Populism As a Historical Development Emilia Palonen, Senior Lecturer [email protected] the Concept of Populism

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Populism As a Historical Development Emilia Palonen, Senior Lecturer Emilia.Palonen@Helsinki.Fi the Concept of Populism Populism as a historical development Emilia Palonen, Senior Lecturer [email protected] The concept of Populism • Contested concept • Thin centered ideology (Mudde)? Emphasis on the nominal people (Canovan), heartland (Taggart)? • Rhetorical style? (Moffitt) • Threat or corrective to democracy (Rovira Kaltwasser)? • Response to a crisis • Financial crisis. Disillusionment with democracy – or the elites (Kriesi & Pappas) • Crisis of representation > performing the people (Laclau, Moffitt&Tormey) • http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1467-9248.12032 • Empty articulation of “us” (Laclau) • Mode of articulation with ideological grip (attachment & enthusiasm) that seeks to construct “us” in a dichotomous way (against something). Heartlands of populism • Populism may be seen as: • Targeting heartlands (Paul Taggart) • Speaking for nativism (Cas Mudde) • Presenting an alternative of the majority, people or a mob rule (Jacques Rancière, Nadia Urbinati) • Articulating the people (Laclau – but for him it is not a pre-given but in flux) • Offering a solution for political identification to those who have suffered from postindustrialism (former industrial heartlands of American economy) • Restoring faith in something like an abstract ideal such as the nation • Fantasies of salvation (Tismaneanu) Popularizing and simplifying • Mediatized politics – or telepopulisme (Pierre-André Taguieff) • Simplification of the political message – or simplification of politics? • Are you trying to make the audience to understand – or is politics just a farse (video from Jul 14, 2015)? • How can a meeme turn into political strength? • Reduction of political debate into mere identity or identification – rather than political demands, issues, or interests? • Modern mass politics is about identities but is that what they all is? • Reduction of the political debate into a dichotomy: divided society between us and them? (Laclau) Populism as anti-elitism • Thin ideology: people and the elite (Cas Mudde) • The Tea Party and Occupy movements in particular, Obama electoral success in 2008 • widespread discussion of Latin American populism • emergence of populism in Europe have drawn attention to populism in the United States. • Populism of Modi in India and populist-nationalisms in Asia • So we can say that emergence of anti-elitism was expected after the economic downturn and recession. First there was “left-wing” populism, now also right-wing anti-elitism is on the rise. • Attack on the status quo and the style and background of those who have been educated into the political class or even inherited their positions through political clan (Jeb Michican debate March 7, 2016 (1.24) Bush, Hillary Clinton) • “Dissaffected middle-class”: New Hampshire was the ‘popuist moment’ of the election campaigns so far Populism as a mode of articulation • Performative-constitutive character of populism (Ernesto Laclau, Benjamin Moffitt) • Constitutive dichotomy: populism related to a radical division of the social field or field of representation into “us” and ”them” (Laclau) • Temporary or permanent? • What happens when substance disappear? • What are the substantive demands? • Can be grouping many together under a single heading. But populism is not reducible to a single-issue politics. The heading, slogan, leader offers a sense of unity for the heterogeneous groups and demands. Simplifies space of representation. From Populist Parties to Populism within political parties • Populism relies on antagonism and simplifying articulation of the ’people’ (or other overarching empty signifier) as a common point of identification • Affects – passions, not irrational politics • Democracy not demography >>> constitutive people not pre-given people • Populism is not a permanent characteristic – even of parties calling themselves populist • (inclusive/exclusive? Each articulation of the people is also already exclusive of what is not the people, which is the raison d’être for the articulation of the people) • (How much? Extent of populism? Intensity of antagonism) • (populism vs. institutionalism, articulation vs. 1=1 representation, mere identification vs. technocracy?) • Perhaps we ought not to look at populism per se but… • populist dynamics: an analytical distinction Instead of clear-cut All parties can resort to categories (cat-dog) we populism should perhaps talk about something else Listen to the new voices in “Mainstream parties research and populist parties Categories are difficult… (Benjamin Moffitt, gathers binary is dead” some of the points made at his keynote: PSA Populism SG conference, 23 March 2018) Gradational not binary Populism is not against (populist or NOT democracy – but always populist) includes it at some level Challenge to traditional conceptualisations of democracy and politics Political meaning-making central The populist effects on Politics as rhetoric-performative, constitutive #polisci If old cleavages are not working in explaining the developments let us try something else? • Most usual reference is the elite-people distinction What is • Who the are the people and the elite? – ‘Mere’ rhetoric? Populism? • Manifesto research offers a wide range of references for the people • Populism could be anywhere where there is the nation or us? • What about the populists (especially when in power) are they not the elites? • E.g. Berlusconi, Orbán, even Timo Soini? Was ist Populismus? 01 02 Well, it’s not nationalism, Can get entangled with as has been suggested nationalism and racism, between the lines (Müller xenophobia 2016) If a thin-centred Populism has no Trash that! ideology, core is content an empty shell Thin-centred for Michael Freeden (Journal of Political Ideologies 2017) What does this mean? When things are There may even be an empty they don’t Dichotomy and a emotional, gripping have content BUT reference to an “us” element!? they may have a form Categories to dynamics If there is something constitutive or even performative in political meaning-making in the populist way … why don’t we look at rhetoric to for concepts that could capture this? Rhetorical moves or tropes for example? Dynamics or moves in the party system! (Populist) dynamics in Competing populism party system Mainstream(ing) populism = populist meaning-making that emerges in the ”mainstream” parties Fringe(ing) populism = populism that challenges all the other parties from a supposed outside NOT niche parties etc. Competing populism / bi-polar polarisation (in the ”mainstream”) = two parties co-constitute each other NOT because there is a sedimented/established cleavage BUT because reject each other (often as illegitimate): includes anti-populism (NOT just the content that is rejected but the whole chain of reference) Problems: we are not used to this non-stuff Transformations How to Long-term Dynamics in the have effect on measure? development party system each other Not only some items get entangled with populism get adopted by other parties (mainstreamed?) Dichotomous meaning-making has effects on the party system Research What effects? question Should we just look at dynamics? forming Parties move to different positions? Something gets challenged and something mainstreamed/sidelined? Examples: In Finland: Finns Party to the mainstream and then after the split fringing again. Austria, Denmark, Finland, Parties move to different Austria and Italy witness similar moves: more Longterm view 1999-present France, Hungary, Italy positions fringe parties mainstream. In Hungary: Jobbik mainstreams and Fidesz fringes while trying to hold on to competing Six country populism. cases with Chapel Hill expert data: main L&R parties (populist) w/ RRP; • L-R scale; • (a) the salience of corruption issues dynamicsElection results and (b) the salience of anti- Political Data Yearbook Other data? elite issues to the party. qualitative analysis of reports If parties mainstream populism, does t hat mean that corruption and anti- elite issues become more salient and pr ominent for mainstream parties? Austria Denmark Finland France Italy Hungary Effects? Anything to do with “populism”? Parties move to different positions? Not longterm effects on L-R. Populist moments Dichotomous language and entangled meanings mainstream Something gets challenged or sidelined in mainstreaming? Limits of technocracy on era of fluid meanings and emotions. Mainstream, fringe, competing populism • Emilia Palonen Logic(s) of Populism and Populist Dynamics… Case Studies: Hungary, Finland, etc. • The analytical distinction is drawn on Hungarian politics Populist dynamics • Exactly how does populism emerges? Which dynamics? • Mainstream • Fidesz, SP • SDP, NC • Fringe • Jobbik • Finns Party • Competing • Polarisation • Political frontier • Blocks debate Viktor Orbán, Fidesz 1989- PM 1998-2002, 2010- (youth > nation > polgári/civic/bourgeois/progressive anti-communism 2002 > extra- parliamentary village populism in striped shirts > tough anti-immigration statesman) Populism in Hungary ØFidesz, Viktor Orbán PM 1998-2002 ØCompeting populism 2000-2010: “Right” and “Left” (Socialist Party & Alliance of Free Democrats) ØFidesz government 2010- (vs. fragmented opposition) ØPopulism exists also in the mainstream and actually something we call here “mainstream populism” is connected to “fringe populism” ØThese analytical concepts are helpful in outlining what is going on in the two countries Hungarian Politics • Polarisation late 1990s to the present. Competing populism with strong frontier. Impedes any real debate on concrete
Recommended publications
  • THE ALOOF ELECTION MANIFESTO Radical Political Right in Finland in the Borderlines of Neoliberalism and Cultural Nativism
    Article • DOI: 10.1515/njmr-2016-0012 NJMR • 6(2) • 2016 • 124-131 THE ALOOF ELECTION MANIFESTO Radical Political Right in Finland in the Borderlines of Neoliberalism and Cultural Nativism Abstract The rise of the populist radical political right is one of the significant phenomena Tapio Nykänen* in recent European party politics. In this article, I examine the ideology of the radical right in Finland by analysing the Aloof Election Manifesto, an election Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Lapland, Finland platform published by radical wing of the Finns Party for national parliament elections 2011. The analysis shows that the ideology challenges traditional notions of nationalism. It combines cultural nativism, secularism and economic neoliberalism to the fear of Islam and multiculturalism. Keywords Nationalism • immigration • radical right • multiculturalism • islamophobia Received 6 February 2015; Accepted 16 March 2016 In this article, I examine the ideology of the anti-immigrant wing of the indeed combines diverse ideas and beliefs from different ideological Finns Party, a populist and nationalist political party that represents traditions. The AM represents a particular case within neo-populism, one of the most visible changes on the Finnish political landscape in however, as it concentrates solely on opposing immigration from the recent years. For 16 years, the party was a small one, its support being Third World. Accordingly, one of the specific aims of my article is three to four percent1. This changed drastically in 2011, when the to show how different ideological features are used to support this party received 19.1 percent of the votes in the national parliamentary goal in the case of the AM.
    [Show full text]
  • Finland | Freedom House Page 1 of 13
    Finland | Freedom House Page 1 of 13 FinlandFREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 100 FREE /100 Political Rights 40 Civil Liberties 60 100 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. TOP Overview https://freedomhouse.org/country/finland/freedom-world/2020 7/24/2020 Finland | Freedom House Page 2 of 13 Finland’s parliamentary system features free and fair elections and robust multiparty competition. Corruption is not a significant problem, and freedoms of speech, religion, and association are respected. The judiciary is independent under the constitution and in practice. Women and ethnic minority groups enjoy equal rights, though harassment and hate speech aimed at minority groups does occur. Key Developments in 2019 • In March, the right-leaning coalition government, headed by Juha Sipilä of the Center Party, resigned after failing to push through a reform of the health care system. • A general election was held in April, with the Social Democratic Party receiving the largest share of the vote. A new left-leaning coalition government was formed in June, comprising the Social Democratic Party, Center party, Green League, Left Alliance, and Swedish People’s Party of Finland. • Following criticism within the coalition about Prime Minister Antti Rinne’s handing of a strike by postal workers in November, he resigned in December. The Social Democratic Party chose Sanna Marin to replace him. • The parliament in March completed passage of a package of bills that empowered the intelligence service and defense forces to conduct communications surveillance on national security matters. Political Rights A. Electoral Process TOP A1 0-4 pts Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 https://freedomhouse.org/country/finland/freedom-world/2020 7/24/2020 Finland | Freedom House Page 3 of 13 The president, whose role is mainly ceremonial, is directly elected for up to two six-year terms.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
    Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Finland' Political Structure NCEE
    2020-21 Legislative International Education Study Group OVERVIEW OF FINLAND’S POLITICAL STRUCTURE Political Structure:1,2 • Finland is a parliamentary representative republic with both a popularly elected president, whose role is mostly ceremonial, and a parliament with a cabinet and a prime minister. • Finland has a 200-member unicameral parliament (Eduskunta). Almost all members are directly elected in single- and multi-seat constituencies by proportional representation vote to four-year terms. The most recent parliamentary elections were held in April 2019 (see below). They will be held again in April 2023.3 • Finland’s president is directly elected by absolute majority popular vote for a six- year term and is eligible to serve a second term. The current president, Sauli Niinisto, was elected in 2012 and reelected in 2018. The next presidential election will be held in 2024.4 • Finland’s prime minister is appointed by the Eduskunta.5 The current prime minister, Sanna Marin, was appointed in December 2019 (see below).6 Political Context: Finland has a strong history of multi-party politics, with no one party having majority control for long. In 2015, the Center Party won the majority of parliamentary seats and formed a coalition with the National Coalition Party and the relatively new Finns Party. The Finns Party was formed in 1995 and is a nationalist, Euro-sceptic and anti-establishment party. The 2015 coalition was the first time the Finns Party had participated in government. However, in March 2019, just a month before parliamentary elections in April, the coalition government fell apart. The April 2019 national election was the first in Finland’s history in which no party came away with more than 20 percent of the vote.
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparative Constitutional Analysis Between Italy and Hungary
    Department of Political Science Master’s Degree in International Relations – European Studies Chair in Comparative Public Law POPULISM IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: A COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS BETWEEN ITALY AND HUNGARY SUPERVISOR CANDIDATE Professor Cristina Fasone Claudia Mattei 635892 CO-SUPERVISOR Professor Giovanni Orsina Academic Year 2018/2019 1 Table of contents Introduction 6 1 CHAPTER – POPULISM 9 1.1 What is populism? A definition for a highly contested phenomenon 10 1.2 Understanding populism 14 1.2.1 Who are the people? 14 1.2.2 Who are the elites? 18 1.2.3 The real meaning of the volonté générale 19 1.2.4 The people and the general will: populism vs. democracy 20 1.3 Historical birth of populism 24 1.3.1 The American People’s Party 24 1.3.2 The Russian narodnichestvo 26 1.4 Marriage between populism and ‘host’ ideologies: different families 29 1.4.1 Right-wing populism 30 1.4.2 Left-wing populism 31 1.4.3 Populist constitutionalism 33 1.5 Why does populism develop? 36 1.5.1 The causes behind the populist rise 37 1.5.2 The cause of the cause: the auto-destruction of politics as origin of populism 39 1.5.3 Technocracy replaces politics: the case of the European Union 41 1.6 Populism in the world 44 2 CHAPTER – POPULISM IN EUROPE 48 2.1 Genesis of populism in Europe: Boulangism 48 2.2 Populism in Western Europe 51 2.2.1 Post-WW2 populist experiences in Western Europe 51 2.2.2 The rise of modern populism in Western Europe 53 2 2.3 Populism in Eastern Europe 58 2.3.1 Interwar populism in Eastern Europe 58 2.3.2
    [Show full text]
  • The Growth of the Radical Right in Nordic Countries: Observations from the Past 20 Years
    THE GROWTH OF THE RADICAL RIGHT IN NORDIC COUNTRIES: OBSERVATIONS FROM THE PAST 20 YEARS By Anders Widfeldt TRANSATLANTIC COUNCIL ON MIGRATION THE GROWTH OF THE RADICAL RIGHT IN NORDIC COUNTRIES: Observations from the Past 20 Years By Anders Widfeldt June 2018 Acknowledgments This research was commissioned for the eighteenth plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration, an initiative of the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), held in Stockholm in November 2017. The meeting’s theme was “The Future of Migration Policy in a Volatile Political Landscape,” and this report was one of several that informed the Council’s discussions. The Council is a unique deliberative body that examines vital policy issues and informs migration policymaking processes in North America and Europe. The Council’s work is generously supported by the following foundations and governments: the Open Society Foundations, Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Barrow Cadbury Trust, the Luso- American Development Foundation, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, and the governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. For more on the Transatlantic Council on Migration, please visit: www.migrationpolicy.org/ transatlantic. © 2018 Migration Policy Institute. All Rights Reserved. Cover Design: April Siruno, MPI Layout: Sara Staedicke, MPI No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Migration Policy Institute. A full-text PDF of this document is available for free download from www.migrationpolicy.org. Information for reproducing excerpts from this report can be found at www.migrationpolicy.org/about/copyright-policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Internal Politics and Views on Brexit
    BRIEFING PAPER Number 8362, 2 May 2019 The EU27: Internal Politics By Stefano Fella, Vaughne Miller, Nigel Walker and Views on Brexit Contents: 1. Austria 2. Belgium 3. Bulgaria 4. Croatia 5. Cyprus 6. Czech Republic 7. Denmark 8. Estonia 9. Finland 10. France 11. Germany 12. Greece 13. Hungary 14. Ireland 15. Italy 16. Latvia 17. Lithuania 18. Luxembourg 19. Malta 20. Netherlands 21. Poland 22. Portugal 23. Romania 24. Slovakia 25. Slovenia 26. Spain 27. Sweden www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 The EU27: Internal Politics and Views on Brexit Contents Summary 6 1. Austria 13 1.1 Key Facts 13 1.2 Background 14 1.3 Current Government and Recent Political Developments 15 1.4 Views on Brexit 17 2. Belgium 25 2.1 Key Facts 25 2.2 Background 25 2.3 Current Government and recent political developments 26 2.4 Views on Brexit 28 3. Bulgaria 32 3.1 Key Facts 32 3.2 Background 32 3.3 Current Government and recent political developments 33 3.4 Views on Brexit 35 4. Croatia 37 4.1 Key Facts 37 4.2 Background 37 4.3 Current Government and recent political developments 38 4.4 Views on Brexit 39 5. Cyprus 42 5.1 Key Facts 42 5.2 Background 42 5.3 Current Government and recent political developments 43 5.4 Views on Brexit 45 6. Czech Republic 49 6.1 Key Facts 49 6.2 Background 49 6.3 Current Government and recent political developments 50 6.4 Views on Brexit 53 7.
    [Show full text]
  • New Perspectives Foreword
    The future of the EU: new perspectives Foreword Brexit has dominated the media and political landscape of the United Kingdom since the referendum of 2016. One interesting side effect of this has been the way the ropeanEu Union – still the UK’s nearest and largest trading partner – has been discussed solely in terms of its role in the Brexit negotiations. Yet whatever the outcome of these discussions, what the European Union is and does will continue to affect not only its own citizens but also the UK itself. This strikes me as an excellent moment to attempt to focus more directly on the EU itself and understand what is going on within it and how it might develop in the future. We find ourselves early in the EU’s new institutional cycle, with a new cast of EU leaders and a new set of policy priorities. Despite the much-vaunted unity that the 27 have displayed during the Brexit process, conflicts and tensions between member states, as well as between some of them and the EU institutions, persist. There remain fundamental disagreements between member states and institutions on issues like migration and the euro zone, not to mention more existential questions about future integration and the rule of law. Underlying everything are difficult to resolve differences on the balance of burden ring.sha I’m delighted we’ve been able to bring together some of the best young writers and thinkers on the EU to offer their take on the future of the EU’s institutions, its member tessta and its policies.
    [Show full text]
  • The Finns Party and UKIP Have Shared a Similar Journey from the Outside to the Mainstream
    democraticaudit.com http://www.democraticaudit.com/?p=13148 The Finns Party and UKIP have shared a similar journey from the outside to the mainstream By Democratic Audit UK UKIP finished second in hundreds of seats in the UK’s General Election, though only managed to claim one MP. The Finns Party, a UKIP-like populist party in Finland, are set to enter government. Mari Niemi, a keen observer of UK and Finnish politics, charts the assent of these two outsider parties seeking to simultaneously join and shake up the establishment. Soini in Westminster (Credit: Mari Niemi) In both Finland’s and the United Kingdom’s (UK) general elections this spring, the success of the two populist and EU-sceptic parties has gained international interest. How have the two populist parties, the Finns Party and the UK Independence Party (UKIP), conquered voters’ coffee-table discussions and even their hearts? In order to grow, a newcomer party faces two challenges: first, to gain visibility and second, to earn credibility. In achieving both, media publicity is an essential tool. The media’s insatiable appetite for the populist party leaders’ public persona and the parties’ provocative, well-tailored messages has helped achieve the first task. Undoubtedly, the voters’ recognition of these parties has grown. Gaining credibility has been more challenging, partly because the focus of media scrutiny has extended to those party members and candidates whose views or actions have been less advantageous for these parties’ plausibility. The political, societal and cultural contexts in which UKIP and the Finns Party have emerged and operated are predominantly different.
    [Show full text]
  • Compensation, Austerity, and Populism
    PRELIMINARY VERSION: PLEASE DO NOT QUOTE Compensation, Austerity, and Populism: Social Spending and Voting in 17 Western European Countries Chase Foster Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs Brown University [email protected] Jeffry Frieden Department of Government Harvard University [email protected] Abstract The existence of comprehensive social policies to compensate those who might be harmed by integration is widely seen as an important precondition for public support for economic and political integration in western Europe. However, many western European countries reduced spending on income maintenance after 1990. In countries hard hit by the sovereign debt crisis, there have also been significant cuts to social services. We evaluate the impact of levels of social spending on public support for populist parties. We also evaluate the impact of austerity measures on support for such parties. We examine a panel of 187 elections from 1990-2017 and analyze pooled cross-sectional data from eight waves of the European Social Survey. We find evidence that populist parties fare worse where countries spend more on social support, and where spending has not been reduced from historical levels. On the other hand, where countries spend less on income maintenance, and/or have decreased spending from earlier levels, populist vote shares are consistently higher, and the likelihood of supporting populist parties greater. This relationship holds when controlling for a range of individual and macroeconomic factors, including occupational and educational characteristics, unemployment, economic growth, and immigration rates. The growing strength of populist political parties is rooted in long-term economic and cultural changes, but appropriate social policies may moderate their appeal.
    [Show full text]
  • Factsheet: the Finnish Eduskunta
    Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Finnish Eduskunta 1. At a glance Finland is a republic and a parliamentary democracy. The Finnish Parliament (Eduskunta) is a unicameral body. Its 200 deputies are elected by direct, proportional and secret universal suffrage for a mandate of four years. The Parliament enacts legislation, decides on the state budget, ratifies international treaties and oversees the Government. The Eduskunta meets in three major formations: the plenary session makes final decisions, the committees prepare the files and the parliamentary groups define the political orientations. The Eduskunta has quite extensive powers to formulate Finnish EU policy. Parliament’s position on EU affairs is generally expressed by the Grand Committee which serves as Parliament’s EU committee. Finnish Constitution provides that the Eduskunta is involved whenever an EU dossier touches on the Eduskunta’s legislative or budgetary power and may also assume responsibility for other dossiers if either the Government or the Grand Committee (or the Foreign Affairs Committee for CFSP issues) so decides. The Grand Committee’s position is normative for the Government. The current Finnish coalition government under Prime Minister Juha Sipilä (KESK/ALDE) came into office on 29 May 2015 and is formed by the Centre Party (KESK/ALDE), the Finns Party (PS/ECR) and the National Coalition Party (KOK/EPP). 2. Composition Results of the elections of 19 April 2015 Party EP affiliation % Seats Suomen Keskusta (KESK) 49 Center Party 21,1 Perussuomalaiset (PS) 38 Finns Party 17,7 Kansallinen Kokoomus (KOK) 37 National Coalition Party 18,2 Suomen Sosialidemokraattinen Puolue (SDP) 34 Social Democratic Party 16,5 Vihreä liitto (Vihr) 15 Green League 8,5 Vasemmistoliitto (Vas) 12 Left Alliance 7,1 Suomen ruotsalainen kansanpuolue (SFP-RKP) 4,9 9 Swedish People's Party Kristillisdemokraatit (KD) 3,5 5 Christian Democrats Others 0,6 1 200 Turnout: 70,1%.
    [Show full text]