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Narratives of Race and Criminality in Post-Katrina New Orleans

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Narratives of Race and Criminality in Post-Katrina New Orleans Stories After the Storm: Narratives of Race and Criminality in post-Katrina New Orleans By: Naa Adorkor Allotey December 11, 2015 Writing 293 Professor Sachelle Ford Allotey 2 Stories After the Storm: Narratives of Race and Criminality in post-Katrina New Orleans Hurricane Katrina, one of the deadliest natural disasters in recent American history, left more than wind damage, floodwater, and broken levees. As any large event, good or bad, it left behind many stories, especially the tales of those struggling to survive in the days after the hurricane before the government restored order in New Orleans. Certain narratives have survived time and are told again and again, regardless of their veracity. Other accounts have faded from the public discussion soon after being born. Speaking to my peers, it seems the longest-lived and best remembered tales of Katrina are ones of looting, crime, and lawlessness. They stuck in the minds of students who were eight or nine at the time of the disaster. With the terrorist attacks in France and Lebanon in current events, it is very apparent that the race and culture of victims in the wake of disaster unfortunately affects general society’s response to it, and the narratives that exist regarding the event. After Katrina, just as we see in the news in general, stories that told of black criminality were much more likely to garner attention and be retold than those African Americans who reached out to help their communities. To the contrary, whites were often represented as heroes or poor innocent victims. This disparity in coverage based on race led to differences in the responses to stories of hardship after Katrina. The representation of blacks as criminals minimized the depth of the suffering that black victims of Katrina faced. For every resident in the news who took advantage of the disorder and lack of authority after the storm to commit crimes, there were many others, largely unseen, who were searching for lost family members, seeking shelter after their homes had been destroyed, struggling to meet their basic needs, or reaching out to help others in their community who had suffered losses. In fact, whole communities were lost and never rebuilt (New Orleans now has around 100,000 less residents than before the storm according to the 2010 Census and some Allotey 3 areas are still in shambles). In this essay, I contend that media coverage of the hurricane made it difficult for the American public to empathize with the black victims of Hurricane Katrina, and that both this lack of empathy and negative media coverage stem from ideas of black criminality. News bias is not unique to Hurricane Katrina. It exists in daily news stories of crime and punishment, in daily articles written about criminals and their backgrounds, and even in stories about black victims of crime. In the past few years, activists have grown increasingly critical of the portrayal of minorities in the news, where they do not have their humanity emphasized to the same extent as it is for Caucasians, or where minority individuals are even portrayed with negative biases. The response to Hurricane Katrina merely showcases that this occurs even in the response to a terrible natural disaster. HURRICANE KATRINA AND THE CITY OF NEW ORLEANS Hurricane Katrina hit the Gulf Coast of the United States early morning August 29, 2005. The Category 3 Hurricane brought sustained winds of 100-140 mph and caused immense damage, especially in New Orleans. The total destruction caused by the storm was estimated to be over $200 billion worth in damages (Dolfman, Wasser, and Bergman, 2007). New Orleans, the largest city in Louisiana, was home to about 485,000 people in the year before Katrina, 67% of them African American and around 28% Caucasian (New Orleans’s Demographics, 2000). The city has one of the world’s greatest international ports, which is a major contributor to the city’s economy. New Orleans is also very culturally bright with its mix of French, Spanish, African American, and other American influences. Famous for its French Quarter and yearly Mardi Gras celebration, New Orleans is a popular tourist destination (Jackson, 2013). Allotey 4 “The City in a Bowl,” New Orleans lies 10 feet below sea level, and is constantly sinking farther in its silt, sand, and marshland foundation. Water has been pumped out to create new land for the city, and needs to be continuously pumped out to keep it dry. Walls called levees surround the city and are meant to keep the surrounding waters of Lake Pontchartrain and the Mississippi River out of the city. In 2005, New Orleans’s poorly designed levees were shorter and weaker than those in surrounding areas, not at all equipped to handle a strong hurricane. The outdated levee design came from 1985, 20 years before the hurricane. Though Katrina did not directly hit New Orleans, the winds caused a storm surge of up to 28 ft., overwhelming the levees and allowing water to pour into the city. The city’s water pumps failed, and the “City in a Bowl” became a city underwater. The resulting floods covered 80% of the city, killed around 1,600 people, and displaced another 200,000 (Brian and Lamb, 2015). Allotey 5 New Orleans: City in a Bowl Prior to the storm, New Orleans officials were aware of the danger and warned people to evacuate. As the storm approached, about 1 million people were evacuated in Louisiana. However, up to 100,000 others in New Orleans lacked the means by which to evacuate. Over 20,000 people would take shelter in the Louisiana Superdome as a last resort. In the days following the storm, conditions in the Superdome deteriorated as the electricity and plumbing failed in the storm-damaged building. Another 10,000 people would come to join those already taking shelter in the Superdome for a total of 30,000. Another 19,000 took shelter in the New Orleans Convention center, which had no food, water, or medical supplies, as it was not an official shelter. Outside the two shelters, many of the lower-lying areas of the cities laid in shambles. Families were separated, houses destroyed, and people were left without the shelter and supplies they needed to survive. Meanwhile, the seemingly unprepared Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) took three days to respond and establish operations in New Orleans. Even then, their response was insufficient (Frontline, 2005). According to Chaudhuri, the federal government did not have enough information on the extent of the devastation caused in New Orleans and the search and rescue teams lacked strategy and organization in their response. Many claimed that the government’s slow response was due to issues of race while other’s contended that the government was merely unprepared and had its focus elsewhere, such as on the War in Iraq. Regardless of the source of the government’s sluggishness, the biased representation of the New Orleans’s black population did not force the government’s hand towards a more helpful approach. In fact, the media stories of crime and disorder worked to push the government to punish the survivors, rather than help. Allotey 6 Introduction to Narratives of Race and Criminality from Post-Katina New Orleans The images below, taken from two news articles written in 2005, have circulated online for more than 10 years1. What is so striking about them that they keep returning? [Image forthcoming. Please see http://politicalhumor.about.com/library/images/blkatrinalooting.html] Looting versus Finding Food: Skin Tone and the Media In the lower image, two white residents “wade through chest-deep water after finding bread and soda from a local grocery store.” In the top picture, a young black man “walks through chest deep flood water after looting a grocery store.” From the contrast of these nearly identical captions, it seems that only skin color makes the difference between looting and finding food. While the white couple gets food from “a local grocery store to survive,” when blacks do the same it is considered criminal activity. This widely circulated image represents only one example out of the many instances where African Americans, especially poorer blacks who did not have the means to provide for themselves in the aftermath of the hurricane, were portrayed as criminals as they struggled to survive.2 The media representation of post-Hurricane New Orleans was very representative of the United States discourse on race and criminality. Even in the wake of a natural disaster, race shaped the stories told after the storm. When speaking of Katrina, news stories are more likely to tell stories with blacks as criminal and whites as heroes. The stories that are believed and spread are the ones that follow 1 This image can be found in many places and many online discussions. Examples include: http://blogcritics.org/updated-katrina-the-media-looting-vs/ http://blogcritics.org/updated-katrina-the-media-looting-vs/ http://politicalhumor.about.com/library/images/blkatrinalooting.htm http://pt.educationforsocialjustice.org/file.php/1/The_Two-Photo_Controversy.pdf 2 Another example comes from Welcome to New Orleans. A volunteer clinic was set up in a poor, black area that was receiving no assistance. Government officials showed up, not to help, but to attempt to shut the clinic down for operating without permission. Allotey 7 the nation’s discourse on crime and this fact has played into real punishments for perpetrators of crime during Katrina. The Media and the Criminalization of Blackness Race. This seemingly innocuous, four-letter word describes a social construct that has touched nearly every life in some way.
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