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Contractarian Analysis, Ethics, and Emerging Economies
Journal of Markets & Morality 4, no. 1 (Spring 2001), 55-72 Copyright © 2001 Center for Economic Personalism Contractarian Analysis, Ethics, and Emerging Economies Timothy P. Roth Professor of Economics University of Texas at El Paso The transition from socialist to market economics is typically informed by outcomes-based social welfare theory (SWT). Institutionless, intentionally value- free SWT is ill-suited to this enterprise. The only evaluative standard to which it gives rise—efficiency—is indeterminate, and the theory is not accommodative of other dimensions of moral evaluation. By contrast, the contractarian enter- prise focuses on the role and importance of formal and informal institutions, including ethical norms. Given that individuals should be treated as moral equivalents, the project assigns lexical priority to rights and regards justice as impartiality. This explicitly normative, institutional approach permits analysis of potential conflicts between informal norms and prospective, formal rules of the games. Moreover, it underscores the instrumental and intrinsic value of rights in the transition process. Finally, the emphasis on impartiality—embodied in the generality principle—facilitates analysis of constitutional constraints on behav- ior that is inimical to the transition process. The Transition: The Consequentialist Approach It is clear that the transition from socialist to market economies has typi- cally been informed by received, consequentialist social welfare theory (here- after referred to as SWT).1 Because SWT is consequentialist, institutionless, and intentionally value-free it should come as no surprise that the standard reform prescription begins at the endpoint, an idealized market, phrasing everything in those terms, ignoring the crucial question of how reforms engage existing soci- ety. -
ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� -
Propaganda Revisited: a Look at Current Practice in Russia and Egypt"
TRANSCRIPT "PROPAGANDA REVISITED: A LOOK AT CURRENT PRACTICE IN RUSSIA AND EGYPT" A Conversation With Rabab El Mahdi, Peter Pomerantsev, and Michael Weiss Moderator: Leonard Benardo ANNOUNCER: You are listening to a recording of the Open Society Foundations, working to build vibrant and tolerant democracies worldwide. Visit us at OpenSocietyFoundations.org. LEONARD BENARDO: We thought that we would have this brown bag as-- a conversation, rather than any formal presentations. And so I thought I would begin by maybe just turning first to-- to Michael and-- and Peter, and asking them very basically what is different today about propaganda as you read and interpret it, coming from the-- the-- the Russian context? Is there anything fundamentally different between disinformation today and disinformation from yesterday? PETER POMERANTSEV: Should I-- should I do my little thing first, then it'll be on tape? We-- we've been around the world doing-- I'm actually going to talk about something else today, because-- I think the argument’s moving on quite rapidly. I think that there's-- (UNINTEL)-- first what I want us to do is take a step back and see it within the context of Russia's grand strategy. So since around 2004, they've been-- their military thinking has been-- obsessed with the idea of asymmetrical. I mean, it's actually something they wrote about in the Soviet Times (?) already. But the idea of asymmetric war is essentially Russia is weaker than the West and can't TRANSCRIPT: PROPAGANDA REVISITED: A LOOK AT CURRENT PRACTICE IN RUSSIA AND EGYPT 2 take the West on militarily. -
Edward Friedman's Reflections on the Revolution in China
Edward Friedman’s Reflections on the Revolution in China Bruce Gilley, Portland State University The largest number of all drifted away, speechless and agog, until the years had passed and they could no longer remember having participated in the New Left and its several manias and fanaticisms…the kind of people who, in their respectable middle age today, would indignantly deny having ever been anything but ardent liberals. – Paul Berman, Power and the Idealists Updated: 22 September 2009 Edward Friedman’s views on China’s revolution have evolved from an enthusiastic embrace in his early decades to a disgusted rejection in his mature years. More recently, Friedman has sought to reclaim a positive view of revolutions, while continuing his critique of the China case. Friedman’s views thus track the full arc of normative views on revolutions: radical, conservative, and liberal. Reading Friedman on China’s revolution is to be reminded of how normative ideas and political realities are in constant conversation. It is also to be reminded of why the study of revolution cannot evade the case of China. The Radical Phase: 1965 to 1977 Friedman began his intellectual life as an admirer of the communist revolution in China. Like many in the Western academy, he saw Asian revolutions as progressive strikes against Western imperialism and exploitation. In 1966, Friedman wrote that Mao’s Hundred Flowers campaign of 1956 showed that China’s revolution was “an attempt to realize a liberalizing vision connecting increased freedoms with rapid progress, the vision of the united front, the promise of the new democracy.”1 The CCP had won legitimacy through “humane reforms creating the basis of a better society”. -
War, Law &(And) Liberal Thought: the Use of Force in the Reagan Years
War, Law &(and) Liberal Thought: The Use of Force in the Reagan Years [Article] Item Type Article; text Authors Fidler, David P. Citation 11 Ariz. J. Int'l & Comp. L. 45 (1994) Publisher The University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of Law (Tucson, AZ) Journal Arizona Journal of International and Comparative Law Rights Copyright © The Author(s) Download date 29/09/2021 16:28:25 Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Version Final published version Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/659405 WAR, LAW & LIBERAL THOUGHT: THE USE OF FORCE IN THE REAGAN YEARS David P. Fidler* I. INTRODUCTION The Reagan administration has been severely criticized for the attitude it displayed towards international law on the use of force. Perhaps excluding the Vietnam years, no previous American administration has come under such heavy and repeated attack for its attitude concerning the role of international law in American foreign policy. More than a few actions have been criticized; many attacks explicitly accused the Reagan administration of treating the international legal rules on the use of force as unimportant. 1 The conventional view appears to be that the Reagan administration has been weighed in the balance of 2 international law and justice and found wanting. The first purpose of this article is to analyze critically the conventional wisdom about the Reagan administration's handling of the international law on the use of force. My analysis proceeds in two parts. First, I examine the conventional critique of the Reagan administration's handling of the use of force, as well as the tradition of liberal thought on international law - the liberal progressive tradition - that inspires that critique (Part I). -
Capitalism Article
THE IDEOLOGY OF CAPITALISM AND THE ALTERNATIVES I. INTRODUCTION Since the start of the global economic crisis in the summer of 2008, many voices, have been raised in favour of a “new” capitalism, a compassionate, regulated, honest incarnation of a somewhat tarnished product. These voices recognized some of the errors of the three neo-liberal decades, but were convinced that capitalism had to be preserved or disaster would ensue. If all that was meant was that a considerable degree of private enterprise would remain in a reformed world, these voices were indubitably correct. No one wants to return to the inefficiency, the brutality and the absurdity of Stalinism or to try to create a new form of command economy. The presence of a vibrant private sector is a feature also of democratic socialism or social democracy and not only of capitalism. Indeed, a regulated market economy is more typically described as social democratic than as capitalist. By its nature, pure capitalism cannot be open, totally transparent or compassionate. The reason for calling the future reformed society “new capitalism” rather than “new social- democracy” is the propaganda victory won by conservative think-tanks and ideologues since 1970. In the past many people, including some who did not like socialism, such as Schumpeter, were convinced of its inevitability. Now, even those instinctively hostile to capitalism have embraced the myth that only capitalism can produce growth and that no viable alternative exists. The constant repetition of this in our media led to a situation where many feared to be ridiculed if they demurred and people often fear ridicule more than repression. -
Presidential Documents
Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Monday, March 15, 1999 Volume 35ÐNumber 10 Pages 377±418 1 VerDate 03-MAR-99 08:08 Mar 17, 1999 Jkt 010199 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 1249 Sfmt 1249 W:\DISC\P10MR4.000 txed02 PsN: txed02 Contents Addresses and Remarks Communications to CongressÐContinued See also Meetings With Foreign Leaders Iran, national emergency, message Airline passenger protection, radio remarks on transmitting notice on continuationÐ400 proposed legislationÐ398 National Endowment for the Arts, message Arkansas transmitting reportÐ390 Arrival in HopeÐ413 Trade policy agenda and trade agreements program report, message transmittingÐ390 Clinton Birthplace, dedication ceremony in HopeÐ413 Communications to Federal Agencies El Salvador, Legislative Assembly in San Korean Peninsula Energy Development SalvadorÐ391 Organization, memorandumÐ377 Guatemala Interviews With the News Media Arrival in Guatemala CityÐ395 Central America Summit in AntiguaÐ400, Exchange with reporters in Antigua, 401 GuatemalaÐ401 Peace efforts, roundtable discussion in Joint Statements Guatemala CityÐ395 Declaration of AntiguaÐ406 Honduras Community at the Soto Cano Air BaseÐ Letters and Messages 384 Saint Patrick's Day, messageÐ416 Hurricane Mitch reconstruction efforts, Meetings With Foreign Leaders roundtable discussion in TegucigalpaÐ 385 Belize, Prime Minister MusaÐ400, 401, 406 KosovoÐ401 Costa Rica, President RodriguezÐ400, 401, Nicaragua 406 Community in PosoltegaÐ378 Dominican Republic, President FernandezÐ Las Casitas Volcano mudslide survivors, 400, 401, 406 El Salvador, President Calderon SolÐ391, roundtable discussion in PosoltegaÐ380 400, 401, 406 Radio addressÐ377 Guatemala, President ArzuÐ395, 400, 401, Communications to Congress 406 Honduras, President FloresÐ384, 385, 400, Conventional Armed Forces in Europe 401, 406 Treaty, letter transmitting report on Nicaragua, President AlemanÐ378, 380, 400, complianceÐ383 401, 406 (Continued on the inside of the back cover.) Editor's Note: The President was in Texarkana, TX, on March 12, the closing date of this issue. -
Political-Ideological Warfare in Integrated Strategy, and Its Basis in an Assessment of Soviet Reality1
Political-Ideological Warfare in Integrated Strategy, and its Basis in an Assessment of Soviet Reality1 By John Lenczowski At the heart of the Reagan policy toward the USSR was a strategy to address squarely and ultimately eliminate the causes of tension between East and West. Despite little consensus in the American foreign policy establishment about these causes, the Reagan Administration proceeded from an unambiguous interpretation of what they were: nothing less than the nature of the Soviet regime. From this view, it followed that U.S. policy had to find a way to change that nature, and do so, if possible, without risking total war. Whereas in previous Administrations, U.S. policy toward Moscow was principally reactive and defensive, the Reagan strategy proceeded from a fundamentally offensively-oriented premise: the identification of the principal weaknesses of our adversary. To identify weaknesses required a proper understanding of the nature of the Soviet system -- again, a matter over which there was no consensus among experts in the field. Once these were identified, the Administration set forth a multifaceted strategy whose ultimate goal was to bring about regime change from within. Identifying the Sources of East-West Conflict The Reagan strategy was based on the premise that the source of the conflict between the two powers was neither the existence of nuclear weapons -- if it were, then we should also have had cold wars and arms control negotiations with other nuclear powers such as Britain, France, China, and Israel -- nor economic rivalry, nor any other material factor. Such elements were not causes of the conflict, they were its symptoms. -
This Is Why Putin Is Targeting Three DHS Agents
This Is Why Putin Is Targeting Three DHS Agents MICHAEL WEISS The Daily Beast, 08.14.18 Russia’s president is obsessed with the U.S. investigation into hundreds of millions in ill-gotten gains that have benefited his cronies—and very possibly him as well. Todd Hyman, a bullet-headed New Yorker with a stocky build, speaks with an affable outer borough accent and has spent the last 18 years working in various capacities for the federal government. He’s done a stint at the Department of Treasury’s IRS Criminal Investigation Division, and now he’s a special agent at the Department of Homeland Security, the law enforcement organization created by George W. Bush after 9/11 to ensure that U.S. soil remains secure against myriad imported threats. These include terrorism, chemical weapons, cyber-espionage, the trafficking of human beings, drugs, stolen works of art and artifacts, and—the offense that concerns us here—money laundering. So why is Vladimir Putin, the supremo of the Russian Federation, so interested in gumshoe Todd Hyman and a couple of his DHS colleagues? You’ll recall that last month at Putin’s grinning, soccer ball-tossing press conference with Donald Trump, the Russian president stated that he would gladly allow U.S. investigators access to the 12 Russian military intelligence operatives named by Robert Mueller in a highly detailed and damning indictment for hacking Democratic email servers. But Putin said he wanted reciprocity. He said he expected Trump to let Russian agents “question officials, including the officers of law enforcement and intelligence services of the United States whom we believe are—who have something to do with illegal actions on the territory of Russia.” That is, he wanted Trump to let him conduct a fishing expedition in the heart of the American security establishment. -
Download Issue
IMPRIMIS Because Ideas Have Consequences Hillsdale College Hillsdale, Michigan 49242 Volume 15, No. 3 March, 1986 POPULAR CULTURE AND THE "SUICIDE OF THE WEST" by Joseph Sobran Editor's Preview: This address is the last in a series reprinted from the Shavano Institute's conference, "Moral Equivalence: False Images of U.S. and Soviet Values," held in Washington, D.C. in May of 1985. One of theJorty-five participants, Joseph Sobran, _presents his charge that fascism, not "moral equivalence" is the straw man that popular culture has attacked for over a decade. Mr. Sobran notes that although public sentiment is critical of communism and refutes any alleged equiva lence between democratic and communist systems, movie makers and other purveyors of popular culture seldom yield to this, preferring to deplore Nazism and "its heirs in the West." For these individuals and for the liberal community, it is "safe" to deplore Hitler because it helps them to evade condemning communism, acknowledging its victims, and facing its full horror. Yet, says Mr. Sobran, communism has murdered several times as many people as Nazism. Ironically, Americans are more shocked by the excesses of Joseph McCarthy than Josef Stalin, and it is our popular culture which seeks to convince us that we would be hypocritical Cold War mentality. Most Hollywood movies with politi if we felt any other way. cal or heavy social themes have a left-wing slant. This is true even though the great majority of such movies have A few weeks ago I saw The Killing Fields-the first been box office flops, while the right-wing themes of movie in memory to depict communist atrocities. -
Jeane Kirkpatrick and the End of the Cold War: Dictatorships, Democracy, and Human Rights Ilan Wurman Claremont Mckenna College
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2009 Jeane Kirkpatrick and the End of the Cold War: Dictatorships, Democracy, and Human Rights Ilan Wurman Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Wurman, Ilan, "Jeane Kirkpatrick and the End of the Cold War: Dictatorships, Democracy, and Human Rights" (2009). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 226. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/226 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CLAREMONT McKENNA COLLEGE JEANE KIRKPATRICK AND THE END OF THE COLD WAR: DICTATORSHIPS, DEMOCRACY, AND HUMAN RIGHTS SUBMITTED TO PROFESSOR JOHN J. PITNEY JR. AND DEAN GREGORY HESS BY ILAN WURMAN FOR SENIOR THESIS FALL 2008 - SPRING 2009 APRIL 27, 2009 ii ii iii Table of Contents Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………...……iv Introduction………………………………………………………………………….……......1 Part I: An Intellectual and Political History Chapter One: Cold War Consensus Shattered………..……………………………………....8 Chapter Two: Dictatorships and Double Standards………………………………………....33 Chapter Three: The Carter Years: Was Kirkpatrick Right?....................................................45 Part II: Kirkpatrick and the Reagan Administration Chapter Four: The Kirkpatrick and Reagan Doctrines..…………………….……………….69 Chapter Five: Putting Policy to Practice: Chile and El Salvador………...………………….89 Bibliography………………………………………………………………..…………...….118 Appendices…………………………………………………………………………………122 iii iv Acknowledgments I could not have written this thesis without the help of many people, and first and foremost without the help of my adviser and professor, John J. Pitney Jr. He guided me to a doable and exciting topic from my initial mumblings about Reagan and democratization. Without his help, this year-long endeavor would never have come to fruition. -
War, Law & Liberal Thought: the Use of Force in the Reagan Years
Maurer School of Law: Indiana University Digital Repository @ Maurer Law Articles by Maurer Faculty Faculty Scholarship 1994 War, Law & Liberal Thought: The seU of Force in the Reagan Years David P. Fidler Indiana University Maurer School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/facpub Part of the International Law Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Fidler, David P., "War, Law & Liberal Thought: The sU e of Force in the Reagan Years" (1994). Articles by Maurer Faculty. Paper 754. http://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/facpub/754 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by Maurer Faculty by an authorized administrator of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WAR, LAW & LIBERAL THOUGHT: THE USE OF FORCE IN THE REAGAN YEARS David P. Fidler* I. INTRODUCTION The Reagan administration has been severely criticized for the attitude it displayed towards international law on the use of force. Perhaps excluding the Vietnam years, no previous American administration has come under such heavy and repeated attack for its attitude concerning the role of international law in American foreign policy. More than a few actions have been criticized; many attacks explicitly accused the Reagan administration of treating the international legal rules on the use of force as unimportant. 1 The conventional view appears to be that the Reagan administration has been weighed in the balance of 2 international law and justice and found wanting.