A

Appendix B

Appendix C

Gathering the Menagerie of Richness

Transforming…healing broken relationships (and communities from

colonisation) must involve the sincere and genuine efforts by all of those

involved to practice values such as fairness, honesty, compassion, harmony,

inclusiveness, trust, humility, openness and, most important, respect. It is

about engaging our best selves to respond to harms, so that instead of

causing divisions among us, harms can be used to bring us together and to

make our families and communities stronger (McCaslin & Breton, 2008,

p . 516).

Living for the kaupapa: It would be easy to read the following and think, so what?

This is nothing new. Hopefully, you might even think, this is the way it is for us

(where ever you are). What is it to be Māori? What is it to be urban? What is it to be a Westie81? What is it to be in the kaupapa? Yet, the following is not an attempt to define ‘Māori-ness’ amongst and across these cultures, rather it is a description, foci fed from a number of lenses, past and present of the ways here; the ways that we have come to behave and relate to each other as whānau of Hoani Waititi

Marae.

I have felt throughout these five years of work, calmness; I have named it (in true

Freirean sense) ‘the secured calm’. Part of this is due to a zealous claim I made early on of repositioning and redefining the centre so that it belongs to us, the indigenous. Here we are the ones who hold the lens and, we might let you look through the kaleidoscope. Once posited a quiet settled over the work. Perhaps it is a false confidence (I doubt itbeing indigenous, colonised, woman

and so described as Erevelles’ (2005, as cited in Swadener & Mutua, 2008)

‘known abject subject’, we tend to struggle with confidence and lack it vis-à-vis being able to readily access it). Whatever, my belief that I held the lens and repositioned the centre, as Dunbar Jr (2008, p. 89) has proclaimed, ‘my race has been my centre’ since this is the world, certainly guided me and provided strength. And, it was not the native side of Du Bois’s (1903/1953) double consciousnesses at play, but rather an entire consciousness located in this, the indigenous world (Ladson-Billings & Donnor, 2008). Listening to poukōrero was heartening and uplifting. Information whether historical, factual, the dreams of one or many, tumbled into logic forming a singular voice. If there are camps they have voice here. Yet past the noise the views layered themselves like rainbow sediment and could be handled as whole slices of Waititi Marae whānau. Factual history was not debated or contradicted across poukōrero, but rather they jig- sawed themselves and puzzled together without my hand…My hand has only gathered the richness.

This appendix understandingidentifies the world and that celebrates became evident the richness in this of study. Māori Its ways purpose of being here and is to further illustrate the people mechanics of the culture, of this world in action so that the reader might gain a better understanding of the urban indigenous perspective.

C.1 Ways of Being

and Ways of Understanding Our World: the Māori Literacies Linda Smith (1999, p. 142) in her discussion of Decolonising Methodologies, lists twenty-five projects which she suggests, “constitute a very complex research

and parts of the process of conducting research;programme”. all are As inherentlypurposes, methods relevant. Some are emphasised and specifically defined in the context of this exploration and parallel to the writer’s perception of 82personal communication, October, 2006), sharedMāori similarly literacies with (Delamere, Marie Battiste’s J. (2008, p.499) derivative of indigenous epistemologies:

(F)rom the immediate ecology: from people’s experiences, perceptions,

thoughts, and memory including experience shared with others; and

from the spiritual world discovered in dreams, visions, inspirations, and

signs interpreted with the guidance of healers or elders. Most indigenous

peoples hold various forms of literacies in holistic ideographic systems

which act as a partial knowledge meant to interact with the oral traditions.

Pita Sharples (1992a, p.16), in his discussion of traditional

mātauranga

Māori/Māoridisseminated knowledgewithin an oral defines culture. Māori ‘Akonga pedagogy M as akonga Māori; knowledge

Tradition equated directly to ‘literacies’ within āoricontemporary techniques society’. in the Oral Sharples’

(1992a, p.16

) examples of literacies of akonga Māori include: ‘taha nowairua/spiritual side, karakia/prayer, whakapapa/genealogy, tapu &

a/sacred & profane, kawa/protocol, kōrero pūrākau/mythology, - - whanaungatanga/relationships,others’ waiata/songs,. Collins pakiwaitara(2007, p.31) /stories,refers to mahi‘takenā-for- ringa/workgranted patterns with theof behaviour’ hands and as cultural methods that are inherent and therefore arise in the work of the researcher, possibly unannounced.

, including oracies

The Māori literacies can be defined in similar vein to pākehā

literacies - the ways in which we come to ‘read and write’ the world as we know it from its contexts: the many tikanga and guidelines which allow the people to accept and perceive the knowledges of the world, which then enables processing, internalising and making parallel of reading and writing providessense an analogyof the world; for the the literacy Māori process.world. The

Similarly, one comes to absorb, function and process knowledge in an oral

Arena followed by the possibilities of recording, portraying and making histories of the world.

ori have ways of reading the world that draw from a wider source than the

Mā four pen and paper of the pākehā. These readings of the world are drawn from human domains: tinana/physical, hinengaro/intellectual,and are identified by

Rangimariewhatumanawa/emotional Rose Pere (1997) and in wairua/spiritual her account of the paths to learning, and in part

hauoraby Mason Durie’s-being (1994) where whare ‘the walls’ tapawha/four are metaphors walls for of thethe housedimensions model of of people:/well the physical, the mental and emotional (as one) and the social and spiritual. Existence includes the spiritual which embraces values and morality.

The involvement of these domains establishes connectedness, trust and mutuality.

Attaining new knowledge, the sharing of information with the animate and inanimate, and human interpersonal relationships to name a few dynamics, are some pertinent situations where we seek the assistance of such literacies.

Developing and understanding a process of ‘literacy’ acquisition; becoming attune to the ways (that are) about being receptive to learning in these

situations, is the writer’s passion, and indeed the passion of many in the kaupapa.

Interpreting the Māori literacies is not then about comprehending or decoding text, but rather the interpretation of a given situation of learning that draws from the esoteric, the unspoken, the causal, the historical, the contextual, the unforseen and contributions from the intangible worlds. The Māori literacies allow us to read our world in order that we are able to draw from not only the physical and tangible, but able to perceive a spiritual dimension which stands beside the physical; concerned with wholeness and totality…(in my last conversation with

Aunty Kath/Katerina Mataira, she spoke not of her communications in te reo

Māori, but of our necessities to learn the language(s) (that she was hearing) and that allow us to engage across the cosmos, and these languages echoing similar to the click languages of some African nations were not of the tongue-they resonated from the soul…)

In turning from the fear and possibility of recolonising each other and following generations, the acts and effects of colonisation are prominent in being able to heal and progress as a people. Throughout the development of Hoani Waititi

practicesMarae, whānau from further have taken infiltrating deliberate the kactionaupapa. to preventThe kaupapa Eurocentric now extends ways andfrom the resurgence of reo and tikanga to recognising the crippling tools of devaluing

t their effects, and returning to indigenousMāori, creating knowle stratagemdges. to counterac

C.1.1 Celebrating Survival

The intent of this research project is the celebration of life lived at Hoani

Waititi Marae, recognition of the commitment required by many over the history, and comment by a small number who remain steadfast in continuing the journey. The significance of the celebration has been regenerated in layers

through learning conversations. Each poukōrero has shared a history, a vision, a primeval,purpose that instinctive, is driven energy; by what a is force best that described when fedfor bythose the not many, Māori is able as a to fuel destiny; something worthy of celebration.

In Smith’s (1999) discussion, celebrating survival is the antithesis of the imperial approach of investigation that unveils the death or absorption of indigenous cultures. Celebrating survival exposes cultural maintenance, uniqueness and determination. Also relayed in a number of oral portrayals, the process of imparting stories of survival from one generation to the next reaffirms a sense of longevity. The stories told for the purpose of this study are an affirmation of the determination required for our permanence on this planet.

Paora Sharples:

Refocus

…you have got to admire our ancestors for all the customs that we have…

it’s staunch. It allows us to always honour our ancestors and our Atua, and

there is a protocol and everyone knows it, but within it, it’s all based on

feelings, how you feel at the time. If you look at the customs of our

adaptable…Theyindigenous cousins, have our not whānau been able from to overseas, adapt in citiestheir customslike we have, are not they so

onlyhaven’t the got customs places but like the a Marae mechanisms where itto is make all Māori it happen rule…we and haveit has not all

been passed down to us from our tipuna…and then resilient because of

all that we have come through with colonisation. All the indigenous groups

were colonised- but look at what we have done. We have come out of it;

we are talking our language, we are living our customs, we are building

Marae, we have got our own school system. What other indigenous

peoples have got that? That is our resilience, and proactive is just us

(Paora Sharples,

WR,saying, 11 “Yeah,December we are 2008). doing our own thing our own way”

C.1.2 Storytelling

Storytelling takes a number of forms in representing the most common and

anguage was traditionally orally transmitted.widely used ofCultural the literacies practices, in that teachings Māori andl forecasts have been passed from one generation to the next through whakapapa tables, recounts of history,

, weaponry art forms,kōrero games,pūrākau/mythology, techniques and waiata practices and ofmoteātea/poetic agriculture, horticulture, verse fishing, hunting, and battle to name an obvious few. Histories and stories are insights.

Each is a piece; parts that make up the whole. Parts are understood in their relationship to other parts, an inter relationship of connectedness (Durie, 2005).

Each person’s story affords the storyteller a place in the collective whole, a place in the community.

C.1.3 Recalling

Recalling is an act of drawing from the past an event or historical episode that

becomes teaching for the people. A prerequisite of recalling is age and experience. Recalling is a tool utilised much by elders in order that misdeeds or losses from the past are not repeated, or to provide solutions for the present generation by illustrating achievements and navigations from the past. Smith

(1999, p.146) refers to a form of portraying from the past as remembering that engages people in ‘tellings’ of pain and loss, misunderstandings and confusion, and the consequences and action of that pain, a symptom of ‘dehumanisation’ .

Shane White:

The most violent situations I was in as a child was not with any of these

alcoholics that I lived my whole life with, but with the two Christians…I got

more hidings from them than I got a life sentence in jail, in the name of

God…I’ll beat the Māori out of you (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

Kōkāand how Letty in Broherwn view, remembers some foundations the establishment of the process of the were first essentiallyMāori Committees imperialist. She refers to a case where a child had been caught stealing in Te

Atatu:

It was the men who were doing it. The women were in the league. The

men decided, what are we going to do? …What did she pinch? Oh

something from this woman…He made her stand up in front of all of us

…she got so many hours this and that…

“Look that’s not me. I’m not into that. Ba -because

d enough the pākehā

thenthat is you what fellas they are say making at the herpākehā do this courts…This and do that is anda first do offence everything and

else” and I said, “You know we don’t have to come here as a Māori Committee, why don’t we do it as a whānau, go around to your house

thatand do(Letty it?” Brown,I wasn’t WR, going 6 Julyto be 2009). any part of a committee that was doing

had painful memories pertaining to childhood, schooling and thePoukōrero general colo . Some expressed those losses via

Māori humour a nisingmethod treatment of making of small, Māori potential losses and pain. This humour protects people by creating space between the incident and the members. Those affected can view from a distance. Shane White provides an explanation of looking at the truth through humour. He does this from the exposure tier of whakawhitiwhiti rua, through to a fuller definition in refocus, and pin pointed as a theme at the capture tier:

Exposure

Jacqui: What works best for us? What works best for you?

Shane White: Humour, appropriate humour, it can be inappropriate

humour.

Jacqui: Relaxing people then?

Shane White: Yeah, humour and that’s part of engagement.

Refocus

Shane White: It’s respite, have a break…it’s about emotion, tying an

emotion to thoughts and concepts…emotions has limits

out…another it doesn’t thing jump about back being in your Māori mouth; is when everything you spit hasit

consequence, even words…especially words thrown in

anger.

Capture

Shane White: Honesty (Shane White, WR, 16 March 2009).

For pan-tribal members of a cross-gathered community, recallings are vastly scoped, in not having derived from a common ancestor or area. The members of

Hoani Waititi Marae have come from a large number of tribal groups spread across the country. Each member brings history, family, purpose and contribution. Common threads among the tales of recalling are signposts that allude to present day purpose and survival, or indicators for curriculum design and function (Smith, 1999).

C.1.4 Revitalising (refer chapter 5).

C.1.5 Connecting

Central to a Māori world view, stories and traditions connectinning from and Te the Kore, creation Te

Po,of Ng through the creation epoch of Te Tīmatanga/the beg

ā Atua/the Gods to the whakapapa of humankind from our tipuna/ancestor Tūmatauenga/God of war, traversing generations to the residepresent (refer world chapter of the turbulent4). This genealogical Te Ao Mārama/World history of the of Lightsons ofin Ranginuiwhich we and

Papatuanuku; their conquests and defeats are evident in discourse today, and

affiliationhave unfolded with in land, discourse waters, from forests poukōrero. and air, andThis many connectedness deities upon extends and between to

the worlds. Illustrations of the cultural practice of connecting identity are in the

with commontouchstones examples such as of pepeha/tribal boasts which link individualsplacenta of new born children being buriedwhenua/land connecting that or in individual the practice to the of theland.

The late P p Denis Hansen described the connectivity necessary in unifying

ā ā

Māori in the early days of urbanisation in Auckland City. I studied this man, (Hoani Waititi) in ‘57, ‘58, ‘59 he was looking at how

schools,we could how have he a couldMarae, find how scholarships, he could get how more he Māori could into run differentaround

to get the reo back, go around teaching kapa haka. He was always

busy t -dom…he was working with Matty Te Hau

and Harryrying Dansey to unite and Māori Margaret Boyce, Ann Pihema from Orakei

looking at working on consolidating (the) race relations office and

then of course supporting Whina Cooper and them, and all their

requests of how to build a Marae but at the same time going on with

our sport, going on with young Māori leaders conferences, how to

backeducate (Denis and Hansen,how to get WR, the 12 Māori November language 2009). back and how to get tikanga

And, in reference to the community he refers to banding together for the cause:

We (were) getting all this enthusiasm going, and then we started to

fundraise… and (we) had hangi-s going. And Mavis and Joe Mariu and

John Brown and Don Rameka we did all those things- very prominent

-A-Apanui would come up to our

in all our mahi. And of course Whānau

socials,come up Te to Arawa our socials; would anything come up to to help our socials,raise money Ngāti for Porou our wouldHone

Waititi Marae-(Denis Hansen, WR, 12 November 2009).

Whāea Marara Te Tai Hook was a member of the original committee; part of the networkWelfare Act encouraged (1962): by Māori Affairs to support Māori as a result of the Māori

(W)e formed The Ngapuhi Executive Committee, under the chairmanship

of Mavis Tuoro. Around this time, there was talk about having a Marae

out west, and after the death of John Waititi, it was decided that yes, we

would help to work towards this project …Our job was to fundraise for

this Marae, and I was elected treasurer. Mavis Tuoro was the Secretary …

The fundraising at that time consisted of raffling , for example, pig in a

barrow. I shudder now to think of the times we went from pub to pub

raffling this gross-looking animal surrounded with vegetables on a wheel

barrow! Another fundraiser we had was a Ball held in the Mt Albert War

Memorial Hall…we built up our Bank account with the help of our other

welfare committees. As well, we did our welfare cases in between times,

and those cases were numerous in the Avondale area (Marara Te Tai Hook,

Written Composition, 19 April 2010).

John Tuoro describes important connections created by his late mother Mavis,

connectivityand the growth of unitedof these purpose relationships and being: to a gelling of Māori and pākehā in a

There were a lot of schools in West Auckland that supported fundraising

like doing walk-a-thons. There was Sunnyvale, Bruce McLaren

It was the

Intermediate, Oratia, and Glen Eden…So-s. It itwas wasn’t huge. just It was Māori. good too because

mycommunity, mother was the workingschools, thein the pākehā schools. At that time she was an Itinerant

throughTeacher toof Māoribring them so she on could board. talk She’d to all say, of those“You canschools all come that shein, if was we hadgoing

andthe Marae they did…I you could believe bring it was all really,your school strong…we in and used we could to have do schoolsprogrammes” going

through there all the time…and it was cool because for them it was about

being part of the Marae…it was a HUGE COMMUNITY thing. It really made

-s here in West really tight, as in we got to know them but we

gota lot to of know Māori also, their kids. It was neat (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

As is threaded throughout this thesis, these connections allow us to bond

Brownwhānau and by kaupapa,her daughter as strongly Moana -at ‘Pebbles’ times, as describe family by from whakapapa the days asbefore Kōkā the Letty

Marae was built:

Moana Brown: We had all these aunties; we didn’t know that they weren’t

our real aunties but they were community…so you know

we would go to their places and it was just like one big

whānau. And we were like, “Oh they’re not our REAL

aunties” Letty Brown: It wasn’t until Caroline went to Queen Vic, they came back

and she said, “Uncle Pita isn’t he our real

uncle?” … over

here it’s everybody you know sort of thing (Letty Brown,

WR, 6 July 2009).

Beverley Manahi comments about her son Tawera’s connection with Hoani

Waititi Marae:

It has been his world. His whenua-s down at the front gate…his tohi was

throwingDon taking him him to out the on wind the withsecond no dayclothes he was on, doingborn, outwhat on they the didātea, and

then taking him off to Te Puea and doing Paimarire. So he has had the

world… He has been here longer than a lot of the adults on this Marae.

He has been here fourteen years. From a white perspective, he was

probably brought up by everybody else but me…He has inherited all these

aunties…He will forever have guardians if you like. He will never, not

have a guardian, every single one of those ex-students. They brought him

up, they carried him around. They made sure he didn’t walk till he was

fourteen months because he had no use for legs…(Beverley Manahi, WR,

10 April 2008).

Novi Marikena describes the connections born of the Kōhanga Reo and Kura: The unique thing about this place is…there was a time when we saw the

majority of them

heard their first word,come seenthrough their Kōhanga first tooth. Reo. We We have have seen seen them them go in from nappies, the

kōhanga reo into their first day at kura pu,nuka, from andkohungahunga then into the to kohurekopuapua,

sectionfrom kopuapua of education, to at thatand thentime tomanuka/ka the final years of wharekura. That’s the

unique thing here and the beauty of this place - is that connectivity (Novi

Marikena, WR, 29 September 2008).

Also shared by Laughton Matthews:

itThe is likewhole it’s environment a big family and (at theyou Marae) sort of isgrow a Māori up in environment that family. You and know within it

everyone that goes to school and they all know you. So that is the sense of

ing that to go to High School was a big step for me…it

sortwhānau of draws thing. you Leav back (Laughton Matthews, WR, 14 July 2008).

C.1.6 Reading

isReading concerned by definition more with of theMāori understandin literacies extendsg of discourse, beyond events, the written situations word andand people - their recounts, feelings and truths. Understandings may have appeared well in advance of the event, as in readings that refer to fortellings from history some generations before. Readings of coincidences of natural and unnatural occurrence including

the visitation of kaitiaki/guardians particular to families, parthapū-in and- iwi groups are very much alive today and commonly acceptedturned (again) gaining commonparcel-place of status the resurgence. following the The religious reading and of tohu/signs intellectual has colonial re attempts at obliterating practices. As Pere (1994, p.71) has defined,

A tohu can be conveyed through psychic or natural phenomena. Natural

phenomena deal with such things as the sudden appearance of creatures

away from their natural habitat, the way in which sea or river currents flow

or change direction, the flowering time of certain trees, the effect or impact

that the physical elements have on gatherings or ceremonial rites particularly,

or the appearance of known ‘taniwha’ or ‘tipua’ (supernatural influences)

and the way they expose themselves in the form of logs, rocks, fish, birds etc.

Psychic phenomena deal with such things as the physical appearance of people

or ‘kaitiaki’ (spiritual guardians) when people are under threat, critically ill,

or physically dead; and with those people who have the power to appreciate

and experience this type of phenomenon.

John Tuoro recalls his late mother, Mavis Tuoro attuned to such literacies. Here she is driving the late Ani Heke home before the Marae was built…

(W)hen she was taking her home one night going up Corban’s hill, this

was in the sixties, they were doing something about starting the Marae…

Just above the car on the bonnet was the Ratana star - as they were going

up the hill –

“Oh it must have meant to be”. You know, “Oh this is going to

thehappen right or path it’s- not”…it (John Tuoro, was a WR,thing 24 she May felt, 2009). a tohu sent to her, you are on

Smith’s (1999) reading as a project concerns a‘re- not through the eyes of the British imperial outpost. Initiativesreading’ of to Māori rewrite history curriculum and how these initiatives are apparent via the cultures of the Marae are paramount in exploring the curriculum aims, functions and achievements.

C.1.7 Writing

Writing in its many forms record the spoken intentions and recollections in a range of poetry, song, methodologies, history, intention, practice, policies, application, statements, curriculum and lore of the Marae. Writing represents recorded forms of revitalisation and includes writing for the purpose of self- determination and writing for the justification of Marae feasibility (Smith,

1999). The whakapapa of Hoani Waititi Marae is recorded in the documentation stored over its history, mostly the writings, initiatives, and applications of Dr

Pita Sharples and supporting committees, groups and whānau bodies. C.1.8 Representing

Once a member of the Marae, one quickly becomes aware of the responsibility surrounding the association. As a social control strategy the obligatory nature of

- memberswhānau ism who becomes find they the choose ‘greater and kaupapa’ make sacrifice as often of expressed an individual by whānau need in relation to the needs of the many. The kaupapa becomes a force that on the one hand propels the individual, and on the other determines the course.

Shane White:

In my work that I do now with people in methamphetamine, I’m aware that

when I go in there it’s not me- it’s Waititi Marae…and they expect and they

want, and they need the things that Waititi brings so I make sure that those

things are evident in everything I do and we have to be quite deliberate in

-ness…It is important for people to know we are doing these things

ourfor these Māori reasons…and not make assumptions (Shane White, WR, 16 March

2009).

Representing the people has accelerated with the fairly recent formation and parliamentary representation of The Māori Party now sitting their third term as

Dr Pita Sharples co-leads with Tariana Turia.

The representing project gives voice to the indigenous, allowing the member

view to capture and code a native reality that requires no refitting, suffocation or damning. The representation of self commits to a confidence of capability,

researchersbypassing the and ‘helpful’ leaders paternalism in the field of(Bevan the ‘outsider’-Brown, 1998;(Smith, Durie, 1999). E. Māori2005; Irwin,

1994; Walsh-

Tapiata, 1998) discuss a pathway in developing a successful Māori communication process, such as presenting proposals to runanga/tribal worldview.authorities inAcknowledgeme order to representnts and the appropriate research in keepingprocesses with undergone a Māori are in depth and involved83. The fortunate context of this thesis exploration is the pre existing, established relationships between the researcher, key personnel and most participants where being unknown (despi researchers creates its own cultural grappling. Aste beinga result Māori) of being for otheran insider to the research and being familiar with levels of authority within the site and the people concerned, the process this researcher underwent was straight forward, worked over a period of time,84 perfunctory and from the onset was negotiated

with support systems to oversee the research in its entirety. Suffice to say, Pāpā

(AssociatePita Sharples Minister is an acknowledged of Education) ;academic his experience and leader and knowledge in Māori education of doctoral fieldwork is longstanding.

A balance is required in setting up the research, by possibly being perceived as putting oneself forward (as significant) in requiring the attent

ion of the whānau,

elders or trustees. As an insider researcher one needs to be able to ‘get on with it’; remain small and communicate with those people of high standing when and where necessary. For this study, an elaborate process of consultation may have been viewed as building the researcher’s self-importance.

One of the great spiritual cleansers that accompany daily life on the Marae is the

sayingritual of grace karakia/prayer for partaking that in takesfood, forplace ceremonial upon embracing rituals and the inday, departing. gathering, and

Amongst children, adults, elders and leaders, blessings are customary. As an

insiderdiscussed they the are need not for sought karakia but tolived. enable Thus, their where research other to Māori begin researchers; on the Marae have daily, the research was blessed as part of Marae life.

C.1.9 Male and Female Roles

Gendering (Smith, 1999) explores and celebrates the specific and often tapu masculinity and femininity roles integral t are revitalised through the teachings and practiceo Māori ofsociety the Marae. and how The these position roles of the coloniser to impose constructs from Western society, are in part

tion from creationoppositional and overto Māori tradition. beliefs While about the gender Western roles worldview and their formadebates the role of gender in relation to his – story, the position of the researcher in this exploration is the celebration of collaborative role designations in relation to our stories. Where women have traditionally held separate roles from men in

his has not deemed their worth less valuable.

Māori society, t The late Denis Hansen acknowledged the contribution of women in the establishmentPāpā of Waititi Marae. He described the early years of urban migration

urbanwhen MāoriMarae. gathered And, then across there the are Auckland those who isthmus continued in pockets, through but to thedreamed fruition of of

Hoani Waititi Marae. Some of these women he named: From the 1940s through to the establishment: Whina Cooper, Mira Sciasi, Ana Tia, Sue Te Tai, Grace

Bidois, Carrie Lorne, Annie Taylor, Pauline Ngakuru, Titewhai Harawira, Kiri Te

Kanawa, Margaret Boyce, Ann Pihema, Claire Rogers, Letty Brown (who became

Māori Woman of the Year

Mavis Tuoro, Tuini Hakaraia,in the Ani Māori Heke, Women’s Ani Keepa, Welfare Reitu Robson,League), Tapu June Mariu,Henare,

Veronica Hauraki, Chris Ross, Pauline Kingi, Doris Winston, Mere Rameka,

Marigold Hadfield, Sadie Graham, Kui Stirling, Te Aroha Sharples, Margaret

Pritchard, Mei Collins and Connie Hana. In terms of the establishment of the

Marae in particular, Mavis Tuoro, Tuini Hakaraia, and Letty Brown were considered spear-heads:

In preparing, training and uti graduates of Te Whare

lising tauira and pouwaru/ maintainTu Taua/Weaponry the honour, School, associated women tikanga train and and discipline fight alongside required, men. along Women with the determination to engage in combat.

C.1.10 Envisioning

Foreseeing a new future with our own actions intrinsic in the design is a known characteristic of Hoani Waititi Marae through the motivations of Dr Pita

Sharples and Marae kaumatua. His signature message of being able to create change is delivered to all groups, reaching a personal level with many.

‘‘When you get up in the morning, just say to yourself, today I’m going to change the world’’ - ‘Walk the

Talk’ or ‘Herewhile for You’ somewhat, the ab longer than the Māori Party catch phrase, complacent of our place in Newility Zealand and desire society’s for Māori economic to be motivated,stratum is asnot much the ethos of the Marae as it is the man. Had such hope and possibility not been fostered, the concepts of cultural art school

s and authorities, Te Kōhanga

Reo, Te Kura Kaupapa Māori, Iwi Runanga/tribal authorities and Te Taurawhiri realised.i Te Reo/Māori Language Commission amongst others, may not have been

C.1.11 Reframing

The requirement to reframe is the result of having to be remodelled to enable Eurocentric classifications a coding systemMāori for work. Reframing is reclaiming and restating for we theunderstanding indigene, the perimeters, how Māori frame and structure of our indigenous world in ways that give meaning to our creation, our purpose and our destiny (Smith, 1999). Reframing in this research context is about the cultural constructs, the ways in which the research process is defined and through definition, gains meaning. How much privileging do we make to research? What importance is given to understanding alternative approaches to the research process? (Ormond & Cram, 2005; Smith, 1999) And, consider the many and varied problematic features? Ensuring that getting around ‘cultural sensitivities’ and attending to the cultural practices that

reposition the centre (Tillman 2002, cited in Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 1123) is not rhetoric, is paramount (Jones, Crengle & McCreanor, 2006; Pipi et al, 2004;

Smith, 1999).

Problematic features were encountered in conducting this exploration. Before engaging in research activity, the anomaly of tino rangatiratanga being identified internationally as self-determination suggested privileging at the

t the relevance of self is negated; ‘self’ is not commonlyonset. As a recognisedMāori cultural amongst construc the many and particularly quests for the many.

People identity is placed within environmental touch stones, ancestral markers, and amongst groupings that are tribal, sub-tribal and family defined

(Karetu, 1977; Walker, 1996). This identity set is characteristic of all fields of

life. Cram, Smith and Johnstone (2003) in their Kaupapa Māori researchiably in

Māori health claim, “Descriptions of a Māori view of health are invar holistic and are centred on whānau (family) health and wellbeing rather- than the health of the individual”. Accordingly, this research refers to self , p.441) mediatesdetermination while as disc iwi/peopleussing tino determination. rangatiratanga However, as the right Bishop to determine (2008 one’s own destiny, qualifies that attaining this destiny is ‘in relation to others, with this notion being fundamental .

to Māori epistemologies’ Reframing can occur to uphold practices at Hoani Waititi Marae. The following learning conversation with Beverley Manahi demonstrates the importance of

relationship.relationship circumstance:Obvious differences the tauira within and research poukōrero approach have an occur established indicating the need for reframing: firstly, there is a direct reference by the tauira to the subject

subjectof discussion of discourse leaving would the research have no arena; value “Besidesor place withinthe research” traditional infers research that the paradigms, as if drawing out fundamental cultural constructs:

…Is just something you and me are talking about? How do I as an indigenous researcher translate this so that it gains meaning in the academy, suggesting that meaning value is only held within the research methodologies of the white cannon. The necessity to be understood by translation or sense-making of cultural constructs for ‘the other’ further demonstrates the clash.

Bev Manahi: He had the vision …it was the workers and they were all

surrounded by people that were giving, and giving. You

had to be giving. But you learned the hard way, and if it is

wereMāori told, way, there, it is a then.good Thereway. You might made be a millionmistake, people you

there, there might be nobody. It hardens you up. I would

say one of the hardest wānanga that I have ever been to

tois thisbeing one. here. (Other) wānanga, they are a breeze compared

Jacqui: So, how come you are not like that yourself? Besides the research, why

aren’t you like that?

Bev Manahi: Not like what?

Jacqui: Not like that, bawling people out

Bev Manahi: Yes I do, I bawl my kids out

Jacqui: But the people you work with, the people you train, all

the people who come up behind you-

Bev Manahi: Yeah I have a fit (laughs)

Jacqui: You don’t do it in front of others, you question ISSUES in

front of others…

Bev Manahi: Well I don’t think it is appropriate to do it now, the type

of discipline, whatever you want to call it (Beverley Manahi,

WR, 10 April 2008).

The refocus tier of the same learning conversation data-bit illustrates a greater

-making the exposure level in perceptionreference to required being ‘bawled from the out’. poukōrero sense

It wasn’t about public ridicule…We were all

whānau so it is like being

butgrowled here atit isn’t,home. just It islike supporting. we growl Inour a pākehākids, and way it is it in would front beof thelike others.that,

it again.

It is small, it is the whānau, and you do it once and you didn’t do They were all speakers of Te Reo which is a major difference to today.

Most of them can’t speak. There is this thing that, almost that you get

to a certain age and then that’s it, you are a kaumatua because you are

OLD enough (Beverley Manahi, WR, 3 December 2008).

At the capture tier of whakawhitiwhiti rua

, the poukōrero provided first level themes of learning and teaching, and hōhonutanga/depth aiding the tauira in

- utanga- categorising: Māori educational- influences, mātauranga Māori hōhon reo/Māori knowledge depth of the Māori language and a view of foreign cultural dominance. Whakawhitiwhiti rua builds a series of layers aimed to better reflect their experiences (Refer fig 66). This in turn aims to achieve improved levels of accuracy.

In terms of reframing, the concept and application of humility (out of respect)

Ormondwithin Kaupapa & Cram, Māori 2005). research is a working, active ingredient (Mead, 2003; researchers to the realm Itof extendseveryday past living the and research practice, process through for Māoribelief systems, history and struggles. While the place of remaining small and finding comfort in the space of the background is acknowledged, how is this dealt with within the research process?

A similar cultural construct is unpacked by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama. Since meeting the great spiritual leader in 1991, the parallel shall remains embedded for me…An Austrian, Heinrich Harrer showed His Holiness a photo of himself captured in an international newspaper, depicting a greatly admired man of fame. Harrer exudes that he is well loved by his people because he has achieved things above all other men. He has been faster, more astute and greater than others. The Dalai Lama replies that he is also well loved by his people, namely because he has achieved none of those things - taken from the Buddhist teachings:

‘You admire the man who pushes his way to the top in any walk of life, where we admire the man who abandons his ego’ (Annaud, 1997, Noss & Noss, 1984, Pratt,

1928).

Whakawhitiwhiti Rua

Tier 1 Tier 2 Tier 3 Exposure Refocus Capture Transcription is reviewed experiences and memories. explanation to represent identified Poukōrero relays stories, alterations made. Tauira Poukōrerodata bits. Themes identifies become themes/further first level comesby poukōrero to perceive and categorisation.

through negotiation and exchangepoukōrero that discourse increases understanding to agreed levels. (exposure & refocus) and theme developments (capture) through to final categorisations. P: HePoukōrero had the vision Transcriptions …it was the workers and they were all surrounded by people that were P: It wasn’t about public giving, and giving and giving. You ridicule…We were all had to be giving. But you learned the har growled at home. It’s  Learning & whānau so it’s like being it is a good way. You made a Teaching  mistake,d youway, were and iftold, it is there, Māori then. way, way it would be like that, educational There might be a million people butsupporting. here it isn’t, In a justpākehā like influencesMāori there, there might be nobody. It we growl our kids, and hardens you up. I would say one of it’s in front of the others.  - been to is this one. (Other) and you do it once and Mātauranga the hardest wānanga that I’ve ever It’s small, it’s the whānau, Māori you didn’t do it again. - compared to being here. knowledgehōhonutanga- wānanga, they’re a breeze reo (Māori T: So, how come you’re not like  depth of the that yourself? Besides the research, P: And they were all why aren’t you like that? speakers of Te Reo which Hōhonutanga language) P: Not like what? is a major difference to Māori T: Not like that, bawling people out. today. Most of them can’t  View of P: Yes I do, I bawl my kids out. speak. There’s this thing foreign T: But the people you work with, that, almost that you get cultural the people you train, all the people to a certain age and then dominance. who come up behind you- that’s it, you’re a P: Yeah I have a fit (laughs) kaumatua or an elder T: You don’t do it in front of others, because you’re OLD you question ISSUES in front of enough. others… P: Well I don’t think it’s appropriate to do it now, the type of discipline, whatever you want to call it.

Fig 66: The process of Whakawhitiwhiti Rua.

Making oneself small; the act of humility is recognised by Beverley lessening her

sheacts is and leaving abilities. the reseThe transcript reveals the tauira/researcher again believing. The contradiction is embeddedarch process,in this time tohistorical contradict proverb the poukōrero of unknown author, the whakataukī/ about its‘Kaore own sweetness, te kumara e(because kōrero mo it will tona get ake eaten) reka’/The85 kumara does not talk the appearance that she is not as kind, nor as skilled as. The is the poukōrero reality. The provides obligatory nature of this cultural discourse is for the tauira to speak that sweetness for the case, which it was not.86 the poukōrero and reassure her that it is not

The late Pāpā Denis Hansen shared his motivation for the application of ngākau māhaki/humility: (T)hat is why I had to withdraw my arrogance…and I notice people’s

arrogance and the more that I notice people whakamana-ing themselves,

I try, the more I whakaiti myself, because I realise the arrogance and the

ignorance of such thoughts…the ugliness of it all, the disappointment of

it all (Denis Hansen, WR, 12 November 2009).

John Tuoro comments:

I think that is why the old people were like they were. That is why they

took special things to certain people because they saw those skills or

those qualities in those people… they knew they weren’t going to

bastardise it - mana-hungry, control people…it wasn’t, “Oh I’ll give it to

you

”. It was like, “Come back next week” then it was “Oh come back in

challenge…iftwo weeks”. “Oh you I are can’t, there come all backthe time in a thenmonth”. they You are know ok, that that is wasthe firstthe

part. So we’ll watch how you do with that, keep coming and coming

back and then it is about proving how much you not only want it, but

also about how humble you are going to be with it because the stuff most

probably given to you, you could become quite dangerous with it as a

show-off.

Whakawhitiwhiti rua is an act of reframing as a learning conversation practice of iwi-determination and as such raises questions around the use of pseudonyms. Created and utilised for this study to protect the integrity of

identity,poukōrero, but and also to accountability. open unhindered When accounts a member of truth, of the pseudonyms West speaks, mask it is assumed the individual represents the self –this truth is my truth, it represents me. If we mask the identification of the individual with a pseudonym, is the individual still accountable or now speaking from a hidden reality, a reality that only exists when no-one knows who I am, and I can say things I would not normally say? What happens then when an indigenous tribally associated member speaks, does the individual represent the tribe, the truth of the tribe, or a hidden tribe? Do we truly represent our culture when we are no longer accountable to it? Without identity, does integrity remain and how is determination achieved when we are hidden? A similar paradox is discussed by

John Beverley (2003, p.326) in exploring Spivak’s (1988) essay, Can the

Subaltern Speak? ‘If the subaltern could speak- that is, speak in a way that really matters to us , that we would feel compelled to listen to, then it would not be subaltern’. Beverley goes on to suggest:

Spivak is trying to show that behind the gesture of the ethnographer or

solidarity activist committed to the cause of the subaltern to speak is the

trace of the construction of an other who is available to speak to us (with

whom we can speak or would feel comfortable speaking) neutralizing thus

the force of the reality of difference and antagonism to which our own

relatively privileged position in the global system might give rise (p.326).

This response from Beverley Manahi when asked if she wanted to adopt a pseudonym for the purpose of this research is representative of all the

ant to say it, I would never have - that’s me. Nothings notpoukōrero. known, ‘No,nothing’s if I didn’t confidential.’ w

In a discussion of research within one’s own tribal affiliation, Walsh-Tapiata

(1998, p.254), describes how the participants of a study in social services provision chose to be named as participants, ‘…all of those interviewed proudly chose to name themselves and felt that it was important that they lay claim to their comments’ reframing the taken-for-granted definition of confidentiality for the pursuit of honesty via anonymity.

Conversations that take place between the tauira and kaumatua demonstrate further problematic features that require reframing and that arise by difference in generation. In people coming together, protocols are attended to and

connections established. This is played out formally in the delivery of

(refer chapter 3) but also applies when people meet informally,pepeha/tribal particularly boast in cross generational or cross status relationships where identification place or otherand commonalities. links are made Inherent to family is respect members, as ethical tūrangawaewae/standing practice (Ormand &

allowsCram, 2005). a calmness Within and kaupapa comfort Māori space this to be affords created mana where to both honesty, members. accuracy, It ease of dialogue and likeness is established. Time afforded to the connection produces quality discourse; connections are the hallmark of whanau . Particularly since this cultural process is mostly controlledngatanga/relationships by kaumatua (out of respect for their status), it may take an interminable period of time, days in the extreme, before the subject of research is entered into. However in conventional research methodologies, this introductory phase of the conversation is considered ‘down time’, having little bearing on the topic thus the aim is to lessen if not eradicate time spent making connections.

C.1.12 Restoring (refer chapter 5).

C.1.13 Networking

Knowledge dissemination amongst group members keeps the body of people informed and resistance minimal. Hoani Waititi Marae caters for four hundred people daily; the many cultures necessitate fluid networking at an advanced

level. Tangihanga87 and other practices of great importance that by nature keep to no predetermined timeframe, show the flexibility of the people to cope with

protocol allowssudden this change to take and place. unpredictability. Relationships Structured and connections networking across and and kawa/ within community groups associated with the Marae are expected and necessary for survival.

The Marae came into fruition following the networking efforts of those early pioneers. the opening:

The late Pāpā Denis Hansen remembered We fed 20,000 people…the tents were nearly two football fields long… I

organised about thirty of these hangi-s and the Head Hunters got all the

tea tree and the Black Power got all the stones for the hangi out of the

Winston’s Forests…Then Letty Brown and them went to all the schools

in their fundraising …we had everybody out selling, and she used to go

to their assemblies…They started to see all the schools and all the schools

were out selling. And then of course we got $50,000…on the night before

the opening… it was from a private organisation (Denis Hansen, WR, 12

November 2009).

Shane White provides a description of the initial networking steps for any

Marae member:

No one starts cold…everyone starts by peeling the spuds and you have this

conversation with the other spud peelers and you become friends and

whānau (Shane White, WR, 16 December 2008).

Kōkā Te Aroha Paenga shares the early years…

Onstart our in yearWest one Auckland we also so had we to were lead other kōhanga that were ready to

watching us and following us…six tosort eight of theothers guiding started kōhanga with us with but them with

them knowing nothing it was like the blind leading the blind actually.

backingLuckily Peteus all and the Mavis way- buthad due beautiful to us havingwhānau to support lead or takethey- werethe-bull reall-by-the-

horns all the paper work was sort of left to us as well. So we stayed back at

night many times and kept the paper work up to date. But there was nothing,

no books out or anything about how to start, or what do you start teaching. It

was just the reo, the reo, the reo (Te Aroha Paenga, WR, 5 April 2009).

Novi Marikena remembers Beverley Manahi networking the whānau

whānui/extended family in finding staff for the kura: I was working on the wharf and I got a call from Bev because they couldn’t

find a kaiako for Kura Weu and at that time my boy Mihaka was in there. I

was not really given much choice. I was meant to go in there for a term, but

we had such an awesome year, I think it was the best teaching year I’ve

ever had (Novi Marikena, WR, 29 September 2008).

C.1.14 Naming

Freire’s concept of naming the word, therefore naming the world, has given life to indigenous peoples reclaiming our sites in part by renaming the world with

progeny.original names, ‘Naming in thethe caseworld’ of Māori;refers to land, re-staki forests,ng a waters, claim, creatingair spaces a newand

(original) reality. The revisiting of ancestral names in the naming of children

revitalisation.

Asaccompanied Smith (1999, the p. resurgence 157) has commented, era of Te Kōhanga “Children Reo quite and languageliterally wear their

. This is highly evident in viewing the roll books of the

Kuhistory in their names” celebratera and Kōhangaachievements Reo; ,tipuna that commemorate names, iwi and events, hapū andnames, that Māori label nameshistory that are now common place indicators of the new era, while at the peak of colonisation names were abbreviated, mispronounced and replaced.

The late P p Denis Hansen described the conception and ‘naming’ of the whakatauakiā ā of Waipareira Trust:

Ibecause said to JuneKokiritia (Mariu) is going we need forward a whakataukī, and progr essing.but it must That be was Kokiritia, the name

I roto i te kotahitanga

Progressof the Māori in unity Affairs as Units.one entity…Mei So she, came Collins up with was to do our emblem (Denis/

Hansen, WR, 12 November 2009).

Paora Sharples describes how far we have come in the short space of the renaissance:

Exposure

All through my primary school days my name was ‘Pi-erra’, ‘Pi-ora’ or

something like that and I just accepted it as that. Where as now, someone

nd that is the norm

now,calls youbut thatback I’d then say, it “Kaowas justbro, accepted my name (Paora is Paora”…a Sharples, WR, 23 October

2008).

Refocus

That is how far we have come…that was the norm. They pronounced

your name wrongly and you just accepted it…on the other side too,

are acknowledging it as well. They are coming up with things like,

pākehāthey wi ll either not try it; (or) they are feeling shamed for not pronouncing

it properly (Paora Sharples, WR, 11 December 2008).

In naming pan tribal Auckland, the anomaly occurs of members lacking thewharehui/meeting commonality of anhouses ancestor in unless ascending closer

separation.towards te tīmatanga/the beginning or the creation of the primeval

John Tuoro (John Te Kauru Taiapa) named the house and the

wharekai and none of us knew what the name of

the house was… there is a reason behind it-

Jacqui: It does not have a tipuna name?

John Tuoro: We cannot -A-Apanui tipuna.

Jacqui: Then we cannocall tit call a Whānau it any other tipuna-

John Tuoro: -That is why he could not use any of those names…When

they were building it, they were, “Oh is it going to be a

“Howtribal one?”can it beand multi thatwas the thing. Mum was saying,

was not heard of, but tribal?I think Howmaybe can speaking we do that?” with Itthose

carvers and John and Pine Taiapa and them, that is how

they did it. So if you have a look in there, we have got

the pākehā in there, we have got, thewhile main we tribes are here in in

there: Ngāpuhi ones are in there

onTāmaki…It’s all those kinds not a ofnamed times, tipuna. it was Whenreally yougood look (John back

Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

Similar outcomes are arrived at across the pan tribal milieu as in the naming of

Tūtahi Tonu, the wharehui at Auckland Teachers College, Epsom, 1983 (raised earlier in prologue).

For this central Auckland Marae Wharenui, the name I offered to Pāpā Taru

(amongst others offered by members purposed to embrace those related by kaupapa) was around a hope that we stand as one together in shaping a future – stand always as one. This is where the work is, the practice of determination- in the aftermath of Takaparawha-Bastion Point, Orakei, Auckland(1978)88 and the

Spring Bok Tour89(1981).

C.1.15 Protecting

Protection of indigenous tangibles and intangibles is paramount since the near

demise of Māori people at the peak of the colonist reign warrants fear of losing anything and everything. In discussing the urbanisation of Māori, Kōkā Letty theBrown late describes 1970s in innerthe necessity city Auckland: of protecting Māori youth in the turbulent era of

It was when that girl got murdered by those kids…so we set up this half

way house for girls as a protection for what was happening in the streets.

A lot of the children were running away from…social Welfare homes –

taking off and they were working on the streets and from borstals and

everything. But that girl was murdered because there was nothing there

for girls. They were very vulnerable out there on the streets. They were

getting preyed on. They were getting raped. And they were getting away

from terrible situations from home-one because her grandmother and

grandfather had passed away and she was such a lovely girl. She was moved

ranfrom on one the whānau streets. to That’s the other the whole getting story abused about and all abused those kids and on abused. the streets. She

So we set up this half way house for girls and it was really, really good

because they had somewhere to go where they were getting protected…

they ran the place like their own home. They did the cooking, they did the

cleaning …we put them on courses and then they got jobs and then they

would go and look for flats (Letty Brown, WR, 6 July 2009).

The Marae not only undertakes responsibility for visioning and motivating the people, but practically in protecting its people from colonising forces through its

amine preventionagencies. Shane programme: White comments on Patua Te Ngangara/methamphet

When P’s come into their house and bitten someone they know and love,

then they want to know. Any other times, they don’t give a shit really; too

busy with tax, the world decline, school…for many years I thought it

(methamphetamine) had us by the balls and it was just KILLING US and I

thought man, this is it - this is colonisation in its umpteenth version. It

finally got us. The whites snuck in the back door and got us all (Shane

White, WR, 16 December 2008).

C.1.16 Creating

forgingSurvival a in life part in Aotearoadepends uponand flourishing levels of creativity before the as arrivalMāori hadof visitors. achieved Continued in avenues of creativity were required in coexisting with numbers of foreign

song,peoples creating who eventually is about flair, vastly a talent, outnumbered but more Māori. pointedly Beyond ability, works a prerequisite of art and to resist, to coexistence now and throughout the quest for self-determination. Such creativ coalitionity of is the evident knowledgeable in Shane White’s ‘ex-bad reference boys’ and to police Pāpā inPita an Sharples’ effort to hinderunusual the infiltration of methamphetamine in the community.

It was an eclectic mix: us and the cops… here are the cops and the crims to

(Shanework together White, WR,as one. 16 DecemberPāpā wanted 2008). me to do the anti jail kōrero too

C.1.17 Negotiating

Honour and respect is afforded those involved in negotiating. The communication processes on the Marae are an example of negotiation steeped in ritual and protocol. As daily practice, negotiation is fundamental to the optimal functioning of the Marae, given that unforeseen events can occur at any

essity, loss and poverty all contribute to constructivetime. Use of available outcomes space, that are whānau arrived nec at following the process of negotiation.

C.2 -ness – Further Literacies of Hoani

Waitititanga/HoaniWaititi Marae Waititi Marae

These intangibles or Maori literacies have arisen from the work in the whakawhitiwhiti rua learning conversation model amongst the Hoani Waititi

easilywhānau be as identified grounded as theory. traits or They characteristic are not peculiar of our togeneral this whānau Maori waandys may and are evident of how constructs, processes and actions play out as code and communicate with each other. whānau

C.2.1

(TikangaExamples Māori are providedme Whakaaro in chapter Māori/Māori 5). practice and thinking Māori

C.2.2 Reciprocating

Smith (1999) refers to a concept of sharing. Here the definition is extended: whether cooperative, collaborative, equitable or shaped by equality; sharing gains specific meanings around turn-taking and sharing the load. Somewhat measured and weighe contributing and participatingd up, members members. of our whānau are required to be seen,

There is always something we can do. We cannot all wield the weapon, we cannot all channel the arts into concrete and expressive forms, but there is a place nonetheless for your basket and mine across necessary tasks...a number of whakataukī have breathed life over this exploration. One particularly surrounds the celebration and purpose of people; it is after all, about people, existence is about people, they are the reason, the recipe, the accomplishment, the loss…another more pertinent for Hoani Waititi Marae is the manifestation of the whakataukī- Nau te rourou, naku te rourou, ka ora te tāngata/Your food basket, my food basket will feed the people. Within this resides a place for all who come

here to become a needed and necessary member of this pan-tribal whānau, for today, for your children, for generations. Your past bears little relevance; it is your contribution and ability to see others that shapes the journey…

Varying levels of reciprocity exist from showing support, balancing support, what is contributed, and what is expected. If you are supported in situations, not necessarily similar, you are expected to support those others who have afforded you the same shelter. John Tuoro:

You have got to walk the talk. So I think people have got to see you out

there doing the mahi, doing the work, being in there…well if you are not

there ‘cause the first thing I’ll look around, “Where is such-in- ou

are telling us to get there, we are sweating there all day and yousuch?” just Yblow

in near the end. To me you have lost my ‘thing of you’, by not ever seeing

me again. I’m not going to go and support that again if you say, “Oh can

wellyou comethen I’mdown going and to help?” stay and But hangif I see in you there. in thereThat isbusting what those your arseold people

did… I believe people will respect you because they can never say to you,

“But you were

of it. And that isn’t what there you when have we to were do; I doingthink it”,you but have you to were lead byin theexample, thick

kill yourself ‘cause that means other people are going to kill themselves too.

That is how you get the mahi done and I think that is how you get a lot of the

connections and a lot of the bonds (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

Beverley Manahi talks about looking after visitors on the Marae:

didWe thisare stilland lookingI did that. at manaakiWell who tāngata… cares, really…If and we you haven’t are here got it you because do it. If

you are not available you are not. It’s not about how many ticks have I got

on my name? We still do it, and collectively …I have learnt there is a right

and a wrong. It balances itself out and it is up to you.

Man if you don’t learn from your mistakes and you repeat it…one mistake

I can handle, gosh, we can make a lot of mistakes but please don’t let them

be done twice! (Beverley Manahi, WR, 10 April 2008).

C.2.3 Belonging

Belonging is central to and practice. The late Tuckrelationships Nathan described and as such relationships is typically at Māori the Marae in essence to the

Waitangi Tribunal in 1998 (p.39).

It did not matter that many of us were not related when it came to

building this Marae. There was a family spirit driving it. The effort

invested, was pure aroha. Although many of the people who were

initially involved with this Marae were not originally from West

Auckland, they have since been buried in Waikumete Cemetery and

have kept their link with the land that way.

Fora formal those focal Māori point who for did belonging…Waititi not belong to West was Auckland, about belonging Waititi became and

identities. It was a place we could continue our cultural ways.

C.2.4 Collaborating

Collaborating is a group encounter, a constructive arrangement whereby

contributions are made from individuals (or groups within a group) that are different from each other (Glasson, 1983; Matthews, 2009). When we cooperate, we begin the encounter with the same information and are all informed similarly. In collaborative arrangements, individuals have separate information or skills that they contribute, or as John Tuoro expressed ‘bring to the table’. Once the different information or skills are put together, they form the different parts of a whole. Respect is afforded all members (as with co

operativeweaponry arrangements).graduate of Irirangi Here Tiakiawa, John describes of Te Rautahihow a fellow is given mau the patu/hand height of club specialist weaponry knowledge. He is described here as ‘my cousin’:

My cousin was really good because Iri did the same thing for him. He came

from the streets so what did he really have? …that is why I reckon, then at

him- for him, he still

bringsleast he stuff could to havethe table some too. standing So you in know that thatwhānau is why as I think Iri was like that

(John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

es her part in the collaboration of Hoani Waititi

And Kōkā Letty Brown describ

Marae that makes up the whānau, community unit: I left after the carving was done, after the money was fundraised because

that is all I really wanted to do was raise money. I always felt that if you feel

that there are people there that can do the work that you set up, then it is

best for you to leave. That is what I always say, rather than hold them back

by coming up with your own ideas all the time…as Hoani Waititi began to

take off, got more land, you know it still keeps going even though you know

you are not there (Letty Brown, WR, 6 July 2009).

C.2.5 Acknowledging Others

Whakanui - or the act of celebrating and acknowledging others is evident in

‘making big’ other members, usually in part a juxtaposition of the claimant’snot humility one’s own in remainingwhānau. This small celebration while is highlighting the accomplishments of others. John Tuoro talks about the early days:

You know all that grass area around the front of the wharekai and the

meeting house - he (Denis Hansen) did all that. He sowed all the seed.

He used to be there 2 o’clock in the morning turning on all the hoses so

all the water could get in. He knew we only had three weeks before the

opening and he knew we needed grass (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

Kōkā Letty Brown remembers the setting up of the Kōhanga Reo and the work

of Kōkā Te Aroha Paenga:

awesome…She(S)he was amazing had inher that big, Kōhanga…she huge, books she had did a programme it all by hand. set She up. gotIt was all

the brown paper, rolls of brown paper, she made books out of them. She

made pictures on them…you see I used to send people out there because

… She was an

absolutelyI wanted to wonderful show everybody teacher, how Aroha she was. set up We the were Kōhanga so lucky to have her

there to start the whole programme off (Letty Brown, WR, 6 July 2009).

C.2.6 Adapting

The ability to adapt to new conditions is central to survival, which has been the

pathway for Māori at least since migration. Adjusting to the surroundings of the new environment, the influx of tauiwi/foreigners and technology are examples of changes that created massive impact on Māori, requiring skill and ability to survive being

Māori amidst the transformation. Paora Sharples:

(W)hat works for us, I would say anything because we can adapt…If you

look back in our history ...When we came from the harsh… nice palm trees of

the islands to here – it was just harsh barren land. It would have taken a

couple of hundred years just to get used to that in those conditions…and

cold. That is where I reckon we developed our resilience separating us from

all our other indigenous partners. But our ability to adapt, you look over the

colonisation process. Although we adapted Christianity, although we

adapted all the mission schools, although we adapted all their knowledge

…we kept our own knowledge as well. So when the resurgence came in the

70s and 80s it all came out. We still had it in us (Paora Sharples, WR, 11

December 2008).

Novi Marikena describes adapting in terms of operating an urban Marae amongst a milieu of tribes and sub tribes:

But it is about having that base understanding of tikanga and THIS Marae.

predominantIt is not just having iwi…it a is base about tikanga who you of Ngāti hand Whātua; it over to you when know you the are

runningonto your a tangihanga.Marae because What it isis THEIRNgāpuhi t going to do when they just zoom

ikanga? What does Ngāti Porou do

that is different from Ngāpuhi, than Tuhoe, than Te Arawa? And that is the

Decemberbeauty of this 2008). wānanga, it is a continuous thing (Novi Marikena, WR, 11

C.2.7 Journeying

The commitment to the kaupapa is often referred to as the journey of the

kaupapa.within the It kaupapa. is characterised Bishop (2008by membership, p.443 amongst and across whānau groups family by purpose as ‘collectives of people) identifies working forwhānau a common by kaupapa end who or are not connected by kinship, let alone descent, but act as if they were’. He goes

groupon to define solidarity, the customs shared responsibility of the ‘whānau’ for as one ‘warm another, interpersonal cheerful cooperatinteractions,ion for group ends, corporate responsibility for group property, and material and non- material (e.g. language) items and issues’. Increased membership reifies the member as Novi Marikena explains his own journey:

re not related to who have done the

Then you have got whānau that you a

here.same Atjourney times thatit outweighs you have… the It blood is the links whānautanga, because of the the whanaungatanga journey that we

have done together - the journey of te reo, the journey of the learning of

our kids from kōhanga, from kura,- all from these wharekura, things, these the skills journey that of have mau been

givenrākau, to the me journey that I’ve of retainedkapahaka have been through this Marae (Novi Marikena,

WR, 29 September 2008).

C.2.8 Tautoko - Supporting

Tautoko as an act of support occurs regularly in gatherings of people by voice or action, in song, by crossing the room, standing aside, debating or gathering.

Showing support at Hoani Waititi Marae is as evident in peaceful situations as in times of disturbance. It is uniting, powerful and allows all members a position at varying levels of the dynamics. John Tuoro:

(T)he last time we went there (to the Marae) we went on mass: my father,

my sister, myself and these other ones. We went there to support…so we

all went down there to tautoko because if it came to that we would have got

up and supported them, but it didn’t…We didn’t say anything, it was just

that we were here (John Tuoro, WR, 24 May 2009).

C.2.9 Seeking

Seeking is a Māori literacy further discussed in chapter 5. C.2.10 Sacrificing

The sacrifices were and are constantly being made for the kaupapa of the Marae.

It is for the close loved ones: children, partners and parents who lose ‘us’ for that dedication. Examples are provided in chapter 5.

C.2.11 Involving

The involvement of people is vital in achieving kotahitanga/unity or understanding.mahitahi/working Smith together (1999 where) discusses people improved move with collectivity common in purpose her project and- democratising, although well sought as a Eurocentric process. For indigenous groups, the act of democratising extends to seeking greater possibilities for

ae urbandecision Marae making is dependent by consensus. on the A tūrangawaew members’ ability/standing to contribute place toupon the this,kaupapa the whether by participation, support or other acts of conscientisation that require an action; a physical act of commitment. This involvement can be added to in a variety of ways and can also be strengthened by following generations of descendents adding layers to the dynamic milieu.

C.2.12 Endorsing Leaders (refer chapter 5).

C.2.13 Healing (refer chapter 5).

C.3 Culturally Specific Ethics

Ironically, it is our oppression itself which provides us with…the highly

developed capacity for feeling…This capacity for feeling has been a mixed

blessing - the grounds for excluding us from public life and pressing us

into service as nurturers (Fisher, 1981, p.21).

Culturally specific ethics have arisen in the context of this research, on this

describeMarae, among Hoani this Waititi whānau. Marae An way incompletes of knowing list has in terms emerged of Hoani that attempts Waititi Marae to ways of being. Being is about connections or relationships with others, (not necessarily equating with people; drawing from the animate and inanimate).

However mostly for tangible definition here, mechanisms that impact on a methodology appropriate for this study within and upon this, Hoani Waititi

inMarae establishing whānau andare essentialflourishing in inspreading constructive the good, relationships. in celebrating These the are kaupapa, detailed in chapter 5.

The scope of relations and relations management is principally unrecorded and perhaps unrealised, but the intention- the active and constructive pursuit of kaupapa Māori can be held in the palm, nourished and fledged. We are all capable of thriving in the kaupapa in this urban synthesised model forged by those still attached by ancestral umbilical cord… It is our choice whether we do so.

81 ‘Westies’- Vernacular for people who reside in West Auckland, New Zealand.

82 The late Joseph Delamere (Pāpā Joe) of Te Whānau-A-Apanui was influential to many of the whānau of Hoani Waititi Marae, and indeed followers across the country and world wide. He was a healer, respected tohunga and matakite/seer. Pāpā was an historian, teacher of a range of knowledges and comforter to many. 83 For an example see Irwin, Kathy Māori research methods & processes: an exploration. Sites no.28 (Autumn 1994): 25-43. 84 The idea of the research was raised then left with the authority and other members for some months before proceeding with the idea of consent. 85 Translation/explanation provided by John Frances Matthews of Te Aupouri/Ngāti Kahu. 86 While a measure of presumption is applied here and it may not in fact be the case, the stance of humility is a real manifestation, and as such the possibility of it being at play in this example is probable. 87 Tangihanga are death customs held in homes or on the Marae. The deceased lies in state for a number of days and is mourned by family and friends. The wairua (spirit) of the deceased is present. References are made directly to this person, songs are sung and stories told. 88 When in 1978 the New Zealand Crown announced that the last area of uncommitted land at Bastion Point was to be developed for high-income housing, some of Ngāti Whātua, the area tribe occupied the site. They had hoped that this ancestral land might be returned to tribal ownership. After 506 days, the protestors were evicted on 25 May. 89 The Spring Bok South African Rugby Tour of 1981 was a highly controversial tour as South Africa was then an apartheid state. New Zealand was divided as to whether the tour should convene. A ‘riot squad’ of police was especially formed for the matches. Violent episodes followed the tour across the country. Some games were stopped due to protesting.

Appendix D

Nga Poukorero/Further Participants D.1 Novi Marikena

Novi is of Ng ti Porou descent. He has worked in a vast number of roles on the

Marae for overā twenty years. In this, he would most probably be one of the most

Marae;experienced he has and educated representative his child of the Waititi whānau. Novi grew his reo on the through the K ren through the Kura Kaupapa Māori and most

Tumanako kapaōhanga haka Reo.groups He andhas herepresented instigated both Te Roopu Te Rautahi Puawai, and the Ngā Kura

Kaupapa Māori o Hoani Waititi Marae kapa haka group. I have known Novi for over a decade. He

represents whanaungatanga/the whenprocess they of establishingare lacking in relationships practice. and tikanga/customs, and is affronted

D.2 Shane White

I have come to know Shane since the 90s when we were both members of Te

Whare Tu Taua o Aotearoa learning tikanga and skills of taiaha. Shane is Tainui;

beingMarutuahu of Ngāti descent. Raukawa, He has Ngāti represented Ranginui, Teand Manu Ngāti Huia Taratokanuitawhaki kapa haka group. of Shane Ngāti has worked on the Marae in various capacities and is a stalwart of The Māori

Party. We are similar in age and have both grown up in West Auckland. Shane

also offers the taiaha as an artefact of choice, the tangible representation of

ae.

being Māori on the Mar D.3 Letty Brown

K Letty Brown of Ng ti Porou and Te Whanau-a-Apanui descent is one of the foremostōkā instigators of Hoaniā Waititi Marae. Commandeered by the late Mavis

Tuoro and the late Tuini Hakaraia to assist in moving the Marae conception to reality, K Letty was responsible for obtaining the lands and council consent through Johnōkā Colvin the Mayor of the time, and for spear heading much of the fundraising. K children in Te ōkāAtatuLetty North. became Labelled known ‘separatist’ for establishing by the media a play (her centre words) for Māori and causing racially based controversy; she also became a beacon for those pursuing the West Marae dream. When K Letty was approached to assist the Marae project , she had gathered a ōkā wh nau by kaupapa becamecore the drivingof Māori force activated and labour in Te Atatu.which Thesewould Te mobilise Atatu theā Hoani Waititi Marae construction. Harris (2002, p.104) considered K

Letty to be, ‘a pioneer of West Auckland, one of many people who carvedōkā out the sociocultural space . I have known K Letty

Brown from the earlyoccupied eighties by when urban I was Māori’ secretary of Ritimanaōkā Te K hanga

Reo and, along side George Te Pou she came to administrate our establishmeō nt

nau around the grant from Māori Affairs and provide guidance to the novice whā workings of The Kōhanga Reo National Trust.

D.4 Te Aroha Paenga

K Te Aroha Paenga of Ng ti Konohi, Ng

Kahungunuōkā and Waikato, hasā filled many rolesāti Porou on the and Marae affiliated from toits Ngāti embryonic beginnings to today. She is a foundation member and is considered by the Hoani

Waititi Marae wh particularly throughānau the as modest the ‘first beginnings kaiako/teacher’ of both due Te Kto hangaher leadership Reo and Kura

Kaupapa Māori. Her guidance extends to her roles over the years as

Kkaitataki wahine/female leader of Te Roopu Manutaki, as manager of the

ōhanga Reo, elder principal who resides of Te Kura on the Kaupapa Marae. MāoriMany womeno Hoani of Waititi the wh Marae,nau and particularlykui/female those from southern affiliations view K Te Aroha as āa mentor.

K ōkā kuraōkā tuatahihas raised and her wharekura, children and hergrandchildren children have on theworked Marae and via managed the kōhanga, the

Marae. Much respect is afforded K Te Aroha and as with the elders of the

Marae, I am humbled by the opportunityōkā to have spent this time with her, and for her to share many things so dear to her family and herself. Nga mihi nui ki a koe e te k , te whakaruruhau arai i nga awha , te manu tioriori, te wh ea o te

Marae. ōkā ā

D.5 John Tuoro

Johnand the Tuoro late of George Te Arawa Tuoro. and Both Ngāpuhi John’s descent parents is were the son instrumental of the late inMavis the Tuoro

rolesconception and is andremembered creation of for Hoani her leadership Waititi Marae. and knowledge(s).Whāea Mavis worked Although in itmany has been some years since the passing of Mavis Tuoro, she is very much represented on the Marae via her descendants, through her works and organisation of works both tangible and intangible; the art forms, the expressive art forms, her practical teaching and Marae undertakings. She is remembered in discourse on the Marae, she is remembered through the memories of others such as K

Te Aroha Paenga and K Letty Brown with whom Mavis worked, she isōkā personified in the groupōkā -Te Rautahi which she established, and she is remembered through repetitive and symbolic teachings passed down to the present generation of Hoani Waititi Marae children. Thus, John represents her legacy, his father’s legacy and his own through his contributions and leadership in kapa haka and his distinct knowledge of weaponry particularly that of mau

patu/handArawa . Since club the weaponry research taughtlearning by conversations, the Master, the John late has Irirangi responded Tiakiawa to the of Te call of the Wharekura o Hoani Waititi Marae and held talks on the history of the

nau back into the livesMarae of for the students. present generationReknitting ofthese the pou/pillarMarae is one of theof the wh aimsā and meagre accomplishments of the research.

D.6 Marara Te Tai Hook

Whāea Marara Te Tai Hook spoke around the early Marae history via Whāea

Titewhai Harawira, who had been suggested as a necessary source by K

Letty Brown, who recognised how integral she was to the initial establishmentōkā

ing the researcher’speriod. Whāea difficulties Titewhai overbecame a number a guide of in conversations, the research process, over a series assist of months, and I am grateful for her patience in being available, being kind and attentive to some of the difficulties faced despite her exhaustive workload and extensive travel agenda. Although not able to assist in being a poukorero,

researchWhāea Titewhai purpose directed where and me whenalso to she Whāea was able.Marara and helped guide the

ments stillWhāea in her Marara possession communicated from the by initial way conception of email and period. gathered The early Hoani docu Waititi

Marae wh

ānau are indebted to Whāea Marara for her foresight and generosity. D.7 Denis Hansen

The late P p ti Kahu and Te Rarawa was involved inā muchā Denis of theHansen fundraising of Ngāpuhi, for Hoani Ngā Waititi Marae before the buildings were erected and he was a founding member of Te Whanau o Waipareira. His association with many of West Auckland’s initi spanned a number of decades. He was known, acknowledgedatives for and of and Māori loved by

people.Māori of the West for his infamous ‘Robin Hood’ approach and love of his

P p received the Queen’s Service Medal in 2010, and he had up until his passing inā 2013ā resided as kaumatua, based at Te Wh nau o Waipareira and Hoani

Waititi Marae (Te Wh nau o Waipareira Trust,ā 2012). One of his passions was the bridging of relationshipsā between these two entities.

He was known for his achievements in sport having represented New Zealand

l Black, through youth support, the courts and the number of Marae inas rolesMāori both Al employed and voluntarily.

I knew and loved P p Denis (P p Den-Den) from the time I was a child. He and my father were greatā āfriends throughā ā the Te Atatu Rugby club where my father coached Under 21s.

D.8 Ethel Paniora

Ethel Paniora of Te Roroa and Ng puhi descent, from Waimamaku of Taitokerau has specifically aided in providingā discussion around the curriculum of the k hanga. Ethel trained in Te K hanga Reo on Hoani Waititi Marae and returned toō the Marae in 2009 from Te Kotuku,ō a neighbouring K hanga Reo when Hoani

Waititi Marae K hanga Reo underwent staffing changesō and development initiatives includingō the building of the K hanga Matua facility. I therefore approached for discussions ōcentred upon the K hanga Reo.

Whāea Ethel ō discussionsWhāea graciously are identified assisted in to chapter discuss 6. the developments to date. These

D.9 Paora Sharples, Beverley Manahi and Laughton Matthews

These three are discussed in the methodology chapter, 2.3.5 Advisors, and 2.4

Ngā Poukōrero/Participants.

Appendix E

Data Collection: Learning Conversation Questions

1. The purpose of this research is to study the curriculum: the learning and teaching that takes place on Waititi Marae. -can you begin by telling me about your own educational experience? -where did you go to school? -can you describe the type of school? -can you describe positive/negative experiences? -were there other Maori with whom you associated? -can you describe your experience of being Maori at school? -present statistics identify Maori as underachievers, can you comment on this in terms of your own experience? i.e. how were Maori treated/what was the Maori curriculum/were there Maori teachers/people in positions of authority in the school/was Maori tikanga and reo valued? -what is your view on why the statistics of Maori in the state education system is as it is?

2. You have been a member of the Marae for some time, can you tell me about your history of involvement? -can you comment on any differences between the learning and teaching that you have been involved in on the Marae, and the learning and teaching that you were subject to as a student at school, or any other educational organisation?

3. I want to be able to talk about curriculum, what do you believe are key ingredients of learning for Maori? -some things have kept you as a member of this Marae for you and your family for a long time, what are the things that keep you here?

4. Can you talk to me about Matauranga Maori- Maori knowledge? -Where does Maori knowledge come from? -Are there particular concepts/values that are important?

5. In your experience of Waititi, how does the Marae deliver Maori knowledge?

6. Can you talk to me about the meaning of kaupapa Maori?

7. How is the curriculum taught and learned in the culture/s of the Marae where you are/were a member?

8. What has your involvement in (the particular culture/s) meant for you and your family?

9. From your experience, does the Marae knowledge and teachings (curriculum) have impact on the people in the present world that we live in? -how and in what ways?

10. What do you hope society to be for Maori (and other peoples)?

Appendix F

Participants’ Data Gathering Grid

Key: Task not yet undertaken (●), task underway (√), task completed (√√)

Participants Sex Signed Expos Refoc Capt Photos Categ Enviro Arte Sound Obser Obser Visual Histori Con ure us ure of orising Info fact file vation vation Ethno cal sent Site Sheet Excer s s Excer Ident Categ ident orised 1 Bev Manahi F √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ 2 √ √√ 14 14 √√ NA 2 Laughton Matthews F √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ 2 √√ √√ 7 7 √√ NA 3 Novi Marikena M √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ 1 √√ √√ 8 8 NA √√

4 Paora Sharples M √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ 9 9 √√ NA 5 Shane White M √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ √√ 2 √√ √√ 1 1 √√ NA 6 Te Aroha Paenga F √√ √√ NA NA NA √√ 1 NA √√ 4 4 ● √√ 7 John Tuoro M √√ √√ NA NA NA √√ 1 √√ √√ 4 4 NA √√ 8 Letty Brown F √√ √√ NA NA NA √√ 1 NA √√ NA NA NA √√ 9 Marara Te Tai Hook F NA NA NA NA NA √√ NA NA NA NA NA NA √√ 10 Denis Hansen M √√ √√ NA NA √√ √√ 1 NA √√ 3 3 NA √√ 11 Pita Sharples M √√ ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● 4 4 ● √√ 12 Ethel Paniora F √√ √√ NA NA √√ NA NA NA √√ NA NA NA NA

Participant 11 identified via his presentations, private papers and documents as opposed to learning conversations.

Appendix G

Representation of Poukorero across Marae Wānanga/Cultures

Te Marae Kōhanga Te Roopu Te Ngā Kura or Kura Kura Marae Te ‘P’ Pre Marae Whare Trustees Whanau Manutaki Rautahi Tumana Board Student Teacher Staff Ataarangi Edn Committee Tu ko Taua Pita Pita Te Aroha Pita John Novi Pita Laughton Te Aroha Pita Te Aroha Novi Marara Paora Denis Pita Te Aroha Novi Bev Te Aroha Bev Te Aroha Pita Shane Letty Shane Novi Paora Bev Novi Paora Bev Pita Novi Paora John Novi Novi Novi Te Aroha Ethel Ethel Ethel Shane Paora Denis Bev Laughton Paora

Pita is considered ‘poukorero’ here in Marae Wananga representation via contributions of presentations, documentation and records as opposed to korero/talk, as per Marara Te Tai Hook.

Include any data where a constructive view of self is portrayed related to achievements, self Self realisation etc. Appendix H Include any data where a constructive view of race is dominantly represented by the Ethnicity Constructive poukorero/participant. Include references to being proud to be Maori, indigenous and/or other. Data that reflects a positive view to background, rearing, childhood experiences and/or Coding Categories View Upbringing memories. Data that shows a celebration/productive view towards difference. This difference may be Difference Research racial/economic/gender/age based. Include any data situations/experiences/memories of alienation and/or resistance to alienation is Question 1 Isolation/Resistance apparent. Examples may be indicated as rebellion or uprising by poukorero. Destructive Data provides example of racist action/behaviour towards the poukorero/family/iwi (people) of Racism (Learning Conversation View poukorero. Foreign Culture Include any data where pakeha/foreign culture dominance/colonisation over the poukorero/their Questions 1-3) Dominance beliefs/their family is identifiable. - Educational Include data where education, learning, teaching, Marae based, Wananga based, or school Educational Experience experience is the dominant influence of a situation/idea. - Learning/Teaching Home Environment Include data that identifies the home environment, whanau (family) as being the major influence. - Key Ingredients Influences Data reveals situations/experiences/memories of others (beyond family) and/or their By Others expectations having the main influence for the poukorero: schools, teachers, peers. NB: Influences: expectations Data shows not having required knowledge or being in a state of unawareness in the situation to By Unawareness changed to Influences: be the main influence. This is generally identified in retrospect. unawareness 25.09.08 at Include data which identifies the family as being the perpetrator of cultural maintenance or the Family second participant Laughton. desire for whanaungatanga/whanau whaiti/ whanui. Cultural Data shows quest for restoration, revival, growth and resurgence as being the salient factor in Restoration Maintenance cultural maintenance for individual/group. Take account of data that ascertains cultural maintenance underpinned by a quest for/practice of Biculturalism biculturalism. Reference: Qualitative Data Analysis, by Ian Dey 1998, Routledge, NY. (Chptr 8, p. 103).

Include any data in reference to knowledge that is guarded and often reserved for Tipuna tohunga (specialist healers and sages) and leaders, however, some of which is accessible Appendix I to ordinary people. Includes concept that Maori knowledge is instinctive/intrinsic. Specialised Data refers to Matauranga Maori as specialised and guarded in context of a white alien Coding Categories Colonisation view. References to white cultural hang ups, different perspectives that attempt to superimpose Maori. Physical acts. Action is evident / referred to in data. References to living the kaupapa, As Conscientization Research putting children in Kura Kaupapa Maori, hosting visitors etc. Methodology/ Data shows intangible aspects of kaupapa Maori as methodology such as interactions, Question 2 Intangible Kaupapa indications. Negative aspects/views of Maori knowledge as methodology/kaupapa maori. Data tends Maori Negative (Learning to be characteristic of results/consequences eg. Competitive nature of kapahaka. Include data that reflects Maori knowledge centred on the depth of prayer and/or the Reo Conversation Hohonutanga necessity to understand Maori language as meaning is lost in translation. Include data that reflects Maori knowledge as being centred on the depth of prayer and Questions 4-8) o nga Karakia Practice the practice of prayer, the practice of belief. Any data where references are made to learning styles, characteristics of learning, Learning Styles - Matauranga Maori learning arrangements. Examples are visual reception, modelling, stability. Include data that defines Te Tiriti o Waitangi (The treaty of Waitangi) as the curriculum, Treaty NB: Specialised: knowledge the base curriculum of Maori. Considered essential learning from entry to Kura. added 05.10.08 at second Include any data where Maori knowledge as curriculum is centred on aiming to be participant Laughton & As Curriculum Tika/Tikanga correct, to get things right in terms of tikanga; the practices of Maori. Doing things Specialised knowledge- Maori; with a Maori methodology and perspective at the forefront. Tipuna extended 25.04.09 Data reveals an emotional view of life’s balance, two sides to everything; warfare/peace, @ Shane White. Emotional Values spirituality. Emotional values are paramount in the curriculum of Maori knowledge.

Reference: Qualitative Data Analysis, by Ian Dey 1998, Routledge, NY (Chptr 8, p. 103).

Include all data that refers to giving up pakeha life Pakeha style/pursuits/ways as a result of Marae curriculum. Appendix J Sacrifice Include all data that refers to giving something Maori up in the Maori pursuit of Marae curriculum. This may be time with family, giving Coding Categories up the Marae life itself, particular agencies of the marae. Include data that shows making choices that effect who we are in the world, for the world, in pursuit of wider worldly things/lifestyle. Research World Examples are those whanau who withdraw their children from Kura Kaupapa Maori to pursue mainstream education at secondary Question 3 Choices level. Data is characteristic of choices made for the kaupapa, about the kaupapa. Examples are children raised on the Marae by the wider (Learning Kaupapa whanau rather than the nuclear or children raised owning few Conversation personal possessions as belongings are shared. Question 9) Include data that illustrates family/individuals within a family believing they have become alienated/left out as a result of the Alienation Marae curriculum, or as a result of pursuing the Marae curriculum. Mana Feelings of loss of mana are evident. - Effects/Outcomes Include data that illustrates family/individual empowerment as a result of the Marae curriculum, or as a result of pursuing the Marae Empowerment curriculum. Attempts to achieve and/or feelings of pride and

acceptance by the whanau are evident. Acts of Conscientisation Data are examples of whanau debating, renaming and/or Re-naming Challenge redefining Kaupapa Maori – the practices & processes within. Reference: Qualitative Data Analysis, by Ian Dey 1998, Routledge, NY. (Chptr 8, p. 103).

Appendix K Adaptation Kaupapa v Include any data where reference is made to whanau including

of Maori Whakapapa those not related to by blood. Coding Categories Data portrays the restoration of Maori people via individual and/or Tino Rangatiratanga group determination characterised by the quest for Self Determination Research critical/political/active awareness Question 4 Restoration Data shows the restoration of Maori people, survival of the culture Reo me ona Tikanga of Maori by reo (language) and/or tikanga (cultural practices).

(Learning Include any data referring to the Maori ethnic group being restored Population/Ethic Group Conversation in numbers i.e. population growth/expansion.

Questions 10-11) Data portrays tangata whenua self determination as rightful ownership of lands, water, air spaces as per Te Tiriti o Waitangi Ownership - Impact/Post (Treaty of Waitangi). In contemporary view this may be recognised Tangata Whenua as access to services, ownership of property. Colonisation Include any data where tangata whenua (NZ indigenous people) Recognition are portrayed having high/recognisable status in amongst NZ NB: (1) Tino Rangatiratanga/Self Status populous. Elements of perceived racism may be apparent if status Determination added 16.01.09 at of Maori is above other peoples. In this sense, status is defined in Paora Sharples. (2) Adaptation of Maori: Kaupapa v terms of indigenous rights and determination. Whakapapa added 19.01.09 at Novi Include any data where tangata whenua (NZ indigenous people) Marikena. are portrayed as lacking recognisable status in amongst NZ Tangata Whenua Lacking (3) Tangata Whenua populous. This may play out as a bicultural: pakeha v Maori view, Not Recognised added 25.04.09 at Not Recognised Standing Shane White. or as a multicultural view i.e. Maori being seen as deficient in New Zealand society. Reference: Qualitative Data Analysis, by Ian Dey 1998, Routledge, NY. (Chptr 8, p. 103).

Appendix L

Transcription Key

Whakawhitiwhiti Rua

Exposure

Pauses Short pauses are denoted during talking by a series of dots (…). Length = 1 dot per second.

Laughing Indicated in brackets, for example, (laughing) to denote kaihoe, (Laughter) to denote both kaihoe and tauira.

Coughing etc Indicated in brackets, for example, (cough), (sigh), (sneeze).

Interruptions Indicated when someone’s speech is broken off mid sentence by the interruption of another person, noise etc and is indicated by INT at the point where the interruption occurs, followed by the cause of the interruption in brackets. E.g. INT(cleaner).

Overlapping A hyphen is used to indicate when one speaker interjects into the speech of another, include the speech of brackets, then return to where original speaker interrupted if they continue. E.g. the other with “overlapping” in B: No one realised th- J: Did anyone else know? B: No, no one did.

Garbled Words that are not clear are flagged with square brackets and question mark, if guessing what was said. E.g. You know I [know what you mean?] don’t you?

used to denote passages that are not deciphered at all (number of X’s indicate approximate number of words that cannot be deciphered). “x” E.g. He didn’t really understand xxxxxxxx the others did though.

Capitals denote strong emphasis. E.g. I said, NO WAY BRO, they are NOT coming.

Held Sounds Sounds that are held are separated by hyphens. If they are emphasised, then they are represented in capital form also. E.g. Rea-a-a-a-l-ly, NOOO one saw that.

Paraphrasing Representing others in another, sometimes mimicked voice is shown by stating that in brackets. Eg He turned and said, (mimicking voice) Do you need to see it?

Description Author’s description of an action taking place is denoted by double brackets. E.g. She went further ((sought paper work in carry bag)) I’ve got it here somewhere.

Protection Some text may be protected .This is denoted using * to represent each word protected.

Key Whakawhitiwhiti Rua

Refocus

Additions to the exposure transcription are recorded in red and are indented. These are was recorded and transcribed. The refocus discussion is not transcribed. It is further explorationilluminations and and/or attempt corrections at closer ofunderstandings statements made of the during original first discussion. conversation which

Key Whakawhitiwhiti Rua

Capture

Labels (first level codings) are recorded in comment boxes. These are initial codings side the poukorero. formed with guidance from/along Reference: Poland, (1995, Transcription quality as an aspect of rigour in research) and Silverman, (1993 in Poland, 1995).

Appendix M

Poukorero: Pseudonym: Date:

Learning Conversation (No of No):

Whakawhitiwhiti rua Phase: Exposure/Refocus/Capture Follow up Required: Yes/No

Demeanour Venue/By whose Pseudonym Artefacts request/Physical Setting

Other Observations: Consent Completed:

Visual Ethnography: Need to revisit questions:

Sound File:

Reference: Poland (1995, p. 291) Transcription quality as an aspect of rigour in research. Also (Fontana & Frey, 1994; Gorden, 1980; Oakley, 1981).

Appendix N

Participant Observations Template 2

Participant:

Venue:

Date:

Purpose:

Time Period:

Observation Recorded: After

People in Attendance:

Notes