Masculine Politics and Women Political Participation in Punjab, Pakistan

MASCULINE POLITICS AND WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN PUNJAB, PAKISTAN

Akhlaq Ahmad 2015-GCUF-232270

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of Requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

SOCIOLOGY

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY GOVERNMENT COLLEGE UNIVERSITY, FAISALABAD

August, 2017

DEDICATED

TO MY LOVING FAMILY

BUSHRA KHALID; MY WIFE

NOOR, MUHAMMAD AND MAFAZA; MY KIDS

DECLARATION

The work reported in this thesis was carried out by me under the supervision of Professor Dr.

Haq Nawaz Anwar Department of Sociology, Government College University, Faisalabad,

Pakistan.

I hereby declare that title of the thesis “Masculine politics and women political participation in

Punjab, Pakistan” and the contents of the thesis are the product of my own research and no part of it has been copied from any published source (except the references, standard mathematical or genetic model/ equations/ formulas/protocols etc.). I further declare that this work has not been submitted for award of any other degree/diploma. The University may take action if the information provided is found inaccurate at any stage.

Signature: ………………….. Akhlaq Ahmad 2015-GCUF-232270

CERTIFICATE BY SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE

We certify that the contents and the form of the thesis submitted by Mr. Akhlaq Ahmad,

registration No. 2015-GCUF-232270 has been found satisfactory and in accordance with the

prescribed format. We recommend it to be processed for the evaluation by the External

Examiners for the award of the degree.

1. Signature of Supervisor: ……………………..

Name: Prof. Dr. Haq Nawaz Anwar

Designation with Stamp: ……………………..

2. Signature of Member 1: ……………………..

Name: Dr. Babak Mahmood

Designation with Stamp: ……………………..

3. Signature of Member 2: ……………………..

Name: Dr. Nazia Malik

Designation with Stamp: ………………………

Chairperson: Dr. Zahira Batool

Signature with Stamp: ………………………

Dean, Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences

Signature with Stamp: ………………………

CONTENTS

CHAPTER-1 INTRODUCTION PAGE No 1.1 Introduction 01 1.2 Statement of the Problem 02 1.3 Masculine Politics 03 1.4 Feminine Identity 04 1.5 Political Participation 05 1.6 Research Objectives 06 1.7 Significance 06 1.8 Organization of the Study 07

CHAPTER-2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE 10 2.1 Introduction 10 2.2 Empirical Evidences 10 2.2.1 Individual Resources/ Predispositions 10 2.2.2 Social Capital/ Mobilization 11 2.2.3 Political Context 12 2.3 Gender Differences and Political Participation 17 2.3.1 Supply Side Explanation- Personal Factors 19 2.3.2 Demand Side Explanation- Structural Factors 22 2.3.3 Socio-Cultural Factors 24 2.4 International Influences 25 2.5 Political Participation of Women in Pakistan 26 2.5.1 Socio cultural Landscape of Pakistan 26 2.5.2 Political Structure and Representational Political Participation 27 2.6 Challenges to Women Political Participation in Pakistan 31 2.6.1 Socio Cultural Barricades 32 2.6.2 Religious Interpretation 34 2.6.3 Masculine Political Structure 35 2.7 Theoretical Framework 36

CHAPTER-3 MATERIALS AND METHODS 40 3.1 Introduction 40 3.2 Mixed Methods Research Design 40 3.2.1 Qualitative Research Approach 41 3.2.2 An Over view of the Qualitative Research Design 42 3.2.3 Selection of the Respondents 42 3.2.4 Description of the Research Respondents 43 3.2.5 Pre Interviews 44 3.2.6 The Interview Process 44 3.2.7 Qualitative Data Analysis 45 3.3 Quantitative Research Approach 45 3.3.1 Study Settings 46 3.3.2 Study Population 46

3.3.3 Estimation of the Sample Size 46 3.3.4 Sampling Frame 47 3.4.5 Sampling Procedure 47 3.4.5.1 Selection of Union Councils (UCs) 47 3.4.5.2 Allocation of Sample to Selected Villages 48 3.4.5.3 Exclusion Criteria for the Respondents 49 3.5 Data Collection Process 49 3.6 Response Rate 49 3.7 Research Teams 50 3.8 Data Entry 50 3.9 Research Tool 51 3.9.1 Socio Economic and Demographic Profile 51 3..9.2 Feminine Ideology/Identity Scale 52 3.9.3 Gender Role Scale 52 3.9.4 Political Efficacy Scale 52 3.9.5 Political Participation Scale 53 3.9.6 Political Interest Scale 53 3.9.7 Political Socialization Scale 53 3.9.8 Patriarchal Political Culture Scale 54 3.9.9 Political Trust Scale 54 3.10 Ethical Consideration 55 3.11 Data Analysis Plan 55 3.11.1 Descriptive Statistics 55 3.11.2 Inferential Statistics 56 3.11.3 Structure equation Modeling (SEM) 56

CHAPTER-4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION OF IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS 57 4.1 Introduction 57 4.1.1 Gendered Division of Labor 57 4.1.2 Feminine Identity 61 4.1.3 Political Sphere and Leadership 64 4.1.4 Threats to Femininity 69 4.1.5 Challenges to Masculinity 70 4.2 Discussion of Women Representative’s Interviews 72 4.2.1 Negotiating The Public And Private 72 4.2.2 Masculine Political Structure 74 4.2.3 Emphasized Femininity 75 4.2.4 Power Hierarchies 77 4.2.5 Political Culture 79 4.2.6 Socio cultural Environment 81 83 CHAPTER-5 DESCRIPTION OF QUANTITATIVE RESULTS 5.1 Introduction 83 5.2 Socio economic Characteristics 83 5.3 Reliability Analysis of Variables 88 5.4 Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) of Variables 90

5.5 Descriptive Analysis of the Variables 98 5.6 Bivariate Analysis 108 5.7 Multivariate Analysis: Structure Equation Modeling (SEM) 116 5.8 Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) II 118

CHAPTER-6 DISCUSSION 122 6.1 Introduction 122 6.2 Qualitative Findings 122 6.3 Quantitative Findings 125

CHAPTER-7 SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 130 7.1 Summary 130 7.1.2 Summary of Results 131 7.2 Conclusion 132 7.3 Limitations of the Results 132 7.4 Strengths of the Study 133 7.5 Recommendations for Future Research 133

REFERENCES 134

APPENDIXES 150 Appendix I Interview schedule 150 Appendix II Interview Guide for Women Representatives 154 Appendix III Interview Guide for Women Voters 155 Appendix IV Consent for Participation 156

LIST OF TABLES

Sr. No List of Tables Page No

2.1 Women Representation through Reserved Seats in the 30 Parliamentary History 5.2.1 Age and Household Income of the Respondents 83 5.2.2 Education of The Respondents And Their Parents 84 5.2.3 Employment Status of the Respondents 84 5.2.4 Marital Status of the Respondents 85 5.2.5 Employment Status of the Respondents’ Parents 85 5.2.6 Socio-demographic Characteristics of the Respondents 86 5.2.7 Motivation to Caste Vote 87 5.3 Reliability Analysis of Variables 5.3.1 Reliability Analysis of Variables 88 5.4 Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) of Variables 5.4.1 Goodness of Fit Indices of Femininity 89 5.4.2 Goodness of Fit Indices of Gender Role 91 5.4.3 Goodness of Fit Indices of Political Behavior 93 5.4.4 Goodness of Fit Indices of Political Trust 95 5.4.5 Goodness of Fit Indices of Political Participation 97 5.5 Descriptive Analysis of the Variables 5.5.1 Descriptive Analysis of Femininity (Stereotypical Image) 98 5.5.2 Descriptive Analysis of Femininity (Purity) 99 5.5.3 Descriptive analysis of femininity (Emotionality) 99

5.5.4 Descriptive Analysis of Political Trust (Performance) 100 5.5.5. Descriptive Analysis of Political Trust (Ability) 101 5.5.6 Descriptive Analysis of Political Trust (Conduct) 101 5.5.7 Descriptive Analysis of Political Efficacy 102 5.5.8 Descriptive Analysis of Political Participation 103 5.5.9 Descriptive Analysis of Political Interest 104

5.5.10 Descriptive Analysis of Political Socialization 104 5.5.11 Descriptive Analysis of Gender Role 105

5.5.12 Descriptive Analysis of Patriarchal Political Culture 107 5.6 Bivariate Analysis 5.6.1 Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and 108 Political Participation 5.6.2 Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and 109 Patriarchal Political Culture 5.6.3 Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and 110 Political Efficacy 5.6.4 Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and 111 Political Interest 5.6.5 Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and 112 Political Socialization 5.6.6 Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and 113 Political Trust

5.7 Multivariate Analysis: Structure Equation Modeling (SEM) 5.7.1 Femininity and Political Behavior 116 5.7.2 Maximum Likelihood Estimates for the Sample 118 5.8 Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) II 5.8.1 Femininity, Political Trust and Political Culture 119 5.8.2 Maximum Likelihood Estimates for the Sample 121

LIST OF FIGURES

Sr. no List of figures Page no

5.1 Goodness of Fit Indices of Femininity 90 5.2 Goodness of Fit Indices of Gender Role 92 5.3 Goodness of Fit Indices of Political Behavior 94 5.4 Goodness of Fit Indices of Political Trust 96 5.5 Goodness of Fit Indices of Political Participation 97 5.6 SEM of Femininity and Political Behavior 117 5.7 SEM of Femininity, Political Trust and Political Culture 120

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

PhD was a very bumpy ride but I was blessed enough to have people around whose guidance, cooperation and consultation helped me for completion of this academic work. I owe a great deal to thank all of them but here I am mentioning some of them.

I am greatly indebted to Almighty Allah, the most Gracious, the most Merciful, the most

Beneficent and who bestowed upon me the strength, endurance and intellectual ability for carrying out this academic work and to contribute to the existing body of knowledge.

My very special thanks go to Professor Dr. Haq Nawaz Anwar for being my supervisor. I am very grateful to him for trusting me and supporting me in the difficult time. I am highly obliged to him for granting me academic liberty. He guided me and pushed me to work enthusiastically. I owe a lot to his dependable support throughout the degree.

My sincere thanks go to Dr. Zahira Batool, Chairperson Department of Sociology, Government

College University, Faisalabad for her encouragement, facilitation and continuous help. I am also obliged to Dr. Babak Mehmood, Dr. Nazia Malik, and the other faculty members of the department for their blessings.

My special thanks are due to Dr. Hazir Ullah for his intellectual deliberations and consultations.

He spared his time and proved ever available academic support to me. His insight for the qualitative data analysis was a great help. Dr. Qaiser Khalid Mehmood deserves the huge appreciation for untiring help to do quantitative analysis and technological support. Dr. Farhan

Navid Yousaf deserves the heartiest thanks for his ever ready support. He spared his time to review the document.

I would like to pay gratitude to my PhD fellows Muhammad Shahid, Falak Sher, Muhammad

Rizwan Safdar, Malik Sohail Mujahid for their unconditional support and prays. I spent a great

11 time with them, shared many things; sweet and sour. I had wonderful and thought provoking intellectual discussions with them.

Last but not the least, I am very grateful to my research teams for doing a tough job for me during the field work. I am very thankful to Mr. Abid Mehmood for arranging interviews with women Parliamentarian. I would also like to thank profoundly the female respondents of my study.

LIST OF ABBREVIATION

APWA All Pakistan Women Association

ANP Awami National Party

CA Correlational Analysis

CBO Community Based Organization

CFA Confirmatory Factor Analysis

CSES Comparative Study of Electoral Systems

DI Democratic International

ECP Election Commission of Pakistan

ESS European Social Survey

EU EOM European Union Election Observation Mission

EVS European Values Study

FAFEN Free and Fair Election Network

FATA Federally Administrated Tribal Area

GII Gender Inequality Index

HDI Human Development Index

ISSP International Social Survey Program

JI Jamaat-e-Islami

KP Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

LGO Local Government Ordinance

MMA Mutahida Majlis-e- Amal

NCSW National Commission on the Status of Women

PILDAT Pakistan Institute Legislative Development and Transparency

PPP Pakistan People’s Party

PMLN Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz)

PR Proportional Representation

SEM Structure Equation Model

SPSS Statistical Package for Social Sciences

UC Union Council

UNDP United Nations Development Program

WVS World Value Survey

ABSTRACT

This mixed methods research study intended to explore how the feminine identities of women are used to undermine women capacities, create social barriers and restrict their political participation. For the qualitative research 20 women registered voters were recruited from Bhawana city, District Chiniot, purposively along with 8 women parliamentarians from different political parties. The information collected from the respondents was analyzed through thematic analysis. The results demonstrated the strong hold of domesticity ideology, gendered division of labor and roles, clear demarcation of private and public sphere, strong adherence to biological determinism, hegemonic masculinities and dominance of feminized outlook. The quantitative part of the study comprised of cross sectional survey of 414 women voters from selected villages of Tehsil 18 Hazari, District Jhang and Tehsil Gujar Khan, District Rawalpindi. Model fit indices of femininity, gender roles, political behaviors (political efficacy, political interest, political culture, political socialization), political trust and political participation showed the goodness of fit of samples through Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA). The descriptive analysis elaborated that respondents scored high on femininity, traditional gender roles and patriarchal political culture and low on political interest, political efficacy, political socialization and political participation. The Correlational Analysis described that femininity is negatively correlated with political participation, political efficacy, political trust, political socialization and political trust (conduct of politicians) and positively with patriarchal political culture and political trust (performance and ability of the politicians). Structure Equation Model (SEM) also confirmed the above results. Key words: Feminine identity, masculine politics, political participation, Mixed Methods, Punjab, Pakistan.

CHAPTER-1: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Introduction

This dissertation focuses on women political participation in the masculine political structure of Pakistan. More specifically, it aims to explore how the feminine identities of women are used to undermine women capacities, create social barriers and restrict their political participation. How these feminine identities are negotiated and are included or excluded in masculine Pakistani political system?

Women remained politically very visible during Pakistan movement and participated actively in subsequent political and constitutional processes. Ms. Fatima Jinnah, Begum Ikramullah, Begum

Liaqat Ali khan, Begum Shah Nawaz, Lady Abdullah Haroon, Lady Hafeezullah, Begum

Hafeezudin, are the few to name. In the current politics Benazir Bhutto (late), Fehmida Mirza,

Sherry Rehman, Hina Rabbani Kher, Marvi Memon, Maryam Nawaz and many more hold the important portfolios in different governments. However, majority of them are considered ‘elites’ and believed to be the extension of male political discourse. The socio-political structure of

Pakistani society leaves meager spaces for women in the public sphere and idealize private sphere as women’s natural domain.

Political participation is a complex phenomenon and represents interplay of wider social, cultural, economic, political and religious factors prevalent in society. Women exclusion has been the result of hegemonic design of masculine political structure of Pakistan. Feminine identity of women is used to undermine women capacities and socially created barriers restrict their inclusion in politics. Pakistani politics has largely become the male prerogative representing the masculine stances in the public sphere. Thus, present study focuses on gender identities of women and their discursive use to exclude them from politics and how hegemonic masculine

16 codes of Pakistani politics are including/ excluding gender identities in the larger political context of Pakistan.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Women political engagement is an important area of research, particularly in developing countries like Pakistan. Political participation is believed to be the important component of democracy. Citizen’s involvement in the politics through voting, lobbying, protests and other forms indicate the democratic culture. Experiences around the world have confirmed that differential in participation results in the uneven policy outcomes. Political participation denotes legitimacy and citizen’s trust in the government. It also signifies the citizen’s civic duty responsibility that is the prerequisite for consolidated and sustainable democracy.

Gender differentials were very important in academic scholarship on political participation since

1950s. Gender differences in political participation was found to be quite persistent and notable in the western, industrialized and democratic countries (e.g. Bennett & Bennett, 1992; Parry et al., 1992; Scholzman et al., 1995; Burns et al., 1997; Verba et al., 1997; Scholzman et al., 1999;

Norris, 2002; Burns, 2007; Gallego, 2007; Paxton et al., 2007; Dalton, 2008). Both conventional and non conventional political participation in the western democracies were researched extensively (Uhlaner, 1989; Parry, Moyser & Day, 1992; Verba et al. 1997; Currell, 2005;

Burns, 2007; Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2010) and (Inglehart & Norris, 2003; Coffe & Bolzendahl,

2010; Marien et al., 2010). Gender gaps in the developing countries and Muslim countries were given due attention for instance (Fish, 2002; Inglehart & Norris, 2003; Coffe & Bolzendahl,

2010; Coffe & Dilli, 2015). Scholarship largely draws on access to socio economic resources like employment, education, low status, voting behavior (Sapiro, 1983; Schlozman et al., 1994, 1999;

Verba et al., 1997; Inglehart & Norris, 2003; Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2010; Coffe & Dilli, 2015)

17 and patterns of political participation (Sarvasy & Siim, 1994; Bourque & Grossholtz, 1998;

Young, 2004; Burnz, 2007). However, skimming of literature revealed one study on femininity and political behavior in the United States of America (USA). The study analyzed racial orientation and political behavior (See Cole & Sabik, 2010). No empirical literature is available on feminine identity in politics, particularly in Asian / South Asian context as the literature is based on western experiences. This research indeed will contribute in significant manner to extend sociological knowledge on women in politics and fill in the gap in the literature from

Asian/ South Asian perspective/ context.

The main intention of this research is to analyze the processes by which feminine identities are included/ excluded in Pakistani politics. The concepts in the statement like masculine politics, feminine identity and political participation are explained and used in this research.

1.3 Masculine Politics

Masculine politics signify over representation of male in all public spheres including politics

(Connell, 2005). They hold the premier positions in political parties hold important public offices in government and monopolize decision making in public sphere. They largely set the rules of game and standards for politics. The whole political discourse revolves around the normative stances of males in Pakistan.

Society creates/perpetuates gender stereotypes and attaches certain characteristics to both men and women (Bigler & Liben, 2007). These gender stereotypes then dictates gender roles and whosoever fails to perform these stereotypical gender roles has to face social sanction/s

(DeSantis, 2007; Henslin, 2007). Society at large expects men and women to perform their roles according to the normative standards - the gendered appropriate behavior. Politics as one of the most important, influential public spheres represent the masculine behaviors, competencies,

18 experiences and outlook. Women under the socially constructed, powerful discourse of femininity are not expected to become the part of the public sphere “the politics”. They merely are supposed to strengthen the political sphere by casting their votes with the consultation/under the submission of their male counterpart. Whenever they get or given the chance to represent, they must adhere to ruling text - masculine rules i.e. the standards designed by the male in the politics (Smith, 1990a) and not allowed to do their own experiences. People also do not consider women suitable for politics and under the influence of gendered socialization evaluate negatively the woman who tries to break the gender stereotypical notion of political discourse by contesting election, taking part in political/ public activities and go against the wish/ order of her male counterpart. The women themselves learn that ‘dominant’ and ‘dominating’ reality is public world where they are out of context (Smith, 1990 a).

1.4 Feminine Identity

Feminine/ gender identity refers to the degree to which a female identify herself with the socially constructed characteristics designed by a specific society. The feminine identity is largely influenced the prescribed gender roles and inculcated by the process of gender socialization.

Strict adherence to designated gender roles is ensured by the gender division of labor and gender norms set the rules of the game. The socially constructed qualities of “maleness” and

“femaleness” not only represent gender identities but also “a collective iteration in the form of culture, social structure and social organization” (Schippers, 2007, p, 87). Masculinity and femininity becomes cultural standard of conduct at all levels from the self to collective. These standards are taken for granted and unchallenging and hence, make gender differences institutionalized (Lorber, 2000; Martin, 2004). The dominant socially designed attributes a woman should possess in Pakistani society are childbearing and rearing, love and care for

19 parents/husband, home making, submissiveness, passivity and dependence. The home/ private sphere become ideal, normative space for women to operate. And, men are characterized with decision making, production, independence, assertiveness, violence and wider public interaction.

The men are associated with public and public sphere. These feminine/masculine ideals are the basis of social practice and social relations in society. These are internalized, taken for granted and imbedded into culture, social structure and social organization of Pakistani society. Thus,

Politics becomes the public concern and male prerogative ignoring women, considering women out of concern and preventing their participation (Philips, 1998; Arneil, 1999; Rai, 2000;

Holmes, 2002; Bari, 2010).

1.5 Political Participation

Political participation is generally considered as political engagement or involvement of people in decision making. Riley et al. (2010) have described formal, organized activities with certain privileges and responsibilities as political participation. Political participation is also taken as involvement in traditional political activities and the extent to which citizen are exercising their rights to participate in political activities (Munroe, 2002; Diemer, 2012).

Political participation has exceedingly diverse forms i.e. joining a political party, casting vote, lobbying, attending meetings, signing petition, demonstration, showing concerns, musical gathering, recreation, cultural interaction, barricading a community, setting building on fire and shooting at policemen (Bourne, 2010). This wide range makes definition of political participation a complex enterprise and less universal. Political participation has been differentiated into conventional and unconventional activities. Participation in the conventional activities is membership of, voting to, lobbying for, campaigning for, attending meetings and contacting officials of a political party (Stole & Hooghe, 2009; Henn & Foard, 2012). The unconventional

20 political activities are further split into unofficial (non institutional) activities such as unofficial strikes, political demonstration, forwarding political email, extreme and unorthodox activities like barricading a community, shooting at policemen and alternative and informal activities for instance electronic dance music, recreation (Dalton, 2008; Bourne, 2010; Riley et al., 2010).

However, distinction between conventional and unconventional activities is criticized widely due to acceptance of unconventional activities like demonstration as popular for participation (Norris et al., 2005; Dalton, 2008; Gonzales, 2008; Linssen et al., 2014). Political participation for the current study covers engagement of women both in conventional and unconventional activities.

1.6 Research Objectives

a) To explore ways the feminine identity is used to restrict women to participate in

politics

b) To find out the process of negotiation of feminine identities

c) To find out the association of feminine identity with other political behaviors

d) To know the process of inclusion or exclusion of negotiated identities in Pakistani

politics

1.7 Significance

The study is expected to fill the gaps recognized in the fields mentioned below and in doing so makes four significant contributions.

Reviewing the literature, I did not come across any published empirical research on feminine identity in politics and masculine politics written particularly in Pakistani and South Asian context. Upon completion this study will address that gap in literature and contributed to the current academic scholarship in women political engagement. Second, this study extends the scholarship by looking at gender and politics in South Asian context. Plenty of literature is

21 available in West and based on western experiences, however the present study will discuss gender and politics in Pakistani/ South Asian framework. Third, the study makes important contribution to the scholarship on women and politics by examining rural women which was missing in literature. Forth, this study looks at voter’s participation as well as women political representatives and thus provides a nuanced insight.

1.8 Organization of the Study

The present study is articulated in various chapters grounded in different research questions and theoretical explanations. A brief account of the outline of the research is detailed in the successive section/subsections.

Chapter 2 offers a comprehensive account of review of the literature on academic scholarship in masculine political structure, feminine identity and women political participation.

The chapter is separated into two central sections. Section one looks at the empirical evidences from the contemporary scholarship on political participation, draws the evidences relevant to

Pakistani context and the degree of disagreement. Section two along with its subsequent subsections cover the discussion on women and politics in Pakistan and bring forward the details from Pakistan. Section three empowers the present research to formulate a comprehensive evidence based theoretical framework encompassing the current literature on young women in

Pakistan with the futuristic lenses.

Chapter 3 embarks the methodological process adopted for this research. This chapter explains the detailed steps taken to conduct this study. In this study mixed methods research approach was utilized to answer the research questions. In-depth interviews with women voters, political leaders and quantitative interviews were conducted with women voters of the selected population. Chapter explains research objectives, research questions, brief account of research

22 paradigms, and the rationale to adopt this research designs. It explains sampling, sources of data, data collection, data analysis and methods adopted. Every step taken was very well justified from the research scholarship. It also elucidates the issues of reliability, validity and generalization in qualitative framework.

Chapter 4 focuses on the construction of feminine identities in Pakistani political context.

Social constructionist understanding of gender remained the core underlying theoretical foundation of this chapter. Post structuralists’ feminist interpretations have been applied to analyze the qualitative data collected from the women voters through in-depth interviews. The chapter explains how dominant, hegemonic discourses of gender are producing subordinate, submissive feminine identities that willfully adhere to the masculine political connotations and results in the low political participation in Punjab, Pakistan. It also centers on the experiences of the women politicians in the larger political system of Punjab. The data comes from the in depth interviews with women politicians and parliamentarians. Social constructionism and post structuralists feminist understanding of gender was utilized to interpret the experiences narrated by the respondents including Dorothy E Smith and Raewyn Connell. The chapter explains the spaces available for women politicians in the masculine political system. It also discusses how moving between public and private spheres pressurize to negotiate their feminine identities to survive in the political system.

Chapter 5 spotlights the quantitative data analysis. This chapter includes descriptive statistics representing socio- economic and demographic information of the research respondents. The inferential statistics includes Correlational Analysis (CA), Confirmatory Factor

Analysis (CFA) and Structure Equation Model (SEM). This chapter signifies the causal

23 relationship between the femininity and the other variables to test the hypothesized strength and direction of the relationships.

Chapter 6 discusses the overall results yielded by both the qualitative and quantitative data analysis. This chapter also draws on the agreement and disagreement with the current academic scholarship on gender and politics. It also draws conclusion and suggest the further research in the area.

CHAPTER-2: REVIEW OF LITERATURE

2.1 Introduction

This chapter offers a comprehensive account of literature review on academic scholarship in masculine political structure, feminine identity and women political participation. The chapter has three sections. Section one looks at the empirical evidences from the contemporary research on political participation, draws the evidences relevant to Pakistani context and the degree of disagreement. Section two along with its subsequent subsections cover the discussion on women and politics in Pakistan and bring forward the details from Pakistan. Section three empowers the present research to formulate a comprehensive evidence based theoretical framework encompassing the current literature on young women in Pakistan with the futuristic lenses.

2.2 Empirical Evidences

2.2.1 Individual Resources/ Predispositions

It has been very well researched and documented area in the academic literature on political participation that certain individual factors are determining the political participation of citizen.

These factors/ individual resources are the money, time, and civic skills. Scholarship argues that people with more individual resources have fair range of opportunities to participate in political activities. They can afford to participate in politics. Much of the attention was paid to socio economic status (SES). The research studies conducted by Armingeon, Brady & Nie, Rosenstone

& Hansen, Schlozman, and Verba (See e.g. Verba & Nie, 1972; Verba, Nie and Kim, 1978;

Verba, Schlozman & Brady, 1995; Rosenstone & Hansen, 2003; Armingeon, 2007; Schlozman,

Brady & Verba, 2012; Henn & Ford, 2014) provided very influential insight and explanation regarding political participation. Wealth, education, age, marital status, religious affiliation and gender were considered as the driving socio economic forces motivating individuals to take part

25 in politics. The SES model drew its theoretical assumptions from stratification theories that talked about class and status differences in modern societies determining main political discourses.

Another stream of research consider political motivations, attitudes, political trust, political interest, political opinion, subjective political effectiveness and citizen duty as the predisposition to political participation (Norris, 2002; Pattie & Seyd, 2003; Rosenstone & Hansen, 2003;

Dalton, 2004; Armingeon, 2007; Dalton, 2008). These research studies argues that people with high motivation and trust feel that they are the part of the politics and can influence the policy outcomes in an effective and positive way. They take political participation as one of the important civic duty to perform.

Individual resources and predisposition to political participation have contributed immensely to comprehend the political participation as individualistic, time and geography bound phenomena

(for more details Vrablikova, 2007). This scholarship has very little to say about women political participation in general and situation of politics in developing counties like Pakistan in particular.

2.2.2 Social Capital/ Mobilization

A substantial amount of literature discuss social networking, membership in social groups and voluntary associations, recruitment by politicians and activists in social movements, mobilization by media and network associations (Verba et al., 1978; McAdam, 1986; McAdam, 1988;

Uhlaner, 1989; Knoke, 1990; Huckfeldt & Sprague, 1992; Verba et al., 1995; Leighley, 1996;

McAdam, McCarthy & Zald, 1996; Wielhouwer & Lockerbie, 1996; Abramson & Claggett,

2001; Mutz, 2002a; Mutz, 2002b, 2006; Norris, 2002; Diani & McAdam, 2003; McClurg, 2003,

2006a, 2006b; Rosenstone & Hansen, 2003; Teorell, 2003; Shussman & Soule, 2005). Social capital theory (Putnam, 2000) spearheaded this torrent of researches. This theoretical thread

26 assumes that social networks generate trust and reciprocity and can enhance participation in a group that can lead to greater political participation. However, a group of researchers take the group connections not as source of social capital/ political participation but as a means of social capital (e.g. Rosenstone & Hansen, 2003; Teorell, 2003; Norris, 2004).

Researches in this stream largely focus voting behaviour and narrate the experiences of modern/industrial states. Patriarchal social structure of Pakistani society does not allow women to form social networks/ voluntary association, except in some urban areas hence; women have fewer chances of social connections. However, middle class, educated, urban dweller and media aware youth, both male and female, are making social networks and associations and are quite visible at political and social media landscape.

2.2.3 Political Contexts

Macro explanations of the political participation have recently been the interest of research scholars. Comparative surveys conducted at international level played the major role in this regard. These surveys used large data and different statistical techniques to analyse different factors. World Value Survey (WVS), European Social Survey (ESS) and comparative study (CS) of different electoral systems are the few to mention. This research stream broadly includes the political institutions, electoral systems, political culture, political trust and socio economic development and analyse their direct and indirect effects and discusses electoral and non electoral political participation particularly in western democracies.

Kittilson & Anderson (2009) utilised cross national comparative study of electoral systems

(CSES) of 31 contemporary democracies and combined both micro and macro explanations of voters turn out by examining the confluence of individual level resources along with choices provided by party systems. Findings of the study suggested that citizens who feel that their votes

27 are effective enough are more likely to cast their votes if they live in a country where the political parties are presenting more differentiated policy profile conversely voters are less motivated where the political parties are ideologically distinct.

Dalton & Anderson (2011) conducted a multileveled, comparative electoral study and access the impact of institutions, context on voting behaviour of individuals. They used data set of comparative study of electoral systems (CSES) from 34 countries of the world. They argued that direct impact of context on the voting behaviour of individuals is modest however; institutions are indirectly linked to voting choices. Institutions provide a milieu which then causes changes in the individual level choices of voters. They took the choices between parties, clarity and differences between parties and institutionalization of the party system as the defining context for the present research study.

Empirical evidence on partisan de-alignment of voters, decreasing turn out, decrease in party membership and increasing electoral volatility came from a cross national study in 36 in developing and consolidated democracies. The authors used multilayered analysis of different data sets coming from individual level, party level and country level. The study asserted that political parties are changing with the changing political circumstances. Political parties are now important part of the political system and providing useful linkages between government, policies and citizens. Parties represent and mobilize voters as well as control the government

(Dalton, Farrell & McAllister, 2011).

Hutter & Braun (2013) in a multilevel study of 20 European countries explored the relationship between trust and representative political institutions and non representational protest behaviour.

Results of their study showed that distrust people are more likely to take part in petitions, public demonstration and boycotts. The study also revealed that culturally more open political system

28 allows more citizens to take part in protest politics. They also highlighted that cultural context factors are significantly related to protest politics but institutional index is not significantly related. They further found strongly negative micro level relationship between political trust and protest behaviour however, they emphasis the cultural justification of political context while making such analysis.

Vrablikova (2014) evaluated the influence of context on individual’s political participation in democratic countries. She applied statistical models on International Social Survey Program

(ISSP, 2004) to see the causality between institutional contexts with individual level predictors from 31560 individuals living in 24 countries with democracy as political system. She stated that non electoral political participation was higher in decentralised countries. The study concluded that social networks mobilize more citizens then political parties and political structure encourages political influential, campaigners, the media and social networks mobilize citizens to engage in non electoral political participation. The study concluded that external environment shape the possibilities of action among citizens. Individuals, social and political groups need open political opportunities to participate in politics.

Katsanidou & Eder (2015) argued that context is very much important when the confidence of the voters is accessed. The study used multilevel approach by using individual level data from

1999-2001 and 2008-2010 waves of European Values Study (EVS) and national data. The authors concluded that people with more trust in political institutions are more engaged in political activities like voting and party membership while people with low level of confidence tend to participate less in political activities. When people do not trust the institutions particularly in implementation, it will lower the level of trust. The voters may involve in the protest politics or it can results in political alienation.

A research study utilized data of Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) and explored dissatisfaction among voters translated in switching of political party or abstinence from political activities and the choices between the available options. The data were taken 34568 individuals.

Findings revealed that party switchers were dissatisfied with party but not frustrated with politics and rely on political system while politically frustrated voters left the politics. The study also found that numbers of political parties are playing very important role and they can become a major cause of party changing. Dissatisfied voters found it good option to switch over to another political party (Dassonneville, Blais & Dejaeghere, 2015).

Sanz (2015) analyzed the effects of electoral system on voters turn out in local elections in

Spain. Population size of municipalities in Spain determines the type of election. Study compared voters turn out of these elections conducted under different systems since 1977. The researcher founded that open list system increase voters turn out as compared to closed list system. Conducive factors for the increased turn out can also be the numbers of political parties in competition, rational choice calculations of voters, perceived fairness of electoral system and popular candidates in small parties.

Trust in the political system/government has also been explored by some of the researchers with special reference to voters turn out.

Whitely et al. (2016) examined trends in the public perception of trustworthiness and honesty of

British Governments during the years 2000 to 2013. They concluded that policy delivery, policy process and fair treatment of citizens enhance the trustworthiness and honesty of the government of the day even the government has taken some step/s that the citizen do not support. They further traced that if public consider the prime minister of the government as the honest they trust the government as honest. In a study of trust and youth political participation Henn & Ford

(2012) found that youth consider the political system as the closed one leaving less opportunities for their effective realization of plans. Youth do not trust in mainstream politicians and take them as self- serving group. The youth feel themselves as politically powerless. In a similar study it was found out that both educated and uneducated youth negatively rate the effectiveness of politicians and political parties and have little trust in political system (Henn & Ford, 2014).

Back & Christensen (2011) analyzed the data of European Social Survey from 2008 and included

25 democracies and 47489 respondents. They examined direct effect of political trust on participation, contextual effect on participation and interaction effect with the help of multilevel logistic regressions. The research concluded the significant contextual effects that moderate the impact of social trust on political participation in these 25 democratic countries. Whitely et al.

(2010) found a negative effect of aggregate social trust on individual voting by using multilevel analysis. Another study by Vrablikova & Deth (2016) showed the positive aggregated composite measure of social capital on voting behavior of individual.

Lundasen (2014) explored the trends of participation in politics in 33 different municipalities of

Sweden. The study argued that community organizations keep direct contact with its members and therefore, people use direct contact as the means of political participation. The study further highlighted that voluntary associations mobilize their members and provide them networking opportunities that promote a political culture that can enhance the political participation of the members. These findings were substantiated by the research conducted by Back et al. (2011),

Oberg & Svensson (2012) and Lundasen (2014a).

2.3 Gender Differences and Political Participation

Gender remained very visible in academic scholarship on political participation since

1950s. Gender differences in politics and its various activities were found to be very persistent

31 and notable in the western, industrialized and democratic countries (See e.g. Bennett & Bennett,

1992; Parry et al., 1992; Scholzman et al., 1995; Burns et al., 1997; Scholzman et al., 1999;

Norris, 2002; Burns, 2007; Gallego, 2007). However, conceptualization of political participation matters significantly. Political participation of women for instance, has improved significantly and gender gap is even reversing in the western, industrialized democracies including United

States and Great Britain as for as the voting is concerned (e.g. Uhlaner, 1989; Parry, Moyser and

Day, 1992; Verba et al. 1997; Currell, 2005; Burns, 2007; Coffe and Bolzendahl, 2010).

Nevertheless, gender gap persisted in political participation like strikes, demonstration,

Communication with politicians and joining of party; men are more likely to participate then women (Inglehart & Norris, 2003; Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2010; Marien et al., 2010). Gender gaps in the developing countries (African region) revealed the general trends as of the modern western democracies show. There was a little or no gap found as for as the institutional participation was concerned between men and women however substantial gaps were found in the non/less institutional political participation (Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2010).

Gender issues in political activities in 13 Islamic regimes was analyzed by using World Value

Survey (WVS) and using multilevel analysis found a significant gap in political participation.

Male were found more politically active as compared to female in these Muslim countries.

However, the researchers pointed out important cross national differences among Muslim countries that can influence the political participation of women in these nations (Coffe & Dilli,

2015). Women have lower access to socio economic resources like employment, education required to engage actively in the political activities. This popular explanation has been proved in both western developed and underdeveloped and majority Muslims countries (See Sapiro,

1983; Schlozman et al., 1994, 1999; Verba et al., 1997; Inglehart & Norris, 2003; Coffe &

Bolzendahl, 2010; Coffe & Dilli, 2015). Moreover, meager socio economic standing and widen gender inequality is making situation of political participation for women worst in these countries (Fish, 2002; Inglehart & Norris, 2003).

It has been also argued (e.g. Orloff, 1996; Goss, 2003; Lister, 2003) that over reliance of political participation literature on formal organizations and voting behavior may not measure political participation. However, men and women may be qualitatively different in certain types and patterns of political participation (Sarvasy & Siim, 1994; Bourque & Grossholtz, 1998; Young,

2004; Burnz, 2007). Scholars like Bourque & Grossholtz (1998), Lister (1998), Parry et al.

(1992), and Harrison & Munn (2007) are of the views that women participation in politics is not less but they participate differently. Dalton (2006) and Armingeon (2007) argued that factors held responsible for difference in one participation form cannot be explain gaps in other forms of political participation.

Hooghe & Stolle (2004) studied gender differences among 14 years old Americans. They did the secondary analysis 2811 eighth grade students. The research found that girls intended more political actions than boys. Girls were more inclined to social movement related political participation while boys were intending to engage in confrontational and radical activities. The research supported the previous findings that both women and men participate differently in activities and patterns. Further, women engagement in reproductive work at home put more pressures on them to be available for time extensive, expensive and highly skilled forms of political activities like campaigns, rallies etc. (Burns et al., 1997; Lister, 2003; Burns, 2007;

Paxton et al., 2007). Hence, women are more inclined to participate in less visible and formal ways of politics (Lovenduski, 1998; Risman, 1998; Lister, 2003).

Literature on gender differences in political participation has documented the influence of different attitudes. Inglehart & Norris (2003) found that motivation and interest in politics is an important indicator of political participation. Women are less politically informed, they do not take interest and feel less effective in the United States independent of other socio economic characteristics are important explanations of gender gaps in politics (Verba et al., 1997). Gender socialization both at childhood and adult level may be considered for this lower level of participation (Rapoport, 1991; Verba et al., 1997; Lovenduski, 2005; Burns, 2007). Women are socialized to gender roles that are submissive, passive, subordinate and more private oriented while men are socialized to adopt leadership, public, autonomous and self reliant roles (

Brownmiller, 1984; West & Zimmerman, 1987; Fox & Lawless, 2004). These socially learned experiences may result in lower level of political participation of women (Rapoport, 1981;

Atkeson & Rapoport, 2003). These learned attitudes at the childhood level continue and last during the life course of women and result in different political attitudes and subsequent political differences (Alwin et al., 1991; Hooghe & Stolle, 2004; Kenny & Fridkin, 2007).

2.3.1 Supply Side Explanation- Personal Factors

Researchers have identified different factors explaining the supply and demand of women particularly, their representation in politics. The argument stresses that certain factors enhance the supply pool of women to compete with men in politics while demand argument sees the factors pulling the women up from supply pool (see e.g. Randall, 1987; Norris, 1997; Paxton,

1997; Arceneaux, 2001; Inglehart & Norris, 2003; Paxton & Kunovich, 2003). Researchers of supply side argument acknowledge that individual attributes like inclination, motivation and information as well as resources like money, ability and academic background are prerequisite for political participation. They see gender socialization as major factor influencing women’s

34 political interest, ambition and political knowledge at individual level and social structures providing fewer opportunities like education and employment at larger level.

Discrepancy of politics related information and political interest has been very well researched area both in developing and developed countries. It has been convincingly found that men have more interest and liking for politics than women (Burns et. al., 2001; Chhibber, 2002; Franzer &

MacDonald, 2003). However, in racial and ethnic groups in USA, there is among males and females.. Gender gap was small in political knowledge and largest in political interest in black women than white and Latin women (Burns et al., 2001) and across all races in children and teenagers this gap disappeared or even reversed (Alozie et al., 2003).

Fox & Lawless (2004) in a research on political ambitions compared women and men of four professions in USA. They studied men and women from law, business, education and politics taking these professions as the suitably yielding future candidates for politics. They found that women don’t like to hold political office as compared to men who always wished for a political office. Women were taking them less qualified than men for political offices and found less encouragement to run for political office. Campbell & Wolbrecht (2006) argued that low ambition to run for political office may be due to less number of role models for women in the politics. Time as a resource remains less available with women to participate in political activities.

Women face paucity of necessary resources to participate in the politics. Due to their traditional gender and reproductive roles, women have to pay much of their time to perform the domestic chores. They have to take care of the household activities like cooking, cleaning, nursing of kids and old age at home. This range of activities consumes much of the time that may otherwise be invested in political activities (Corrin, 1992; Chhibber, 2002).

This research stream also considers education as one of the important factors leading financial and human capital required for political participation. The difference in level of education between male and female is a strong predictor of political participation of male and female

(Burns et al., 2001). However, overall difference in education at national level has a little evidence of differences in political participation (Kenworthy & Malami, 1999). Norrander &

Wilcox (2005) have found that professional education like law are important feeding units to state legislature and found more women from these professions. Oxley & Fox (2004) came up with similar findings in state executives.

Women in labor force are having more opportunities to learn/enhance skills, accumulate financial resources and develop social capital. These resources are directly related with political participation. Andersen (1975) and Schlozman et al. (1999) found that women during work at some profession learn many useful skills that help them understand the politics. They may also have the opportunities to discuss different issues pertaining to politics. However, a group of researchers do not find women employment effect/s. (Rule, 1987; Moore & Shackman, 1996;

Gray et al., 2006; Kunovich & Paxton, 2005). Arguably, women participation in labor force/ employment sector does not guarantee the economic control and empowerment and learning of necessary skills for political benefits (Blumberg, 1984; Chafetz, 1984; Staudt, 1986; Matland,

1998; karam, 1999; Kunovich & Paxton, 2005). Besides the formal labor force participation, women also get suitable skills from volunteering or social activism. Their participation in community development and other activities make them skillful and can push them to participate in the political activities. Experiences from developed and underdeveloped countries confirm that women engaged in grass root activism and women’s movement enhances their understanding and motivation (Fallon, 2003; Bauer & Britton, 2006; Longman, 2006).

2.3.2 Demand Side Explanation- Structural Factors

Demand side researchers talk about the larger structures influencing the individual aspirations and creating spaces for women. Different features of political system like electoral setup, women quota, political parties and political leaders can predict/guarantee the women inclusion/ exclusion in the broader system (Paxton, kunovich & Hughes, 2007).

Democracy is believed to be the inclusive, transparent and well defined system that can help women to get their power share. However, democracy and level of women representation is not coherent and proved. Numbers of cross national researchers have not found more women representation in the democratic system of politics (see e.g. Kenworthy & Malami, 1999;

Reynolds, 1999; Paxton et al., 2006). Paxton (1997) has discussed even less well representation of women in democracy. Howell (2002) and Matland & Montgomery (2003) have found that women can be placed into power even without the support of the masses. Researchers have conflicting arguments regarding the presence of women as representatives. Goetz & Hassim

(2003) do not consider the mere presence of women in the legislative without meaningful influence on policy decisions. However, the others see the women presence in the parliament as symbol of power and prestige. They see women visibility as quite meaningful both in democratic and nondemocratic countries (Paxton & kunovich, 2003).

Women representation and electoral system has been very well researched area with cross national evidences. Women managed to get more seats/ representation in proportional representation (PR) system of elections - a system where one vote for one party with a list of women electorates whereas in plurality majority system of election- one vote for one representative and candidate having majority votes wins, elected women are less in numbers (see e.g. Rule, 1981; Norris, 1985; Rule & Zimmerman, 1994; Paxton, 1997; Kenworthy & Malami,

1999; Reynolds, 1999; Arceneaux, 2001; McAllister & Studlar, 2002; Sanbonmatsu, 2002b;

Paxton et al., 2006). Political parties have more districts with large list of candidates and also feel pressurized to give a balanced list of candidates with good number of women in it to voters

(Rule, 1987; Welch & Studlar, 1990; King & Matland, 2003; Matland & Montgomery, 2003).

Scholars of gender quota research view gender quota yielding different consequences for women representation. Dahlerup & Friedenvall (2005) do not see the increase in women quota an effective way of increase in women representation. However, Dahlerup & Nordlund (2004) and

Paxton & Hughes (2007) found efforts of international community to implement the women quota in Iran and Afghanistan very effective in increasing number of women representation in these countries. Scholars focus on different features of national legislation on women quotas.

Jones (2004) saw the mandatory placement of women among top five candidates an effective way of women visibility. Sanctions for noncompliance for political parties yield the same results

(Dahlerup, 2006). But some scholars (Schmidt & Saunders, 2004; Jones, 2005) pointed to the contexts in which such quotas are implemented. They ascertain that same quota with different context of implementation may produce different results. Scholars explaining the adoption of women quotas consider role of international community very important when the male dominated legislature resist the adoption/implementation (See e.g. Dahlerup & Nordlund, 2004;

Krook, 2004; Paxton et al., 2006). Caul (2001) and Kittilson (2006) take women at top position in parties as facilitating factor in gender quota adoption. Dahlerup & Friedenvall (2005) are of the view that party and government leaders find it advantageous to adopt the gender quota.

Another group of researchers see competition within politics as a helping factor for adoption of quota (See for instance Matland & Studlar, 1996; Caul, 2001; Baldez, 2004; krook, 2004;

Kittilson, 2006).

Political parties play very vital role for anybody to become the part of the politics. For a political office support of the parties is very much important (See also Lovenduski, & Norris, 1993; Caul,

1999; Sanbonmatsu, 2002b; Kunovich, 2003; Kunovich & Paxton, 2005; Kittilson, 2006). Left leaning political parties aspires for egalitarian ideals and invites more women to join and share power positions (Rule, 1987; Matland, 1993; Caul, 1999; Kenworthy & Malami, 1999; Raynold,

1999; Hughes, 2004; Paxton Hughes, 2007). Women in top leadership are another significant factor facilitating women candidates in terms of their numbers in the party or to hold some important positions in the political party (see e.g. Caul, 1999, 2001; Tremblay & Pelletier, 2001;

Kittilson, 2006). Matland & Studlar (1996) found innovation by a party regarding women and it got electoral advantage the other parties may follow that innovation. There are evidences of separate women political parties in Japan, Russia and Greece but these parties may not necessarily result in the women’s political power (Moser, 2003).

2.3.3 Socio-Cultural Factors

Historically, cultural connotations /explanations regarding women and their roles proved substantial barriers to women political participation. Gendered stereotypes regarding women’s capacities and capabilities restricted women to opt the leadership roles in politics. Strict division of public and private sphere was the part of theory of politics (Okin, 1979; Coole, 1988;

Pateman, 1989). Feminist political theory in the twentieth century paved the way of incorporation of women’s concerns into the political theory (Mackinnon, 1989; Pateman, 1989;

Phillips, 1995; Williams, 1998; Squires, 1999). These explanations affect women political participation during the whole political process right from decision to take part in politics to party selection of candidates to voter’s choice to vote for a women candidate (Paxton, kunovich

& Hughes, 2007).

Experiences both from developed and underdeveloped countries proved the cultural barriers important than education and employment to restrict women from political participation (Bari,

2005; Lawless & Theriault, 2005). Nechemias (1987), Arceneaux (2001), McCammon et al.

(2001) and Oxley & Fox (2004) found that states with traditional political culture were having less women representatives whereas states with moralistic values have more women in legislative office in USA.

Religiously derived cultural beliefs are also an important source of women exclusion in social, cultural, economic and political spheres in many countries of the world (Paxton & Hughes,

2007). Research evidences has demonstrated that countries with larger protestant population support more women legislative than Catholics, orthodox Christians or Muslims countries (e.g.

Paxton, 1997; Kenworthy & Malami 1999; Paxton & Kunovich, 2003). Bari (2005) observed the same trend of religiously derived beliefs motivating voters not to vote for women candidates in

Pakistan.

2.4 International Influences

A good deal of research has been focusing the role of international actors, transnational factors and international treaties promoting women political agenda and influencing governments to adopt gender sensitive policies. They are helpful in fostering women’s engagement in political sphere (see Ramirez et al., 1997; keck & Sikkin, 1998; Staudt, 1998; Kenworthy & Malami

1999; True & Mintrom, 2001; Krooke, 2004; Grey et al., 2006; Paxton et al., 2006).

2.5 Political Participation of Women in Pakistan

Detailed discussion of general patterns and levels of political participation in developed and developing countries have clearly pointed out certain trends and trajectories. The discussion has also pointed important areas in the context of gender and political participation. The subsequent

40 section/s shall through the light on the Pakistani political system, patterns and levels of women political participation. The discussion here shall highlight the similarities/differences between international trends and Pakistani context.

2.5.1 Socio Cultural Landscape of Pakistan

According to Butler (1990) gender is a socially constructed binary and places “women” and

“men” into distinct social categories. This discursive construction assumes that certain bodies, behaviors, personality traits and desires are contrastingly different for both. The whole panorama of gender differences is translated through symbolic meanings and becomes basis of social practice in society. The socially constructed qualities of “maleness” and “femaleness” not only represent gender identities but also “a collective iteration in the form of culture, social structure and social organization” (Schippers, 2007, p, 87). Masculinity and femininity becomes cultural standard of conduct at all levels from the self to collective. These standards are taken for granted and unchallenging and hence, make gender differences institutionalized (Lorber, 2000; Martin,

2004). The dominant socially designed attributes a woman should possess in Pakistani society are childbearing and rearing, love and care for parents/husband, home making, submissiveness, passivity and dependence. The home/ private sphere become ideal, normative space for women to operate. And men are characterized with decision making, production, independence, assertiveness, violence and wider interaction. The men are associated with public and public sphere. These feminine/masculine ideals are the basis of social practice and social relations in society. These are internalized, taken for granted and imbedded into culture, social structure and social organization of Pakistani society. Thus, Politics becomes the public concern and male prerogative ignoring women, considering women out of concern and preventing their participation (Philips, 1998; Arneil, 1999; Rai, 2000; Holmes, 2002; Bari, 2010).

Pakistan represents the classical patriarchal society where men and women clearly belong to contrastingly different social worlds. Gender practically cuts across every aspect of social life and results in obvious gender inequality. Gender gaps in education, health, work and legal system are quite visible in Pakistani society. Women have lower literacy rate, school enrolment, life expectancy, access to basic health services, access to legal rights and labour force participation than men (Kazmi & Quran 2005; Sheikh, 2009; UNDP, 2013). Pakistan is ranked

147th out of 188 countries and territories with Human Development Index (HDI) value of 0.538 and 121st out of 155 countries in terms of Gender Inequality Index (GII) and women labour participation is 24.6 % as compared to 82.9 % male (UNDP, 2015). Bari & khattak (2001),

Ibrahim (2005) narrated the cultural patterns and social structure restricting women to become the part of the public sphere and exercise their legal rights. Women low participation in economic and social sphere results in their low social status and graved dependence on men

(Kazmi & Quran, 2005). Thus, patriarchal normative structure of Pakistani society excludes women from politics and results in low/less political participation (see also Isran & Isran, 2012).

2.5.2 Political Structure and Representational Political Participation

Pakistani political history has witnessed the active political participation/ representation of women e.g. Begum Shah Nawaz was politically very active women before partition. She participated in League of Nations held in Geneva in 1931 and 1935. She was very vocal for women’s quota in legislative assembly of united India and women inheritance right. Begum

Ra,aana Liaqat Ali was the first lady of Pakistan. She, throughout, her political career strived for the socio-economic uplift of women and founded All Pakistan Women Association (APWA). Ms

Fatima Jinnah, Begum Shaista Ikramullah, Begum Muhammad Ali Jouhar, Begum Salma

Tasadduq Hussain, Lady Sughra Hidayatullah, Geti Ara Bashir Ahmed, Begum Viqar un Nisa

Noon, Lady Nusrat Haroon, Begum Nawab Muhammad Ismail are prominent women of Pakistan movement.

Pakistani political structure has undergone many changes in the political systems right from its independence. In the first legislative assembly (August 10, 1947 – October 24, 1954) working under the headship of governor general, women representation was 3%. Out of total 30 seats in the first legislative assembly, women came by 2 seats under quota system (Awan, 2016). The second legislative assembly from May 02 to October 07, 1958 had total 80 seats and women were unable to get even a single seat. Women representation in this assembly remained zero.

During this political regime the political system of the Pakistan changed from governor general to presidential one. Mr. Iskandar Mirza the governor general became the president of Pakistan and the post of governor general of Pakistan was abolished. Military ruled for other 13 years from 1958 to 1971. Z. A. Bhutto was the president and chief martial law administrator. He switched over to prime minister of Pakistan under newly promulgated constitution of Pakistan

1973. Political structure experienced another military ruler General Zia ul Haq. He remained in power from 1978 to 1988.

Ms. Benazir Bhutto became the first women prime minister not only of the Pakistan but also the

Muslim world in 1988 and 3% quota of women since the first legislative assembly rose up to

10%. Women acquired 21 seats as the reserved and one woman managed to be elected representative during Benazir regime. Besides this 5% seats were also reserved for women in provincial assemblies. However, the constitutional condition of lapsed time, elected assemblies of 1990, 1993 and 1997 were without women on the reserved seats (NCSW, 2010). Women representation in the national assembly of 1990 was 0.9% (2 out of 217), 1.8% (4 out of 217) in

1993 and 2.8% (6 out of 217). These women were directly elected by the voters in their respective constituencies (PILDAT, 2004).

General Pervez Musharraf, a military ruler, took over the Nawaz Sharif’s political regime and introduced the devolution of power at district level through Local Government Ordinance (LGO) and enhanced the women quota to 33% at three levels of local government. He also raised the quota of women from 10 % to 17 % both in national and provincial assemblies. The resultantly, general election of 2002 witnessed the largest ever number of women in the assemblies (UNDP,

2005). In the 2002 elections overall 188 women became the part of the national assembly. Of which 101 were nominated by the political parties on the basis of position in the election while

39 women were elected through direct voting.

In the 2008 election 76 women made their ways to legislative assembly. Among them 16 were elected against general seats.

In the 2013 election, women secured 70 seats out of 342 in the national assembly (Lower house) constituting 20.5% while in the senate (Upper house) 17 women out of 100 seats made 17%.

Similarly, 108 women were contesting elections on 272 national assembly constituencies. A summary history of different constitutions and number of reserved seats for women is given below;

Table 2.1 Women Representation through Reserved Seats in the Parliamentary History

Years Reserved seats for women

1946 09 – federal assembly of India

1956 10- National and Provincial assembly (03%)

1962 06- National and 5 for each Provincial assembly 03% & 4%)

1970 13- National and same for Provincial assemblies (4%)

1973 10- National and 5% for provincial assemblies

1984 20- National and 5% for provincial assemblies (10%)

Due to lapsed reserved seats, there were not reserved seats for women in elections of

1988 1988, 1990, 1993 and 1997.

17 % seats reserved for women in all legislative bodies including National, provincial

assemblies and senate in elections 2002, 2008, 2013.

National Commission on the Status of Women (NCSW), 2014

There has been an increase in the quota for the representation of women and women very actively participated in the 2013 elections however, political parties preferred males over females while nominations were made. Political parties nominated 96.5% men and share of women was

3.5% (UNDP, 2007). Patriarchal structure of the Political parties still does not consider women appropriate for politics (Yusuf, 2013). Political parties used women representation for public gatherings, political meetings and during political campaigns however, they consider them idle vote bank (Zakar, 2014). Women wings of the political parties serve this purpose of representative function (Bano, 2009). This trend of political parties point out the important fact that they are not active/ serious in addressing women issues (Yusuf, 2013).

Repila (2013) credited Pakistan as distinct in the other Muslim countries and trendsetter with Ms

Benazir Bhutto was as the first Prime Minister and Dr. Fehmida Mirza as first speaker of the national assembly. Similarly, Samina Khalid Ghurki was appointed as minister for social welfare and special education, Sherry Rehman as minister for information and broadcasting, Dr. Firdous

Ashiq Awan as health minister, Hina Rabbani khar as minister for foreign affairs, Anusha

Rehman khan, leads ministry of information and technology and Saira Afzal Tarar is a state minister for national health services (Saeed, 2008; Ali, 2015). However, most of them belong to politically influential families with a very strong support of their men who are already in politics.

It is important to point out that in some cases the male members were unable to manage the qualifications imposed by the election commission so they brought forward the female members as substitute/ replacement candidates, just to continue the political legacy of that family/ party in that constituency/ area. Quota/ reserved seats paved way of entering into politics for selected women however their presence in the politics posed serious question of representation of majority of the women of Pakistan and the very effectiveness of quota system itself (True et. al.,

2014).

2.6 Challenges to Women Political Participation in Pakistan

Women make up of the half of the population of the Pakistan but for the 2013 election 37.6 million women were the registered voters versus 48.6 million men. This discrepancy in registration indicates 11 million unregistered women across Pakistan (FAFEN, 2013b; Yusuf,

2013). European Union Election Observation Mission (EU EOM) Pakistan further explained the gender gap in voter registration in Pakistan. The difference is larger in Federally Administrated

Tribal Area (FATA) where women comprise 34.3% of registered voters; while women constitute

46.0% of total voters registered in Islamabad. Percentage of women as voters in Baluchistan is

42.6%, in Khyber Pukhtunkhwa (KP) 42.9%, In Sindh 44.7% and In Punjab 43.8% (EU EOM,

2013). National Commission on the Status of Women (NCSW) blamed state institutions, political parties, patriarchal and customary values for low registration of women as voters. It further added that the belief that politics is male area to operate is providing a strong support

(NCSW, 2014).

Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) first time collected gender wise data of voters turn out in the election 2013. However, Free and Fair Election Network’s (FAFEN) assessment of selected constituencies observed that presiding officers were filling the concerned forms pertaining to women voters and feared that ECP will not be able to count the women voters turn out accurately (FAFEN, 2013). Similar findings were also shared by European Union Election

Observation Mission (EU EOM) during the election 2013. EU EOM (2013) also suggested that certain factors like distance of polling station from place of residence, inadequate toileting facilities at polling stations, lack of separate polling booths for men and women and rigid gender segregation can contribute to low women voters turn out.

Low turnout of the women voters also corresponds to lower participation of women in other political affairs like election to public office. Only 25 women managed to win seats as general candidates. Women are generally absent from senior leadership positions. They are not visible in high profile government portfolios (Democratic International, 2008). The report added that chronically flawed voter rolls, corrupt political culture and little faith in political parties are important factors of low turnout.

2.6.1 Socio Cultural Barricades

Gender cuts across the social, cultural, economic and political spheres in Pakistani society.

Gender ideology paved the basis for uneven relationship between men and women. Male

47 dominance and female subordination is the normative stance prevalent in Pakistani society.

Women are still considered inferior by the male counterpart and there are frequent incidences of violence against women in Pakistani society (Ibrahim, 2012). Home and homely activities are the major responsibility of women while politics is male prerogative and generally they are discouraged to take part in politics and are not liked in political roles (True et. al., 2014). Women are subject to exclusion and face seclusion due to patriarchal societal norms of Pakistani society which barred them from (political) empowerment (Isran & Isran, 2013). Bano (2009) challenges the increase in women representation through reserved seat and term it against the spirit and commitment towards women political empowerment. She adds if political participation is not changing women status then it is not truly indigenous representation. She also pointed out important fact the still it is believed that home is ideal place for women and male are most suitable for politics.

Women have very weak position in the Pakistani society and have very little/no say in economic and political affairs. Their gender/ sex roles place them at the subordinate position. They have very little knowledge of politics, political parties and political affairs of the country (UNDP,

2005; Naz, 2011; Khan, 2011). Shaheed et.al. (2009) declared socio-cultural and economic barriers as the key factors that restrict women political participation. A research study conducted in KP concluded that sex segregation, illiteracy, and lack of political awareness are the key factors of women’s low political participation in Pakistan (Naz, & Waqar, 2012). They also pointed out that socio- cultural values are placing women at inferior level. Economic resources and established networks play very important role in politics. Women generally lack economic resources and are have political networks which proved hindrance in their way to politics (True et. al. ,2014). Latif et.al. (2015) in a qualitative study pointed out that economic dependence of

48 women, male chauvinism, restricted mobility, family responsibilities and physical weakness of women to endure pressures in politics are the important factors of women low political participation. The research study highlighted that respondents from low socio-economic profile were not in the favour of women to participate in politics however, upper and middle class respondents were in support of women political participation.

2.6.2 Religious Interpretation

Pakistan is an Islamic republic and ideally laws of land should be adherent to Islamic ideology and its true spirits. Many socio- cultural practices do not comprehend the Islamic lines but they are widely practiced in the name of Islam (UN, 2011). Cultural patterns do not permit women to benefit from the rights given by state and protected by religion (Bhattacharya, 2014). Ibrahim

(2012) stated this fact as although Pakistan is Islamic state but for women rights it drives its orientations from prevalent socio – cultural norms. Thus socio cultural norms/ practices enveloped religion.

Women are generally restricted to take part in politics and exercise their political rights. Many religious political leaders and parties are against the women political participation and it is very difficult to counter those in Pakistani society (Zia, 2013). In the general election 2013 in Dir

(Lower) Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), Awami National Party (ANP) and Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) candidates signed a contract of not allowing the women to cast their votes (Sherazi, 2013). Zia

(2009) told that Mutahida Majlis-e- Amal (MMA) opposed the women as head of state, prevented them from contesting elections and even to cast their votes. Jabeen & Zafar (2009) and

Shaheed et. al (2009) highlighted many factors responsible for women political marginalization including religion. In a qualitative research study the researchers found that the religious orientation is one of the important factors of women low political participation (Latif et.al.,

2015). Ali et. al. (2010) also concluded in their research study that misinterpretation of religion is one of the major factors limiting women engagement in politics in Pakistan.

2.6.3 Masculine Political Structure

Pakistani political system exemplify over representation in all segments of politics. Men hold important positions in political parties, government offices and other important offices. This hegemonic occupation of public sphere leaves miser spaces for women participation in politics.

Pakistan Peoples Party’s (PPP) central executive committee (CEC) has only one female member,

Ms Faryal Talpur, sister of co chairman Mr. Asif Ali zardari. There is not a single women member in the 26 member executive committee of Pakistan Muslim League, Nawaz (PLMN).

Begum Tehmina Doultana is amongst the six vice presidents. She belongs to politically influential family. NCSW (2014) stated that political parties are exploiting the women on the reserved seats. The women do not know their constituencies and have less interaction with voters. Party leaders do not share important information with women members. They do not consult or take their advice. Women with strong position in the party can be consulted on limited issues. It was highlighted that women parliamentarians are considered inferior as compared to their male counterpart. Male party leaders utilize the funds allocated to women. They do not posses say or adequate presence in the parliament.

Election commission of Pakistan is the constitutional body designated for free and fair elections in Pakistan has two female members. One is joint secretary and other is librarian in head office.

Regional office Baluchistan has one election officer. Khyber Pukhtunkhawa has one assistant director. Sindh has couple of assistant election commissioners while there is no female officer in

Punjab (see NCSW, 2014).

Women under representation have become a norm in Pakistani politics. Out of total 54 standing committees of national assembly only 7 are headed by women. Only 5 women are parliamentary secretary out of 26 in deferral government. Punjab has 3/38, Sindh has 3/30, Khyber

Pukhtunkhawa has 3/32 and Baluchistan does not have any women parliamentary secretary

(NCSW, 2014).

2.7 Theoretical Framework

Theoretical framework provides broader guidelines for analysis and interpretation of the collected data. The study took its analytical inspirations from Dorothy E. Smith (1990), R. W.

Connell (1993) and Perrier Bourdieu (1977). The underlying/background argument that the study build on is the social constructionist understanding of the gender as social construction hence negotiated (Butler, 1990; Connell, 1993; Francis, 2006). According to Butler (1990) gender is a socially constructed binary and places “women” and “men” into distinct social categories. This discursive construction assumes that certain bodies, behaviors, personality traits and desires are contrastingly different for both. The whole panorama of gender differences is translated through symbolic meanings and becomes basis of social practice in society. The socially constructed qualities of “maleness” and “femaleness” not only represent gender identities but also “a collective iteration in the form of culture, social structure and social organization” (Schippers,

2007, p, 87). Masculinity and femininity becomes cultural standard of conduct at all levels from the self to collective. These standards are taken for granted and unchallenging and hence, make gender differences institutionalized (Lorber, 2000; Martin, 2004).

I used the concept of ruling text while discussing masculine/patriarchal political structure of

Pakistani society and bifurcation of consciousness when narrating women politician and their experiences to match up the demands of public and private spheres of their daily lives as used by

Dorothy Smith. Texts in feminist research refer to any message (written, verbal, pictorial). I used the texts in this research in its verbal discourses circulated in the larger society, which is authenticated with the help of different kinds of knowledge, such as religious, scientific and media. Feminists discussing the power of texts argue that texts are different in their meanings and interpretations. Some texts become more powerful while other powerless. Thus, powerful texts by Dorothy Smith are termed as ruling texts.

R.W. Connell’s theoretical underpinnings of subordinate femininity were utilized while narrating socially created barrier in the way of women political participation. Perrier Bourdieu’s conceptualization of habitus and field has been utilized while talking about negotiated femininities and their inclusion in the larger political structure.

Pakistani political system represents classical patriarchal/ masculine course in its roots. Over representation of male in all the tiers of politics, from political parties to public offices is obvious reality in Pakistan. They have ordered the political structure according to their own stances and devised the rules accordingly. Theoretically women are and can become the part of the larger political structure but practically their share in the political system is negligible and male dependent/ driven. These ruling texts of Pakistani politics exclude women voices and experiences from its procedures and practices. And if they are the part of the politics, they have to adhere the rules of the game and ruling texts of politics. The experiences of the women politicians very precisely point to the conflicting demands of public and private worlds what

Smith called bifurcation of consciousness. Thus, Smith’s description of ruling texts and bifurcation of conscious provide very comprehensive ground for debate of political structure and women’s space/representation in political sphere.

As I argued in the introduction that women are underrepresented in the Pakistani political system on the ground of biological differences and socially constructed rigid standards of their feminine identity. It is believed that women are biologically best suited for the home and homely activities. Their capabilities and capacities are not compatible with the demands of the public sphere. Popular interpretation of hegemonic masculinity by Connell (1987; 1995) very lucidly describes the political structure of Pakistani politics which structures its terms and conditions on the popular discourses of maleness and discriminate femaleness. The overall appreciation of masculine traits by political structure and its approval as prerequisite for the Pakistani political sphere helps to analysis of data.

Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of social action states that social world with its structural constraints forms “permanent dispositions” representing different schemes of perception which are generic and often based upon conventional categories like male/female or young/old. These internalized dispositions regulate individual behavior and decisions are called as habitus (Bourdieu, 1977).

Masculine notions/ patriarchal design of Pakistani politics has become “habitus” of Pakistani women, making them alienated, apathetic and indifferent politically at one instance and

“masculine doxa” of Pakistani politics at other leaving women less engaged in political activities.

Bourdieu saw practice centered on inherent disposition in habitus (Parkin, 1997). However, individual has the capacity for invention and improvisation (Bourdieu, 1990). Thus, “habitus” is dynamic that can be changed under certain circumstances (Navarro, 2006). Arguably, women are carefully accumulating and resourcing their different capitals and flexible character of “habitus” is allowing them negotiating feminine identities within predispositions and constraints. Theses negotiated identities have the capacity to become the part of the Pakistani political structure.

Thus, in feminist point of view, give them opportunity to develop their agency (Smith, 1990) and

53 be the engine force for the emancipation of women from the taken for granted belief about women and politics.

CHAPTER- 3: MATERIALS AND METHODS

3.1 Introduction

This chapter describes methodological framework adopted for the present study. The study draws on mixed methods research (MMR) approach to comprehend the phenomena under discussion. The study focuses on interviews with women registered voters and women parliamentarians from Punjab Provincial Assembly. The central assumption of this study was to explore how the feminine identities of women are used to undermine women capacities, create social barriers and restrict their political participation. Sections below explain in detail the methods adopted for this study.

3.2 Mixed Methods Research Design

Integration of different methodological techniques for in depth understanding, innovative use and comprehensive answers to the research questions is increasing in social sciences (Teddlie &

Tashakkori, 2003; Creswell & Plano Clark, 2007; Teddlie & Yu, 2007; Fielding & Cisneros –

Peubla, 2009). Creswell and Plano Clark (2007) take MMR as a research design having theoretical suppositions. It can be used as methodology and methods. As methodology, with its philosophical assumptions, it guides the collection, analysis and mixture of qualitative and quantitative approaches in many phases of the research process. As method, it involves collection, analysis and mixing of qualitative and quantitative data in one or many studies. It centered on the presupposition that combination of both qualitative and quantitative approaches produces better understanding than either approach. The present research with its research objectives qualifies for the use of mixed methods research. The detail accounts of the qualitative and quantitative research procedures are given below.

3.2.1 Qualitative Research Approach

Description of the femininity and its scope in the larger political structure calls for the in-depth analysis of the experiences of women rather than mere numeric narration. Similarly, intention was to provide a holistic view of social phenomena (Hatch, 2002; Marshal & Rossman, 2006), focus on participants’ perspectives, their meanings and their subjective views (Hatch, 2002) and framing of human behavior and belief within a social-political/historical context or through a cultural lens (LeCompte & Schensul, 1999). Thus, in-depth and rich data remains the focus of this part of the study rather using broader research methods associated with positivist approach offering less in–depth information (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Denzin & Lincoln, 1994; Padgett,

1998).

Current study explores the feminine identities in Pakistani politics - a patriarchal system missing out the women voices and the structural barriers in the ways of political participation, either conventional or non conventional. It calls for women’s lived experiences as voters and as representatives. The second assumption of study calls for the exploration of the process of negotiation of identities to fulfill the demands of the political structure. And finally to know whether the negotiated feminine identities are included in the larger political system or not. The assumptions of the study convincingly justify application of qualitative research approach and procedures to comprehend the in-depth understanding of experiences of women in Pakistani society. The study also engages feminist debate of social construction of gender, dichotomous public private relationships, bifurcation of consciousness and negotiated feminine identities in the larger political structure of Pakistan and hence, also strive for social change and advancing the women agenda.

3.2.2 An Over View of the Qualitative Research Approach

In depth interviews were conducted with women who were the registered voters, casted their votes at least once during the general or local government elections and were the residents of

Bhowana city District Chiniot. Women were asked about their socio economic and demographic information, their political experiences being women, the interpretations of their feminine identities, connectedness of their feminine identities with larger politics, negotiation of their identities to be the part of politics, their perceptions of incorporation of negotiated identities and their capacity to fulfill the requirement of masculine political structure of Pakistan. Several themes emerged and were documented. Every theme was assessed thoroughly and relationship of a theme with other was also noted down.

3.2.3 Selection of the Respondents

A purposive sampling procedure was used in the selection of research respondents. Twenty (20) women were selected for this part of the study, each of whom was the permanent resident of the study area, was a registered voter and had casted vote either in general 2013 or in local government election 2016. The research envisaged the deep understanding of the phenomena; the respondents were recruited with the aim of achieving diversity with regard to socio economic and demographic profile like age, education, economic status, marital status and engagement in community activities.

All the respondents were informed about the purpose of this study and were also asked that the personal identity like name and contact number were not taken and rest of the information would only be used for academic/ research purposes only. And at any stage during interview if respondent would feel to leave she can leave the interview. All the women who were contacted were agreed to participate in the study.

3.2.4 Description of the Research Respondents

The 20 women participated in the study and their ages were from 24 – 56 years. All of the respondents were married and had at least one child. At the time of the interview 18 women were living in joint family while 2 were living in a nuclear family arrangement. All of the respondents were house wives and were not engaged in any income generating activity. All of the respondents were living in their own owned house. All of the respondents were married within their caste groups. All of them belonged to lower and middle class with monthly household income ranged Rs. 15000- 25000. The five respondents were educated to primary level, 3 were matriculate while 12 were illiterate. All of the respondents were quite familiar with vote casting process and had casted their votes in the last election and two of the respondents had town committee members on women seats. All of the respondents knew the local politicians and name of the winning candidate.

For the current study eight political representatives from different political parties were also recruited. The political representatives’ ages ranged from 32- 62 years. Political affiliation of the representative was; 3 from PMLN, 3 from PTI, one from PPP and one independent member.

Four political representatives were from political family back ground. One of the representatives was experiencing the first term of the assembly. Four of the political representatives were selected through women quota in the provincial assembly, two were the directly elected and two were the political leader of the mid level. All of the representatives were married and were having children. All of the six belonged to upper class however two members were from middle class family background. All of the respondents were educated up to graduation level. Three of the respondents had more than 30 years of political work and political affiliation.

3.2.5 Pre Interviews

A pre interview was conducted with each research participant to get familiar with research, questions and sign the consent form. A key informant was accompanying me while I was briefing about the research and the questions to be asked. All of the respondents were familiar with my family and knew me and were agree to give me time to have an interview with them. All of the respondents did not object notes taking and recording of interviews. During this time the tentative time of interview and day was negotiated.

For interviews with political representatives, the key informant facilitated the meetings and agreed upon time. I briefed the political representatives about the research and questions to be asked. They were agree to talk however, two political representatives were little skeptical about the recording of the interview. All of them do not find it objectionable to take notes during interviews. The tentative date and time was scheduled with their consent. The time was rescheduled with three respondents due to their political engagements.

3.2.6 The Interview Process

All interviews took place in the respondents’ home. Key informant took me to every respondent’s home and after a little chat left me with respondent. The interview took place in the courtyard and during interviews with two respondents there was interruptions like one woman came to see the respondent while the other respondent had a phone call.

Interviews with political representatives took place at the place decided by them. Six interviews were held at their political offices while two at home. Although it was requested to avoid the interruption during the interviews however, during three interviews there were some of the interruptions. One respondent has to take important call while some guests jumped into the office however, it was managed after a little while.

Each interview began with demographic information such as age, education, number of children, husband’s education and employment. The questions which followed were open ended and gave them liberty to discuss their experiences and narration of feminine characteristics, identity, private/ public femininity, ideal characteristics for politics, process of negotiation, threats to femininity and masculinity in the politics. A series of probes were used to make the understanding of women experiences more clear and comprehensive.

The interviews ranged forty minutes to one an half hours in length. Each interview was supported by notes detailing substance and procedure. Themes and my personal point of views were also noted down. The taps were transcribed. Each respondent was given a code to protect the identities of the respondents.

3.2.7 Qualitative Data Analysis

Along the notes I reviewed each interview and its detail many times. Themes, arrangements and discourses were noted down. Analogous themes and discourses were grouped and given a unique code. Conceptual framework of the research also served as the source of code titles. Subthemes and relationship between them were found and summed up. Exclusive, different or incongruent information was also recorded.

3.3 Quantitative Research Approach

Gender differences in politics was found to be very persistent and notable in the western, industrialized and democratic countries by utilizing large data sets and by applying positivistic approach ( see e.g. Bennett & Bennett, 1992; Parry et al., 1992; Scholzman et al., 1995; Burns et al., 1997; Verba et al., 1997; Scholzman et al., 1999; Fish, 2002; Norris, 2002; Inglehart &

Norris, 2003; Burns, 2007; Gallego, 2007; Paxton et al., 2007; Dalton, 2008; Coffe &

Bolzendahl, 2010; Coffe & Dilli, 2015).

In order to find out the relationship between different variables, quantitative research approach was also employed. Following the quantitative research approach, the study employed cross sectional survey research method. A self administrated interview schedule was developed and interviews were conducted with the selected respondents. Following sections explain the procedures adopted.

3.3.1 Study Settings

The study was conducted in two selected districts of the Punjab Province i.e. District Jhang and

District Rawalpindi.

3.3.2 Study Population

Women who were the registered voters constituted the study population for the present research.

The study intended to find out the relationship of feminine identity with other factors affecting the political participation of women, so women voters were appropriate sample pointing out the factors relating to their political participation in the research area.

3.3.3 Estimation of the Sample Size

Calculation of the sample size for the present study was made through Yamane (1967) formula designed for known population. In social science research this formula is widely used for the calculation of the sample size. The numeric narration of the formula is given below. N

n = 1 N(e)2

61 n = Sample size

N = Population size e = Sampling error

Sampling error (e) indicates the range of the true value of the population estimation. The range is often denoted in percentage points (i.e. ± 5%). In this study 0.05 sampling error was used for the calculation of the sample. A sample size of 400 respondents was calculated as per values of the formula. The population size was 211867 women registered voters. Keeping in view the low trends of women participation in the politics, the estimated sample size was enhanced to 488 women registered voters. This addition in the estimated sample counted to 22%.

3.3.4 Sampling Frame

Tehsil 18 Hazari comprises of 9 Union councils while Tehsil Gujar khan have 22 union councils.

Women voters’ lists maintained at union councils level served as the sampling frame for this study.

3.3.5 Sampling Procedure

Sampling procedure elaborates all the steps and measures took during the process of sampling.

The detail of the steps/measures taken is given below.

3.3.5.1 Selection of Union Councils (UCs)

There are 9 UCs of Tehsil 18 Hazari and 22 UCs of Tehsil Gujar Khan. To conduct interviews with all the women voters was not possible due to limited time and resources particularly the financial resources. The current study was a self financed. Therefore, 2 UCs from Tehsil 18

Hazari and 4 UCs from Tehsil Gujar Khan were selected randomly in the first stage. Then three

62 villages from selected UCs of Tehsil 18 Hazari and 6 villages from the selected UCs of the

Tehsil Gujar Khan were selected randomly in the second stage.

3.3.5.2 Allocation of Sample to Selected Villages

Allocation of sample to the selected villages was based on the proportion of women registered voters living in the villages. Some of the villages were having more numbers of women voters while the other less. Selected villages were allocated sample proportionality. Formula is given as;

Ni ni= n( ) N

Where: ni= Sample size for each village n = Total sample size, Ni = Numbers of women voters in each village, N = Total women voters in all selected villages.

Table No.3.1 Proportional Allocation of the Sample

Selected Villages Proportionate Allocation Sampling Units Wasu 356/ 6694×488 26 Syed Abad 143/6694×488 10 Moza Taror 590/6694×488 43 Gungrilla 899/6694× 488 66 Gulyana 1151/6694×488 84 Bhadana 1027/6694×488 75 Matwa 917/6694×488 67 Mera Shams 858/6694×488 63 Chekri Kalyal 753/6694×488 54 Total Sample 488

3.3.5.3 Exclusion Criteria for the Respondents

The present research followed set criteria to select the respondents for this study. The study excluded all those women who were qualifying the following criterion/criteria

a. Women without identity cards

b. Women who were not registered voters

c. Women who were registered voters but never casted vote

Those women were not considered/ taken as sample unit who qualified for one or more than one criterion mentioned above.

3.4 Data Collection Process

The study followed list of the women voters registered in the sampled village and selected the sampling units randomly. The researcher laid down the criteria that if the sampled unit was not available or she met the one or more than one criterion mentioned above shall be excluded and the next sampled unit would be interviewed. It was further decided that if someone from sample is not be willing or leave the interview incomplete the researcher would go to the next sampled unit. The interviews were conducted at women place after the consent of the respondents or the house hold head. The interview took 20 to 30 minutes. The research team first introduced them and the purpose of the study before starting the formal interview. Every respondent was ensured the confidentiality of the information collected and research utilization of the information collected.

3.5 Response Rate

Response rate for the present study remained 85%. The complete interviews with respondents were 414. And it was not possible to get data from 74 respondents due to meeting of above

64 mentioned criteria, unavailability, non permission or unwilling respondents. Non response rate was 15.17%.

3.6 Research Teams

Sample of the study required the research to form a team to conduct interviews with the women.

Two teams of enumerators were formed for two sampled areas. For collection of data from

District Jhang, the research team comprised of two local females teachers of government school having master qualification and a local male having M. Phil qualification. The team members were quite aware of the process of data collection as all of them had completed their research projects during their studies. For District Rawalpindi a team of two females and one male member was selected from a local Community Based Organization (CBO), Al Noor Welfare

Society. The CBO is running its skills centers in the sampled UCs. The team members had master qualification and were local residents of the area. They had very good interaction with the local communities. The teams worked on voluntary basis however, they were paid the cost of their transportation and refreshment. Their contribution in this research has also acknowledged in the acknowledgement.

Both the teams were briefed about the research intent, objectives and methodology in the orientation sessions. The interview schedule was elaborated to the teams and discussed each question in detail. Research ethics were briefed to the research teams in detail. The data collection plan was also discussed and finalized during the orientation sessions.

3.7 Data Entry

Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) is very widely used amongst various computer applications for data analysis software in social sciences. SPSS allows the data presentation in both tabular and graphical manners. It also facilitates the data analysis at three level; uni-variate,

65 bi-variate and multi-variate. The study used SPSS 21 for data entry and analysis. First part of the instrument contained variables having single item like age, education and employment. The second part of the instrument was the scales containing multiple items. Coding scheme was developed for each variable and numeric values were also given to these variables. The data entry process took 35 days. For the accuracy of the entered data, 56 interview schedules were randomly picked and cross checked the information with the data entered in SPSS sheet. There was no single missing information found. The information given by the respondents was very precisely reflected in the SPSS sheet.

3.8 Research Tool

Interview schedule was used for the face to face interviews with the respondents. Interview schedule was developed (Appendix- I) in English. Interview schedule was then translated into

Urdu language because of low literacy rate of women in general in Pakistan and particular in the rural areas of the Punjab. The scales used for this study were adapted and modified to meet the socio cultural conditions of the study area. The details of the scales are given in the following section. The research tool consisted of three sections. First section explored the demographic and personal profile of the respondents. The second section measured the independent variable and the final part of the study investigated the dependent variables. Detail description is as follow;

3.8.1 Socio- economic and Demographic Profile

The research enumerated the socio economic and demographic information of the respondents participating in the study. The respondents were asked the questions regarding age, education, marital status, employment status, education and employment status of mother and father, family income, area of residence, registration as voter, casting of vote and party affiliation. Description of the scales along with Cronbach’s alpha value is discussed as under.

3.8.2 Feminine Ideology/Identity Scale

Feminine Ideology Scale (FIS) was developed by Lehman (2000). The scale is designated to access the degree to which respondents endorse the traditional femininity ideology. This scale measures the beliefs about how women should act or behave. The measure originally contains 45 normative statements on which the respondents indicate their degree of agreement or disagreement on five point Likert scale. The score1shows strong disagreement while 5 points to strong agreement. However, for present study the FIS was modified according the socio cultural stances of the study area. Three factors comprising 09 normative statements using 4 point Likert scale where score 1indicate strong disagreement and 4 shows strong agreement were derived.

These three factors were emotionality with the Cronbach’s alpha 0.763, purity with Cronbach’s alpha 0. 718 and stereotypical image with Cronbach’s alpha 0.735 see details (Table 5.3.1). The scale was reliable and justifies its use for the present study.

3.8.3 Gender Role Scale

The gender role scale was constructed for this study to measure the traditional gender performance in the Pakistani society. The scale has 09 normative statements regarding roles of women performed. The scale is 4 point Likert scale where the respondents were showing their degree of disagreement to degree of agreement. The score 1 points out strong disagreement while

4 shows strong agreement. The Cronbach’s alpha of this scale was 0.813 which shows high level of reliability to use this scale in Pakistani context.

3.8.4 Political Efficacy Scale

Political efficacy of the women respondents were measured through the scale developed by

Niemi & Craig (1991). The scale has been adapted for the current study. The scale has 5 normative statements regarding beliefs about the perceived effectiveness of women. The scale is

4 point Likert scale where the respondents were showing their degree of disagreement to degree of agreement. The score 1 points out strong disagreement while 4 shows strong agreement. The value of Cronbach’s alpha was 0.767. Although the value of the reliability test was not very high but keeping in view the socio political conditions of the Pakistan this scale justifies its application in Pakistani context of politics.

3.8.5 Political Participation Scale

Political participation of the respondents was measured by the scale developed for this study.

Van Deth (2001) comprehensively discussed the political participation. The scale covered both the conventional and non conventional political participation. The scale has 4 normative statements regarding the involvement of respondents in the political activities. The scale is 4 point Likert scale where the respondents were showing their degree of disagreement to degree of agreement. The score 1 points out strong disagreement while 4 shows strong agreement. The

Cronbach’s alpha for this scale was 0.796 which shows the high level of reliability to use this scale.

3.8.6 Political Interest Scale

Political interest of the respondents was measured by the scale developed for this study. The scale has 5 normative statements regarding the interest of respondents in the politics. The scale is

4 point Likert scale where the respondents were showing their degree of disagreement to degree of agreement. The score 1 points out strong disagreement while 4 shows strong agreement. The

Cronbach’s alpha for this scale was 0.802 which shows the high level of reliability.

3.8.7 Political Socialization Scale

Political socialization scale was developed for this study to measure the political training of the women in the Pakistani society. The scale has 4 normative statements regarding socialization of

68 women regarding politics. The scale is 4 point Likert scale where the respondents were showing their degree of disagreement to degree of agreement. The score 1 points out strong disagreement while 4 shows strong agreement. The Cronbach’s alpha for this scale was 0.817 which shows high level of reliability to use this scale in Pakistani context.

3.8.8 Patriarchal Political Culture Scale

Patriarchal political culture scale was developed for this study to measure the masculine political culture in the Pakistani society. The scale has 10 normative statements regarding suitability of males for politics. The scale is 4 point Likert scale where the respondents were showing their degree of disagreement to degree of agreement. The score 1 points out strong disagreement while

4 shows strong agreement. The Cronbach’s alpha for this scale was 0.828 which shows high level of reliability and authenticates its use for the present study.

3.8.9 Political Trust Scale

Political Trust Scale (PTS) was developed by Ben Seyd (2016). The scale is designated to access the degree of trust of respondents pertaining to politicians. The measure originally contains 10 normative statements on which the respondents indicate their degree of agreement or disagreement on five point Likert scale. The score1shows strong disagreement while 5 strong agreement. However, for present study the PTS was modified according the political realities of

Pakistan. Three factors comprising 09 normative statements using 4 point Likert scale where score 1indicate strong disagreement and 4 shows strong agreement were derived. These three factors were the performance of politicians with the Cronbach’s alpha 0.776, ability of politicians with Cronbach’s alpha 0.763, and conduct of politicians with Cronbach’s alpha 0.778.

The values of the reliability test justify its application in Pakistani context of politics.

3.9 Ethical Consideration

The research took very care of ethical issues. The research tool was shared with experts of gender, politics and practitioners for their insight regarding the ethical issues. They were very satisfied with the language used and information asked from the respondents and did not find anything causing safety and security concerns to the respondents. The adapted scales were modified to make them applicable in Pakistani socio cultural context. Informed consent was also taken before the start of the interview. The respondents were also having the liberty to quit the interview at anytime if they wish so. Ethical Review Board does not exist in the Government

College University, Faisalabad however; respondents’ right has been protected by adopting the standardized ethical considerations established in social sciences through the thorough consultation with research supervisor and supervisory committee.

3.10 Data Analysis Plan

The data analysis consisted of three phases. The first phase consists of descriptive analysis, second phase comprised of bivariate analysis, third and the final phase included the modeling of the variables under study.

3.10.1 Descriptive Statistics

The descriptive analysis of the present study shows the basic characteristics of the data. Trochim

& Donnelly (2009) explains that descriptive statistics reduces large amount of data to a simple summary. The descriptive analysis facilitates the different measures of data in an understandable way. The research described the descriptive data by presenting frequency, percentage, mean and standard deviation of the collected data and showcased it in a tabular format.

3.10.2 Inferential Statistics

Inferential statistics facilitates the process of deducing properties of an underlying distribution. It helps to generalize the inferences from the sample to the larger population. In the bivariate analysis relationship between the independent and dependant variables was tested. The

Correlational analysis was applied after fulfilling the postulates of the test.

Pearson R correlation signifies the association between two variables. The correlation coefficient indicates the strength and direction of the associated variables. The value of r is always between

+ 1 and – 1. Positive relationship suggests high score of one variable tends to the high score of the other variable and a vice versa. Negative relationship proposes the low score of one variable tends to the low score of other variable and vice versa.

3.10.3 Structural Equation Modeling (SEM)

Structural equation modeling (SEM) is very frequently used statistical design in behavioral and social sciences. The SEM can be taken as a combination of factors analysis and regression or path analysis (Ullman, 2003). It is presented by a graphical path diagram. A path diagram comprises of boxes and circles connected with arrows. Observed (measured) variables are represented by rectangle or square box and latent (unmeasured) variables are shown by circle or ellipse. Single headed arrow or path indicates causal relationship. The variable at the tail is causing variation in the variable at the tail of the arrow. The single headed arrow or path denotes the regression coefficient or factors loadings. The double headed arrow indicates covariance or correlation. The SEM aims to obtain the measures of the parameters of the model i.e. the factor loadings, variances and co variances of the factor, and the residual error variances of the observed variables. It also measures the fit of the model i.e. if the model provides the good fit to the data.

CHAPTER- 4: RESULTS AND DISCUSSION OF IN-DEPTH

INTERVIEWS

4.1 Introduction

This section focuses on the construction of feminine identities in Pakistani political context.

Social constructionist understanding of gender is the core underlying theoretical foundation of this discussion. This debate explains how are the dominant, hegemonic discourses of gender producing subordinate, submissive feminine identities that adhere to the masculine political connotations and result in the low political participation in Punjab, Pakistan. This section interprets women voters’ views and tries to highlight their position in the masculine political structure. Analysis of women voters’ views also put forth interesting facts i.e., some of the women are facilitating the male hegemony by narrating that women are less skillful, incompetent and made for domesticity. These women advocate the gender division as rational, logical, natural and destined by the will of God. Appreciation of power relations make women subordination grave on the one hand strengthen dominant discourses and power groups (male) on the other.

Thus, it focuses on the ways feminine identity is constructed and fixed as natural and unchallenged. The forth coming discussion presents the themes derived from the in-depth interviews of women voters.

4.1.1 Gendered Division of Labor

Women were asked regarding the ideal gendered roles performed by both men and women in

Pakistani society i.e., women ideally suitable for private and men best suited for public. The responses expressed by the respondents were predominantly nested in biological deterministic explanation of gender roles.

Most of the respondents strongly believed in biological determinism. They were convinced that women are made to do household chores and men to do hard jobs in public domain. The biological differences between men and women guide their actions in the social world. One of respondents expressed that:

“The biologically week nature of a woman is logically suitable for household chores and

homely activities. She can best do the small activities of cooking, cleaning, nurturing

children and taking care of husband. She is unable to go outside and do the hard work. She

is not made for manly activities. She cannot be a man”.

Similar views were shared by another respondent. She argued that:

“We are not physically strong and enduring. We are week and innocent. We are not like

men. They know how to deal with difficult things. We are best for home and home

related chores. This is what we can do and made for. Home and woman are synonymous,

inseparable”.

These responses vividly show the biological differences between men and women as the basis of women subordination. Women themselves believe that they are week and made for home and homely activities. They consider male biology ideal for hard jobs in the public domain. It can be asserted that women in the study locale strongly believe in the domestic ideology thesis and traditional gender roles as natural.

An old woman shared her views as:

“Nature (God) has created women from the rib- a tender, week and flexible bone. Women

are physically week creation. Their bodies are not capable of doing hard jobs. They are

created keeping in view the home and related activities”.

Another respondent shared that:

“Men are the reflection of God on the earth. God has made them superior and powerful

and women are inferior and week. Women are less intelligent and emotional. How can

women be equal to men? It is obvious disobedience to God’s will to replace the both with

one another”.

The above quote gives warning to feminists that the struggle for gender equality is an open challenge to God’s will and design.

The afore mentioned stance was reinforced by another respondent. She argued,

“God has planned things very wisely. God knows who can perform what. He has

designated women with the motherly qualities, attributes and men the fatherly (earning)

one. Women should remain in home and men to go outside and earn the money for her

and the family. Both women and men should abide by the laws made by God”.

Essentialist understanding of gender encoded in the biological differences legitimized the hegemonic masculinity and subordinate femininity as divine plan and natural. Gendered division of labor based on the biological differences between women and men is believed divine and natural. Thus, rationalizing the separation of women and men‘s spheres into the private/ inferior for women and public/ superior for men.

Defining on good women an old woman asserted that:

“Good woman get out of her home only twice in her life: once when she is getting

married and going to her husband’s home; and when she dies and her dead body is taken

to a graveyard, rest of her life she is destined to be at home doing domestic chores.

Women out side home are looked down upon and taken as immoral”.

The above discourse locates a good woman as the one who stay at home and do not go out. The discourse declares going out as immoral and threat to family honor and respect.

Another woman supported the same narrative as:

“Women are carriers of family name, honor and prestige. Going outside the home can

risk them. It is better to die than to spoil the honor and family name. True (masculine)

men make their women stay at home (doing domestic chores)”.

Women are believed to be the custodian of moral standards and carriers of family name, honor and reputation. Women’s moral evaluation depends how passionately they are adhering the cultural standards in the public and private domains. Thus, moral order of the society facilitates the sex based division of labor. These explanations very clearly embody the women’s perception of gendered division of labor and its justification from cultural, religious and moral perspectives.

All of the women interviewed were very strong advocate of biological determinism. They support the essentialist understanding of gender division of labor and the public and private division of the social world. Women believed non conformity to the societal standards is a threat to their femininity and gender division of labor. They also considered it deviation if men are not performing their role accordingly.

One of the respondents very firmly asserted that:

“Men should not stay at home like women. They should move like free birds. They

should only be in home to take rest, have food and back to work again”.

The response was reinforced by another respondent. She asserted,

“Men taking interest in domestic chores are not true (masculine) men. How a man can be

like a woman (role performance)? This is shameful for a woman if her husband does her

work. She is incompetent (does not know her role) and bring curse for her and her

husband. How can she manage her identity as a woman (ironic)”?

Women responses have very lucidly demonstrate the domestic ideology and performance of traditional gender roles. Willful observance of sex based division of labor indicates the women position with respect to men in the society. Women are naturally happy in performance of traditional gender roles but also safeguard gender power relations by creating justification for men to domesticate them shows the reproductive power (Foucault, 1977).

Description of responses summarizes and justifies the home and homely chores and activities as women’s domain while public domain as the men prerogative. It points out the power of culturally designed discourses of gender in Pakistani society which sets the rules for both women and men. Feminist post structuralist stance demonstrates the power of male who are getting the benefits from the gender/power discourses prevalent in Pakistani society. Women were complying with the designed stances of femininity, subordination and traditional gender roles and also protecting masculine ethos. This obedience yields social acceptability, security and adjustment in the masculine political structure of Pakistani society.

4.1.2 Feminine Identity

Women were asked the question: what characteristics constituting their identity in Pakistani society? How do they see themselves and other women in their social world? The responses overwhelmingly depicted the classical patriarchal construction of feminine identity mix of behavioral traits, physical features and emotional expressions, and above all, the submissiveness to their men. A middle aged woman responded that,

“Woman means “something covered not open”. Woman should be soft spoken, mild and

caring. They should be disciplined and docile. They should be the source of peace and

tranquility for family”.

Similar explanation was given by another respondent. She argued,

“Women are the future mothers. They should be trained enough to take care of their

families and children. They should exhibit behavior that is joyful for family. They should

be welcoming and ready to take any assignment pertaining to family and husband”.

Another respondent held the belief that,

“Women can make the home hell or paradise with her behavior. If she is caring and

efficient in her skills, submissive and has full control over her tongue the home becomes

paradise. Women who argue all the time are the cause of discomfort and source of hell in

home”.

Responses emphasized private nature of feminine characteristics of women. Domesticity as women identity appears to be the prominent feature of femininity in Pakistani society. Another interesting narration of women as “something” personifies the objectification of women identity and shows the ultimate subordination to existing discourses of gender in Pakistani society.

Physical features of the women have different meanings for different respondents. Some of them were of the views that women should have beautiful features and attractive physique.

Nonetheless, many respondents did not consider the beautiful features important. A young woman described that,

“Women are synonymous to beauty and attraction. Women should look like women so to

attract their husbands. Physical beauty can make marital relation more enduring. Women

feel good and confident if they have attractive and charming physique”.

Similar views were expressed by another respondent,

“Beauty is a blessing of God. Woman should be beautiful to a considerable extent

otherwise marital relationships can be at risk. Men feel good and their conduct with

wives is good if they are beautiful”.

Another description of beauty says,

“Beauty of a woman is not the physical features and attractiveness. It is her conduct,

behavior, treatment with husband and interaction with in-laws. If she is cordial to

everyone in the family and reciprocates effectively she is really a beautiful one. Mere

physical beauty is of no use”.

The discourses of beautiful women express many aspects and characteristics. Thus physical marks of beauty are equated with good behavior with family members. The beauty is interpreted within the context of marriage and family and smooth relationships. Beauty is traded with respectability and adjustment within the family.

Feminine identity is very loudly associated and characterized with emotional expressions. These emotional expressions are again privately owned and demonstrated within family. Another respondent emphasized that,

“Women should be loving, caring and considerate. This is the prerequisite to smoothly

run the home. She should be soft spoken and should keep her voice low. Women should

possess ultimate forbearance. They should show the tolerance to a great extent”.

Similar views were shared by other respondent. She asserted that,

“Women should be very tolerant and forgiving. I believe these characteristics of women

help them to go a long way. These virtues are very vital to save her and her family life”.

Emotional expressions in private sphere (home) are considered very important for the smooth functioning of family affairs. Women’s emotional expressions i.e. tolerance, forbearance, forgiveness, are the emotions that symbolizes the submissiveness and subordination. These emotional expressions are used against the women in case of disagreement within family or in

78 the cases of violence against women. Emotional expressions can be used to conceal the incidence or its gravity.

These responses are unidirectional i.e. women domesticity, conformity of traditional gender roles and resultantly the subordination. Their behaviors, physical features and emotional expressions are gendered and revolve around the family. The constituted feminine identity becomes the subordinate femininity and complies with the hegemonic designs of the masculine political structure of Pakistan. Thus, results in the low political participation of women. The crux of the discussion here is that women should confine themselves to home and family life. They are not encouraged to be politically active and participate in the public domain, especially politics.

4.1.3 Political Sphere and Leadership

Women voters’ percentage has increased significantly during the last national elections held in

2013. However women political participation is a complex phenomenon with different levels and types.

It was asked how they see the politics and do they think women should go for politics and can be political leaders. Women were very skeptical regarding politics. They thought of politics as dirty game, false promises, maneuvering, deception, interest groups, fights, violence and power play for power elites. Their responses are presented in the following section.

One of the respondents argued,

“Politics is basically lying all the time to all the people. Politics is not for common and

innocent people. Politics is for wicked and clever people. Only corrupt can go longer in

politics. Politics is not for the common people. They should focus on their family and

home”.

Politics was further explained by other respondent:

“Looters can become good politicians. Politics is all about looting the poor and becoming

rich. Only rich people having illegal money can be in politics. Politics is only for rich and

wealthy people. Poor hardly manage the daily affairs. Their ultimate desire is to run their

homes efficiently. They hardly make their both ends meet”.

One of the respondents opined as:

“Politics is all about wealth and power. Land lords and wealthy people are suitable for

politics. Cunning, shrewd, clever and talkative people are good in politics”.

Women portrayal of politics depicts their expression and views. This very simply states the perception of the common people in Pakistan. Negative image of politics and politicians shows the lack of trust, corrupt political culture and less political socialization of the women. They were deliberately kept away from the political activities and political processes and resultantly developed the epithetic feeling for masculine political discourse in Pakistan.

While answering to the question should women go for politics, respondents in a larger majority took the stance that only way to take part in politics is to cast a vote beyond this politics is only for men. Casting a vote is not an independent decision or matter of choice for women. Mostly male head of the family dictates whom to cast a vote. A respondent gave detail as:

“Politics is male prerogative. Women have nothing to do with politics. During the

elections, we are asked to cast votes for a specific candidate. We go and cast our votes for

that candidate. I think it is sufficient for women as for as the politics is concerned”.

Views shared by other respondent regarding this were:

“I wonder how some women manage to go to political campaigns? They do not have

respect for themselves and their family. How male of their families are tolerating this? I

cannot even think of this. I am unable to go to polling station to cast a vote alone”.

A respondent shared her experiences:

“Some women came to my home convincing me to vote for some candidate. It seemed

very awkward for women to beg for votes. They were chatterboxes. I did not like them at

all. Women should go to cast vote to the maximum”.

It is evident from the above responses that middle class women do not like to participate in political activities like convincing, persuading and political campaigning. They see women in political campaigns as awkward and chatterbox. Nevertheless, they were willing to cast votes mostly under the influence of male members of their family. Politics is considered as men’s domain. All the political activities are men designed and men centered leaving less space for women to come and operate especially during the elections. If some of the women are engaged for some activities they are only working for their own candidate(s) and they, in most of the cases, are men. Thus, women feel out of the context to be the part of the political activities except casting of vote.

When asked, can women become political leaders? Respondents out-rightly rejected the notion of political leadership by women. Moral justifications, religious interpretations, feminine identity, gendered division of labor and lack of skills were presented to justify that women may not become political leader (s). They argued that,

“Women have to compromise many things while living and working in male dominated

field. Men are surrounding them all the time. They have to go everywhere even at odd

timings. This is not morally good things for a woman”.

Another argument appeared:

“If women are the political leaders and running the systems (political system), then who

will take care of home and children. This will ruin everything- the politics and family”.

Popular explanation stated:

“God has made women for home and domestic activities. They should not go beyond the

limits. Even Islam does not allow women to be the political leaders”.

Patriarchy combines morality, religion and cultural interpretations to justify its existence and perpetuation. Women under the strong hold of patriarchy are tailoring the justification for their own subjugation and supremacy of men. The patriarchal interpretations become reality and ultimate truth and the women have to go with this reality/truth. They are even unable to think of behaving otherwise. It can be argued that women have been subjected to false consciousness and thus contribute to their own subordination.

Talking about the capacities and capabilities of women as political leader, respondents were very confident that women cannot become good leaders. Women lack individual resources like education, time, money and other necessary skills to become a political leader. This shows the limited access to basic resources. They stated that;

“Women cannot become political leaders because they do not have enough qualifications.

They are not brave, bold and courageous. Women are unable to take good decision”.

Another respondent, pointing out women’ incapacity of becoming leader, asserted that,

“Women do not have education, money, time and skills to become political leader. How

women can run a country when some of them are unable to run a home properly (laugh)”.

In almost similar tone, another respondent argued,

“Political leaders have to be clever, opportunists and very wise. They have to be bold and

quick in making decisions. Women are basically innocent and kind hearted. They cannot

make bold and quick decisions”.

Still another narration:

“Women are naturally less wise and poor in financial matters. How they will make

budget of a country. Women are unable to make/ maintain good relations with other male

leaders”.

The above responses declare women as naturally incapable of becoming political leaders. These responses labeled women as intellectually inferior to men. The essentialist belief can be seen as powerful discourses that perpetuate women subordination in society.

Personal incompetence goes further:

“Political leaders have to keep many secrets and women are very talkative and do not

have control over their tongues. They are unable to keep secrets and important

information for longer time”.

Inability of women to become political leader has roots in the strong belief in the women week biology and idealized masculine traits popular in politics. Standardized masculine political leader’s traits are male designed and propagated. These are set yardsticks to measure the women’s capacities and capabilities in politics.

4.1.4 Threats to Femininity

Respondents were asked the question how political participation was threatening to their feminine identity. Respondents were firm believers of the fact that political engagements to a larger extent shall imprints negative consequences to their identity as women. Their deliberations were uncovering many interesting gender layers in the socio cultural contexts of Pakistani

Society. One of the respondents asserted,

“Women in politics no longer remain women; they turned to male by the time. In politics

they have to do all dirty things that men do. They have to loose sharam -o- haya (honor).

sharam –o- haya (honor) is the only identity of a woman. How can they call themselves

women without this (questions in eyes)?

Another description:

“All the time they are among men. They travel with men, talk with men, share opinion

with them and take advices. They cross their limits and forget the natural (moral) divide

between women and men”.

The responses revealed that in politics women have to work in co environment. Another respondent reported,

“Women, engaged in politics, have to ignore their families. I wonder, how they manage

to leave their kids, husband and families behind. How they justify that they are good

women? Women beyond their familial roles are not women at all”.

The above quote put the care of family (husband, children etc.) as the main moral responsibility of women.

Another respondent expressed her point of view with very harsh language. She argued that;

“Women in politics are bad and immoral. They are bitches and prostitutes, exposing their

bodies to everyone and devoid of respect and honor”.

Gendered socialization inculcates gender norms of domesticity, gender roles and gender division of labor. Strict public/ private division of gender endorses and strengthens the masculine construction of realities. Women complying with the normative stances of Pakistani masculine society are loudly vowing the gender norms. They believe that entering into political sphere shall kick them out of normative structure of the society and they have to lose their place/space as women.

A powerful discourse appears:

“I strongly believe that the deterioration in society is the result of role reversal. Women

are trying to become men and men are doing the women role. Women are challenging the

nature (God). Consequently, God is punishing all of us”.

Women involvement in politics is considered as a deviation from the God’s design which, as opined by the respondents, causes miseries for the humanity.

Religious interpretations are always referred to justify the socially contributed realities. Power discourses seek strong support from these interpretations to maintain dominance. Traditional social organization provides fertile ground to yield the entrenched dominance. Women believe that going away/against the power discourses would be havoc and cause disobedience to God which in turn results in punishment.

4.1.5 Challenges to Masculinity

It was also attempted to know how the respondents see the political participation of women? As their understanding of politics and their attitude to words politics challenge men and their masculinity. Respondents shared their views endorsing the hegemonic masculine practices in

Pakistani society. However, some of the respondents see the potential challenges to masculinity of men.

Respondents say:

“Men can share their power with other men in some situations/ cases but it is difficult for

them to share it with women in all instances. Men are crook. They win their trust and use

women for their own agenda (poor women)”.

It is pertinent to mentioned here that power here is used in its classical meanings.

Another respondent expressed her opinion as,

“Power remains with men only. They very bluntly take decisions. They do not even

bother to ask them. It is logical that men should take charge, they are good at this.

Women talk unnecessary. They cannot reach a consensus”.

Another female respondent, in almost similar fashion argued;

“Women are wasting their time in politics. They are disrespecting their families as well

as themselves. No one is listing them. None is caring about. They (men) are making fun

of them”.

The above quote revealed that women involvement in politics brings them disrespect. Women involvement in politics is just wastage of time and they get nothing out of it.

Another respondent declaring women as innocent and men as cunning asserted that,

“Men take advantage of women’s innocence. They put them forward to win the

sympathies of voters. Women are puppets true beneficiaries are men”.

Men enjoy the power being the power players in the public sphere. They have established the hegemonic masculinity norms in politics and women’s informed submission to these norms show the success. It can be argued that although women submit to the masculine norms in politics but

86 they seem aware of the fact that men are the beneficiaries and using women as and when desired.

This informed submission has the chances of bringing forth change.

A respondent claimed that:

“Men feel threatened from women in politics. It is very difficult for men to obey women

in politics. Men hardly listen to/ tolerate women in home how they can bear them in

politics”.

Another respondent told that:

“I still remember when a woman managed to win seat against a male. It seemed very

unusual and awkward to listen that a woman is now the member of national assembly. It

was very insulting, in fact, that a woman defeated a clergy man”.

These responses pointed out a fact that change in power structure is not accepted and tolerated by the powerful (males). The power structure resists/ reacts in different ways. The perpetuated subordination pronounces the change “unusual”, “awkward” and even “insulting”.

4.2 Discussion of Women Representative’s Interviews

This section focuses on the experiences of women parliamentarians in the political system of

Punjab, Pakistan. Theoretical foundations of this chapter laid on the interpretation of the seminal works of Dorothy E Smith and Connell’ bifurcation of consciousness, hegemonic masculinity emphasized femininity. This section interprets women parliamentarians’ views and tries to highlight their position in the masculine political structure of Punjab, Pakistan.

4.2.1 Negotiating the Public and Private

Women politicians/ representatives were asked about their everyday experiences of public and private worlds. The responses vociferously indicate the traditional gender roles obligations.

Women were very conscious of their roles and feel continuous pressure upon when moving in public sphere. A 52 years old woman selected on women quota as parliamentarian, told that,

“As a politician I have to travel a lot. I have to meet many people. I have to interact with

party workers. I hardly ignore my family responsibilities. I very carefully take care of my

husband, my children and other family members. I keep frequent contact with my family

and instruct wherever I feel there is something wrong. I never neglected my role as

female and although very difficult sometimes but I try to come up with my home duties”.

Another 46 years old selected parliamentarian shared that,

“When I got married I was an enthusiastic political worker. Whenever I have to go to

party meetings, I used to cook very earlier and manage all the domestic activities before

leaving home. Many times when I got late or have to attend unscheduled meeting, there

was a fight in my home. My mother in law used to curse me. I am very happy that I

managed both politics and family at the same time. Now my daughters are married and

sons are settled. I feel proud”.

A 38 years old elected parliamentarian informed that;

“Most of the time I have to attend people either in or out of the home. My schedule

remains very busy. I have to ignore my family. I feel very miserable and guilty. I usually

compensate my husband and children by cooking the food of their choice and spending

time with them. I take keen interest of activities my children are involved in. I am a

woman and my family is everything to me. How can I claim myself a good politician if I

am unable to manage/ take care of my family well?

The responses of the women parliamentarians/ representatives point out conflicting experiences of the public and the private worlds. Moving between the public and private exert a pressure

88 upon them. Women are quite aware of the conflicting realities of both the worlds and realize the demands. Complying with the demands of public and private domains they have to negotiate the demands on daily basis.

4.2.2 Masculine Political Structure

Women representatives were asked how they see the political structure of the Pakistani politics and their space in this. The responses dominantly reveal the masculine nature of the political structure of Pakistan. The over representation in every part of the structure and their stances normalizes their aspiration and designs. They hold the important positions and tailor the decisions into their own way. They leave minor spaces for women to exercise their power and route the benefits in their domination.

A 41 years old representative responded that,

“Politics is all about men. They lead the political parties. They are the custodian of our

(Pakistan) politics. They plan, execute, mend and amend. They hold everything in the

party. They hardly listen to others and women are out of the context. They do not

consider the opinion of women important and worth listening. We are the followers

only”.

Similar views were expressed another representative. She asserted that,

“Important decisions are made by the selected, closed and trustworthy male members of

the top leadership. They even do not bother to call the female representatives. They

bound everyone including women to follow the instructions of the leadership only. Many

times it happens we (women) are unaware of the policy. Media tell us what is happing

and what is the party/ leadership’ stand on some issue”.

A 36 years old selected representative conveyed,

“Women are not taken into confidence and elaborated even on the issues pertaining to

women. Party leadership (males) are responsible for the policies and decision. When

something goes wrong they have to face. We (women) have to follow the party

leadership stance. I trust the abilities of the leadership (male). Why I should be worried

about?

Above responses pointed out the male control over the political affairs of the political parties.

Women are not given the status of potential member to consult. The responses also identified the hegemonic control of a special group of people in the parties. This also shows the hegemonic masculinities prevalent in political system.

Women are considered less skillful, incompetent and unreliable part of the political system. They are more evaluated on their feminine traits. They are believed suitable for political leadership.

Parties take them the paralyzed part of the system. A representative revealed that;

“We are the part of the politics just because of the party we have to save its face. They

can claim that we are having women representation in the system. The overall hold of the

politics is in the hands of men. I once asked party leadership that why we (women) are

not called for the important meetings and not included in the important decisions he

replied that we (male) gave you the ticket. What else you deserve us for? Enjoy the status

of parliamentarian. We (male) know how to deal with politics”.

4.2.3 Emphasized Femininity

Women representatives were asked about their relationships with other women representatives.

The responses brought forward interesting findings. The representatives revealed that women representative coming from political families and from direct elections are more assertive. They keep distance; However, women who are selected on quota system were having cordial

90 relationships amongst them. There comes another important finding that women with strong economic background are distinct among all representatives. A 48 years old selected representative told that;

“After the male members in the political system come the women relatives of powerful

male. They are the privileged women in the party. The leadership gives them priority

over others and they also take benefit of this position. This elite group is proud of their

position and relation with men. They take themselves as good as the top male leadership.

Many times we have to beg for some favor to these representatives. They are the second

boss to us in the party”.

She further highlighted the hostility of relationship in a different way;

“These young heirs of the political elites have least contact with party workers and even

do not know the ground realities of the constituencies. Their men are managing political

affairs and contact with workers. What they are good at, is the use of modern technology

and keep updating their activities on hourly basis. The leadership takes them very active

and appreciates them”.

An elected representative expressed that,

“We, normally, do not have very good relationships amongst us. There are groups in

every party. The group having more members is powerful and closed to the leadership.

Women cannot form a group. They need male member to bargain power. We are

surviving through male power groups in the party. We have to follow whatever they plan.

Women groups do not mean anything in our system”.

Women with strong economic status and from politically strong family are actually strengthening male hegemony in the political structure of Punjab. These women borrow the power from their

91 male members and exert it over the fellow women. They are hegemonic femininities or what

Connell called it the emphasized femininity. This was also stated by a parliamentarian;

“There four are to five women parliamentarians who are from very politically influential

families. They behave like men. They are enjoying the high status and very visible in the

politics. I can guarantee she would not have been able to win a town committee seat

(member of local government) if she is not the wife of Mr. X- an influential politician

and a closed, reliable person of the leadership. There is another example of Mrs. A, her

husband and father is very powerful politician”.

Women from political elite families are endorsing the patriarchal values and practices in

Pakistani politics. Their representation either from direct election or selection is the extension of male power hegemony. They support and perpetuate the male agenda in the political realms.

4.2.4 Power Hierarchies

When asked whether they can or cannot influence the policy/ ies? The responses affirmed power hierarchies in the political system. Hierarchal power structure was trumped up of representation, financial status and affiliation with power groups. An elected representative expressed that;

“There are groups in every party. The group having more members is powerful and

closed to the leadership. Women are not the power group. They need male member to

bargain power. We are surviving through male power groups in the party. We have to

follow whatever they plan. Women do not mean anything in our system”.

A parliamentarian, selected on woman quota, indicated that,

“We are neglected and under privileged. Party leadership and other power groups in the

parliament consider us the appendicitis. They have to carry us because of the quota. We

are placed very lower at the power ladder. In the assembly, we are called as quota

women. In the party meetings we are taken as least concerned members. Our comments

/suggestions are not taken as serious”.

These responses reveal how women are included and excluded in the political arena. It will not be out of context to argue here that women selected as parliamentarian on quota are subjected to symbolic violence (see Bourdieu, 1971).

Another selected woman parliamentarian told that;

“It was unbelievable that party has nominated me for the seat. The nomination list was

shuffled many times just to accommodate the women relatives. Quota is blessing for the

top leadership. They bring forth the women of their own choice. There are many women

who do have huge money and do not know the politics but they are now the

parliamentarians”.

She further added that;

“I don’t have the funds. Whenever I am asking for funds, the party leadership says you do

not have constituency why do you need funds. I do have many political workers. I have

very closed and strong bonding with them. My workers expect a lot from me. They do

ask me for development activities. I feel very miserable. I feel helpless”.

An elected representative told that;

“Thousands of voters have elected me as their representative. Party granted me ticket in

the election. I am more powerful than the women selected on the women quotas. We are

not comparable. I have say in the party meetings and party listen my concerns. I have

funds to initiate development activities. Why quota women be given my share of funds?”

The patriarchal politics of the Punjab is representing the power hierarchal structure placing male political elites at the top, women with strong political familial ties and elected from some

93 constituency at the second, women with political/strong financial status at the third and party workers selected on the women quota seats at the lowest.

4.2.5 Political Culture

Women were asked about their experiences in the political culture. They were of the view that control of men over the political sphere leave meager space for women to come forward. They are designers of the system and women have to be molded according to their designs. Parliament, government, committees and other public offices are their prerogative. Men occupy political sphere in Pakistan. A women parliament member expressed that;

“They (Men) are very clever and shrewd. They know how to run the politics and political

affairs. Politics is male property. Although they sometimes consult with us but all the

time doing whatever they perceive good and right. Truly speaking politics is very

pressurizing and its men who can bear that. For women it is not possible to handle the

issue”.

A women parliamentarian stated the interesting fact as;

“We are supporting the male members and there is nothing wrong. We have to work

together. What if they are leading us? They are experienced, trained, hard workers and

they have spent their lives in this field. I believe we are not experts to the extent as the

men are. We are in the training process. We should acknowledge our limits and

deficiencies”.

Experiences show the prevalent gender ideology and the masculine normative stances ingrained in the political culture of Pakistani politics. Women feel themselves less skillful and less trained to handle the issues in politics. They are admiring the patriarchal tactics played in the politics and are aware of patriarchal dividend. Another woman pointed out that;

“Without the party support (Male) it is hardly possible to survive in our political culture.

They (male) trust us as candidates; grant us party tickets to contest election. They run our

political campaigns. They actually motivate/ convince the voters to vote for us. They

carry our burden and take us to parliaments. Vulnerable women (expression), what they

can do”.

A selected woman on quota emphasized the same;

“Top leadership (male) has the prerogative to nominate any women. The nominees

should be obliged to the party leadership (male). Who know them as politician? What

skills they have? They should be loyal to top leadership (Male). They should get ready

for any sacrifice for party. Whatever agenda they have, we are no one to object. We are to

support the leadership (male)”.

Women experiences very loudly show that women have learned/trained to submit the political order maintained by the men. Their views vividly point out to the fact that political favors/ benefits are linked with the willful acceptance of the patriarchal norms of Pakistani politics.

Their support for the system is making their presence meaningless and their visibility the bleak.

4.2.6 Socio cultural Environment

Women parliamentarians were asked about socio cultural challenges posed to them by society.

The views endorsed the existing gender realities. Women pointed out that masculine characteristic of political leaders is very much supported and they are supposed to show the same. They also expressed that they have to adapt the popular masculine traits but at the same time they feared that these traits may cause them negative evaluation of them as women. It was told by a parliamentarian that;

“Our people are very much used to male members. They feel very comfortable with their

style and modus of doing things. They can maintain contact with them. They can seek

help. They invite them anywhere and go with them at anytime. There are many odd

situations in politics where the male members can deal with efficiently”.

Similar views shared were shared by another respondent,

“Our politics is revolving around Thana (Police station) Kachehry (court) and Patwaar

(revenue). The male politicians are perfect for this. They can very comfortably deal with

police, court and officials from revenue departments. People consider the person ideal for

politics if he can deal with these departments and male politician are best suitable.”

The views show the routine activities of the majority of the politicians in Punjab. Every day they have to deal with dozens of individuals and cases. They have to go to police station/court for the settlement of personal to communal disputes. Women’s least public exposure and presence make it very difficult for the voters to consult women politicians. The women politicians find it difficult to go to public places/ departments for the settlement of people issues. This disconnects makes women politicians less popular.

Woman parliamentarian described the masculine characteristics of politician as;

“Males are assertive, firm, aggressive and sometimes violent. Masses like these

characteristics in politicians. Male assert their wish and impose their decisions wherever

it is necessary. They can use danda, souta (stick) when it is appropriate. They can go to

odd places at odd times. Submissiveness is not trait of politicians (laugh).

Another explanation was;

“Politicians should be bold, brave, assertive and popular. They have to manage many

disputes among people and communities. They should be assertive enough to mediate

between the parties. Their popularity is very much important. They have to attend khushi

(Marriage) and Ghami (death) ceremonies. They have to be very public and keeping close

contact/ link with his voters and supporters”.

Men over presence in the politics design the political discourses/ practices. Their visibility in public and frequency of interaction set the standards for political conduct. Masculine characteristics prove the added value to the political persona of male. Women politicians have to go long to meet the standards. They show their masculine conduct sometimes but at the same time have to save their feminine identity to safeguard their political dividend.

CHAPTER-5: DESCRIPITON OF QUANTITATIVE RESULTS

5.1 Introduction

The chapter comprises of the different sections and subsections comprehensively briefing the quantitative data analysis. It includes descriptive statistics indicating socio economic and demographic characteristics of the respondents. The inferential statistics covers the Correlational

Analysis, Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) and Structure Equation Model (SEM).

5.2: Socio-economic Characteristics of the Respondents

Socio economic information of the women corresponds to the age, monthly household income, education, employment, place of residence and type of family they are living in. These characteristics give overall picture of the respondents or the subgroups in the respondents and point out towards the representativeness of the sample. It also helps to infer the trends of the large population.

Table 5.2.1 Age and Monthly Household Income of the Respondents

Age Monthly Household Income Mean 29.52 29898.55 Standard Deviation 7.70 15768.58 Minimum 20 8000 Maximum 60 80000

The table no. 5.2.1 illustrates the age and monthly household income of the respondents. The data depicted that mean age of the respondents was 29.52 years with minimum age 20 years and maximum age was 60 years. The mean household monthly income of the respondents was

Rs.29898.55 with minimum income counted to Rs. 8000/- per month to 80000/ maximum household income per months. The average/ mean monthly household income clearly points out that respondents belong to lower economic group.

Table 5.2.2: Education of the Respondents and Their Parents

Education Level Respondents Father Mother f % f % f % Illiterate 36 8.7 109 26.3 227 54.8 Primary 23 5.6 44 10.6 66 15.9 Middle 36 8.7 47 11.4 40 9.7 Matriculate 101 24.4 114 27.5 58 14.0 Graduation 154 37.2 79 19.1 22 5.3 Master 61 14.7 20 4.8 1 .2 Above Master 3 .7 1 .2 - - Total 414 100.0 414 100.0 414 100.0

Table no. 5.2.2 describes the level of education attained by the respondents, their parents.

Majority of the respondents were matriculate and graduate (61.6%). The respondents constitute

23% aggregate that were illiterate, primary and 8th grade education. Only 15% respondents had educational attainment of master level or above.

As for as the fathers’ educational attainment was concerned, 49.5% were having primary, middle and matriculate level education. Only 23.9 % were graduates and above while 26.3% were not formally literate.

Mothers of the respondents were (54.8%) illiterate. While 39.6 were educated up to matriculate level and only 5.3 were graduates. The data point out the trend that the younger population is having higher level of educational attainment as compared to the older cohort; the fathers and the mothers.

Table 5.2.3: Employment Status of the Respondents

Description Frequency (f) Percentage Government Job 43 10.38 Private Job 39 9.42 No Financial Activity 332 80.19 Total 414 100.00

Table no. 5.2.3 explains the employment status of the respondents. The statistics convincingly showed that 80.19 % of the respondents were not engaged in the formal economy while only

19.80 % of the respondents were part of the formal employment. They were serving public sectors and private sector.

Table 5.2.4: Marital Status of the Respondents

Description Frequency (f) Percentage Single 123 29.71 Married 236 57.0 Widower 47 11.35 Divorced 08 1.9 Total 414 100.00

Table no. 5.2.4 elaborates the marital status of the respondents. Majority of the respondents

(57%) were married. Respondents i.e. 29.7% were single followed by 11.35% widowers.

Table 5.2.5: Employment Status of the Respondents’ Parents

Employment Status Father Mother F Percentage f Percentage Government Job 58 14.0 20 4.8 Private Job 69 16.7 12 2.9 Business 37 8.9 1 0.2 Labor 47 11.4 1 0.2 Agriculture 45 10.9 5 1.2 Jobless 158 38.2 375 90.6 Total 414 100.0 414 100.0

The Table no. 5.2.5 indicates the employment status of the respondents’ parents. The respondents’ parents i.e. 38.2 % were jobless and were not engaged in any financial activity.

Labor and agriculture were the second largest business activities of the parents constituting

22.3%. And 30.7% parents were doing government and private jobs.

100

Table 5.2.6: Socio-demographic Characteristics of the Respondents Description Frequency (f) Percentage Family Type Nuclear 73 17.6 Joint 326 78.7 Extended 15 3.6 Place of Residence Rural 345 83.3 Semi urban 69 16.7 Political Affiliation PMLN 120 29.0 PPP 49 11.8 PTI 148 35.7 JI 11 2.7 None 86 20.8 Registered Voter Yes 414 100.0 No 0 0 Casted Vote Yes 242 58.4 No 172 41.4

The table no. 5.2.6 demonstrates the socio demographic characteristics of the respondents. Joint family system was the dominant family type of respondents and it constitutes 78.7 % followed by the nuclear family system that covered 17.6 % of the respondents.

The data indicates the place of residence of the respondents. Almost all of the respondents were living in a rural setting. The semi urban in the present study pointed out the little upper strata in the village.

The data shows political affiliation of the respondents. The respondents (35.7%) showed their political affiliation with Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI), followed by Pakistan Muslim League,

Nawaz (PMLN) 29% and 11.8 % of the respondents were affiliated with Pakistan Peoples’ Party

(PPP). Importantly, 20.8% respondents were not associated with any political party. The data put

101 forth the important fact that the majority of the respondents were politically allied with political parties.

The data reveals the all the respondents were the registered voters in their respective constituencies.

The data also exhibits the casting of the votes by the respondents during the last local bodies elections. The respondents (58.4%) casted their votes however 41.4 % of the respondents did not casted their votes in the last elections.

Table 5.2.7: Motivation to Caste Vote

Description Frequency (f) Percentage Self 48 11.5 Husband/Father/ Brother 178 43.0 Peer 16 3.8 Did not caste vote 172 41.5 Total 414 100.0

The table no.5.2.7 displays the suggestion to respondents to cast their votes during the last local government election. The data showed that male members (43%) of the family suggested the respondents to cast their votes. Respondents took the decision to cast their votes at their own

(11.5%) while the peer/friends 3.8% were the suggesting persons to cast the votes.

5.3 Reliability Analysis of Variables

Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient tests the reliability as internal consistency (Cronbach, 1951). It offers a coefficient of inter item correlation between the items. Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient of

.80 suggests the high internal consistency. However the acceptability of the values depends upon the socio cultural scenario of the study setting where it is applied in.

102

Table 5.3.1: Reliability Analysis of Variables

Scale No. of Items Cronbach’s Alpha FEM (Emotionality) 03 .763 FEM (Purity) 03 .718 FEM (SIA) 03 .735 Political Trust (Performance) 04 .776 Political Trust (Ability) 02 .763 Political Trust (Conduct) 03 .778 Political Efficacy 05 .767 Political Participation 04 .796 Political Interest 05 .802 Political Socialization 04 .817 Gender Role 09 .813 Patriarchal Political Culture 10 .828

Table no. 5.3.1 displays the reliability analysis of different scales used for this study. The scale femininity has three constructs; emotionality has 03 items with Cronbach’s alpha value.763, purity has 03 items with .718 Cronbach’s alpha and stereotypical image with Cronbach’s alpha value .735. The scale political trust has three constructs; performance of the politicians has .776, ability of the politicians has .763 and conduct of the politicians has .778 Cronbach’s alpha values respectively. The scale political efficacy has 05 items with Cronbach’s alpha internal consistency

.767. The scale Political Participation has 04 items with .796 internal consistency of Cronbach’s alpha. Political interest scale has 05 items with .802 Cronbach’s alpha value. Political socialization has 04 items with Cronbach’s alpha value .817. The scale gender role has 09 items and the Cronbach’s Alpha value for the scale was .813 which indicated the higher level of internal consistency. Patriarchal political culture yielded Cronbach’s alpha value .828. All of the above mentioned scales were having acceptable range of values of Cronbach’s alpha. Hence, all the scales can be termed as reliable scale.

103

5.4 Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) of Variables

This section presents the results of confirmatory factor analysis of independent variables and dependent variables. This analysis was done in order to validate theoretical constructs with reference to the Pakistani society. These constructs were measured through scales developed by reviewing international literature and already existing scales. However, the scales were altered and modified keeping in view the context of Pakistani society.

Table No.5.4.1 explains the statistics of model fit indices of Femininity of Pakistani women. This scale has three constructs; stereotypical image, purity and emotionality. In order to measure each construct, three items were developed. The results of CFA indicate that the chi-square test did not demonstrate good mode fit [X2(21) =43.01, p< .05]. However, alternate fit indices

(comparative fit index [CFI] =.981, root mean square error of approximation [RMSEA] =.05) showed good fit in the overall sample. The other fit indices (GFI =.978, AGFI=.954, NFI=.964 and RMR=.026) also showed good fit of the sample.

Table 5.4.1: Goodness of Fit Indices of Femininity

Model Fit Indices Good Fit Acceptable Fit Model Values Chi square (X2) Non-Significant Non-Significant 43.01(21)p<.003 GFI 0.95

The path diagram now shows the standardized regression weights (factor loadings) for the common factor and each of the indicators. Path diagram reflects that all three construct had strong correlation with each other (image-purity=.81, purity–emotion=.84 and image- emotion=.88). These values indicate that all constructs are coherent and consistent. Standardized

104 factor loadings for stereotypical image for all three items are above than the threshold value

=0.40. Similarly, standardized factor loadings for purity and emotionality are in good range (.55 -

.83) and (.64 - .72). (Figure 5.1).

Table no. 5.4.2 explains the statistics of model fit indices for gender role. This scale has nine items. The results of CFA indicate that the chi-square test demonstrated good mode fit. Moreover, alternate fit indices (comparative fit index [CFI] =.998, root mean square error of approximation [RMSEA] =.019) showed good fit in the over sample. The other fit indices (GFI =.990, AGFI=.973, NFI=.983 and RMR=.027) also showed good fit of the sample.

105

Table 5.4.2: Goodness of Fit Indices of Gender Role

Model Fit Indices Good Fit Acceptable Fit Model Values Chi square (X2) Non-Significant Non-Significant Non-Significant GFI 0.95

The path diagram indicates the standardized regression weights (factor loadings) for the common factor. Standardized factor loadings for gender role ranges from .29 - .72. (Figure 5.2).

106

Table No.5.4.3 shows the statistics of model fit indices of political behavior of women in the study area. The scale has four constructs; political efficacy, political trust, political socialization and patriarchal political culture. The construct political efficacy has five items. Political trust contains five items. Political socialization comprised of four items. Patriarchal political culture consists of ten items. The results of CFA indicate that the chi-square test did not demonstrate the good model fit [X2(233) =455.26, p< .000]. However, alternate fit indices (comparative fit index

107

[CFI] =.919, root mean square error of approximation [RMSEA] =.048) showed good fit in the over sample. The other fit indices (GFI =.919, AGFI=.901 and RMR=.057) also showed good fit of the sample.

Table 5.4.3: Goodness of Fit Indices of Political Behavior

Model Fit Indices Good Fit Acceptable Fit Model Values Chi square (X2) Non-Significant Non-Significant 455.26(233) p<.0000 GFI 0.95

The path diagram now displays the standardized regression weights (factor loadings) for the common factor and each of the indicators. Path diagram reflects the correlation of the construct political efficacy with other three constructs (Political efficacy- political interest =.73, Political efficacy – political socialization =.67 and Political efficacy – patriarchal political culture =-.14).

Path diagram shows the correlation of Political Interest with other constructs (political interest –

Political socialization= .94, political interest – patriarchal political culture = -.27). Political socialization is correlated negatively with patriarchal political culture (-.26). These values indicate that all constructs are coherent and consistent. Standardized factor loadings for political efficacy for three items are in good range (.71 - .74). However, two items of the construct are below the threshold value. Standardized factor loadings for political interest are (.42 - .77).

Standardized factor loadings for political socialization are (.65 - .83). Standardized factor loadings for patriarchal political culture are also in good range (.29 - .64). (Figure 5.3).

108

109

Table no. 5.4.4 elaborates the statistics of model fit indices of political trust. This scale has three constructs; performance, ability and conduct of politicians. Performance of politicians has four items. Ability of politicians has two items and conduct of the politicians has three items. The results of CFA indicate that the chi-square test did not demonstrate significance. However, alternate fit indices (comparative fit index [CFI] =.978, root mean square error of approximation

[RMSEA] =.05) showed good fit in the over sample. The other fit indices (GFI =.983,

AGFI=.968, NFI=.933 and RMR=.039) also showed good fit of the sample.

Table 5.4.4: Goodness of Fit Indices of Political trust

Model Fit Indices Good Fit Acceptable Fit Model Values Chi square (X2) Non-Significant Non-Significant Non-Significant GFI 0.95

The path diagram shows the standardized regression weights (factor loadings) for the common factor and each of the indicators. Path diagram reflects that all three construct are correlated with each other (performance-ability=.30, ability – conduct =.26 and performance-conduct =.23).

These values indicate that all constructs are coherent and consistent. Standardized factor loadings for performance of the politicians for all three items are above the threshold value =0.40.

Standardized factor loadings for ability ranges from (.65 - .76) and similarly, factors loadings for conduct of the politicians are in good range (.54 - .75). (Figure 5.4).

110

Table no. 5.4.5 explicates the statistics of model fit indices of Political participation. This scale has four items. The results of CFA demonstrate that the chi-square test is not significant and showed the good fit of the model. Alternate fit indices (comparative fit index [CFI] =.1, root mean square error of approximation [RMSEA] =.000) showed good fit in the over sample. The other fit indices (GFI =.999, AGFI=.994, NFI=.999 and RMR=.006) also showed good fit of the sample.

111

Table 5.4.5: Goodness of Fit Indices of Political participation

Model Fit Indices Good Fit Acceptable Fit Model Values Chi square (X2) Non-Significant Non-Significant Non-Significant GFI 0.95

Confirmatory factor analysis shows that all four correspondent items loaded on latent variable.

The path diagram displays the standardized regression weights (factor loadings) for the common factor political participation. Standardized factor loadings for political participation are in good range (.63 - .78). (See. Figure 5.5).

112

5.5 Descriptive Analysis of the Variables

This section presents descriptive analysis of different variables of this study. These variables were measured on four points Likert Scale ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree

(4). Mean and standard deviation were calculated for each item. Mean of an item above 2.5 was taken as agreement with the statement whereas less than 2.5 considered as disagreement with the statement. Normality tests (Skewness and Kurtosis) were also conducted for each item. The values of normality indices (Skewness and Kurtosis) below than + 1 indicate the normality of data however values above + 1and less than + 2 were also considered as acceptable for this study.

Table 5.5.1: Descriptive Analysis of Femininity (stereotypical image) Femininity Stereotype Image Mean SE of Mean Standard Deviation Skewness Kurtosis

Women should be beautiful 2.98 .045 .924 -.530 -.635 Women should be attractive 2.95 .043 .871 -.526 -.379 Women should look like women 3.10 .045 .913 -.787 -.206

Table no. 5.5.1 presents descriptive analysis of stereotype image, a construct of femininity. The values of normality indices (Skewness and Kurtosis) are below than + 1 for all the items indicating that data are normally distributed. Findings show that respondents’ of this study possessed stereotypical beliefs about women. They adhere the women’s beauty (M=2.98,

S.D=.924) and attractiveness (M=2.95, S.D=.871). According to them, they might look like woman (M=3.10, S.D=.913). These statistics point out high value of feminine outlook of

Pakistani women.

113

Table 5.5.2: Descriptive Analysis of Femininity (Purity)

Femininity Purity Mean SE of Standard Skewness Kurtosis Mean Deviation Women should avoid contact with 2.94 .050 1.014 -.504 -.924 male Women should take care of her 3.28 .045 .920 -1.245 .687 family honor Women should avoid immoral 3.11 .048 .981 -.863 -.329 activities

Table no. 5.5.2 illustrates the second construct of the femininity i.e. purity. Normality indices

(Skewness and Kurtosis) indicate the normal distribution of the data except one. However, value of the Skewness for that item falls within the acceptable range. The respondents confirms the gender segregation (M= 2.94 S.D=1.014) by avoiding the contact with male. They consider themselves the custodian of the family honor (M=3.28 S.D =.92). The respondents are also convinced that they should not indulged into immoral activities (M=3.11, S.D= .98). The statistical analysis shows the higher value of the feminine purity in terms of contact, family honor and avoidance of immoral activities.

Table 5.5.3: Descriptive Analysis of Femininity (emotionality)

Femininity Emotionality Mean Std. Error of Mean Std. Deviation Skewness Kurtosis

Women should be submissive 3.08 .037 .762 -.693 .457 Women should be caring 3.25 .041 .826 -1.092 .827 Women should be loving 3.32 .040 .812 -1.223 1.160

Table no. 5.5.3 describes the emotionality construct of the femininity. The descriptive analysis of data demonstrates the acceptable normality indices (Skewness and Kurtosis). The respondents authenticate the established emotionality associated with women in Pakistani society. The respondents endorse the women submission (M= 3.08 S.D= .762), strongly appreciated the

114 caring as women attribute (M= 3.25, S.D= .826) and reinforce the love as the integral part of women in Pakistan (M= 3.32, S.D= .812). The analysis fortifies the existing emotional components associated with the women.

Table 5.5.4: Descriptive Analysis of Political Trust (Performance)

Political Trust 1(Politicians’ Performance) Mean Std. Error Std. Skewness Kurtosis of Mean Deviation Do you agree that politicians generally 2.77 .046 .937 -.424 -.652 know what they are doing? Do you agree that only politicians who show they are responding to policies 2.67 .045 .914 -.189 -.772 concerns win election? Do you agree that if politicians go back on promises made to voters, they get punished 2.78 .048 .977 -.258 -.977 at election? Do you agree that politicians change their 2.87 .046 .934 -.459 -.656 minds all the time?

Table no.5.5.4 explicates the first construct of the political trust. Normality indices values for all the items in this subscale validate the normal distribution of the data. The data points out voters’ concern with performance of the candidates in their respective constituencies. The respondents were of the view that political representatives are quite aware of their activities and know how they are doing (M= 2.77, S.D=.937). The respondents strongly believed that only the policy responsive representative can make their way in the representational politics and have to capability to win the election (M=2.67, S.D= .914). The women voters participated in the present study were validating the fact that only those politicians can qualify the electability who fulfill the promises made to voters of their constituencies (M= 2.78, S.D=.977). At the same time, the women respondents were also believed that politicians are continuously changing their minds and planning new things (M=2.87, S.D=.934). The responses substantiate the overall performance of the politicians/ political candidates.

115

Table 5.5.5: Descriptive Analysis of Political Trust (Ability)

Political Trust 2 (Politicians’ Ability) Mean Std. Error Std. Skewness Kurtosis of Mean Deviation Do you agree that in politics only the most 2.68 .046 .942 -.273 -.798 able people get to the top? Do you agree that political parties ensure that only capable people get selected as 2.65 .045 .920 -.143 -.815 election candidates?

Table no.5.5.5 reveals the political ability construct of the political trust scale. The Skewness and kurtosis values for all the items elucidate the normal distribution of the data. Women voters’ response towards the candidate/representative ability was measured in this subscale. The respondents are strongly convinced that the ability can lead politician to high position in the political realm (M= 2.68, S.D= .942). The respondents also believed that the political parties are supporting the able candidate to get into elections (M= 2.65, S.D=.920). The statistical analysis highlights the individual capability for higher position either in the party or in the politics and party responsibility while nominating or giving the party ticket to the candidate.

Table 5.5.6: Descriptive Analysis of Political Trust (conduct)

Political Trust 3 (Politicians’ Conduct) Mean Std. Error Std. Skewness Kurtosis of Mean Deviation Do you agree that in the main, politicians 2.14 .043 .871 .393 -.516 tell the truth? Do you agree that government ministers tell us all about what they get up to as they 2.30 .042 .857 .251 -.538 can? Do you agree that government treat each 2.20 .046 .938 .355 -.760 group within society equal?

Table no.5.5.6 illustrates the politicians’ conduct in the political affairs. This construct is the part of the political trust scale. The normality indices (Skewness and Kurtosis) values are less than ±

116

1 which confirm that the data is normally distributed. The analysis demonstrates the politicians’ conduct. Mean value 2.14 with the Standard Deviation .871 exhibit that respondents consider that politician/representative should speak to them the truth. They emphasized that government representatives have the responsibility to take the women into confidence regarding what they are and can do for them (M=2.30. S.D= .857). The women voters feel that government is giving equal treatment to all groups (M=2.20. S.D= .938). The data show the politician conduct is very important indicator of the political trust.

Table 5.5.7: Descriptive Analysis of Political Efficacy

Political Efficacy Mean Std. Error Std. Skewness Kurtosis of Mean Deviation I know more about politics than other 2.45 .042 .861 -.116 -.679 people of my age What political issues or problems are being discussed , I usually have something 2.43 .042 .852 .051 -.612 to say I am able to understand most political 2.42 .040 .821 -.064 -.569 issues easily The government is doing its best to find 2.37 .044 .898 -.036 -.835 out what people want. When people get together to demand 2.44 .044 .886 .033 -.722 change, the leader in government listen

Table no.5.5.7 explains the political efficacy of the women respondents. Skewness and kurtosis analysis of normal distribution signifies that the data is normally distributed. The respondents were confident that they know the politics (M=2.45, S.D= .861). They were contributing the discussion of political issue (M=2.43, S.D=.852). The respondents were able to understand the political issues (M=2.42, S.D=.821). They believed that government was sympathetic to its people and was doing its efforts to facilitate (M=2.37, S.D=.898). The women voters saw the government concerned with public protest and paid head towards their issues (M=2.44,

117

S.D=.886). The results of the analysis maintained that respondents were somehow politically effective.

Table 5.5.8: Descriptive Analysis of Political Participation

Political Participation Mean Std. Error Std. Skewness Kurtosis of Mean Deviation In local government elections, I tried to persuade someone to vote for or against a 2.00 .053 1.083 .643 -.964 candidate or party In local government elections , I attended a campaign function or rally to support a 2.02 .051 1.030 .607 -.839 candidate or party In local government elections I gathered information about various political parties 2.10 .051 1.047 .513 -.966 or candidates In local government elections, I motivated other people to vote for a particular 2.04 .054 1.092 .597 -1.017 candidate or party.

Table no.5.5.8 states the political participation of the women in the study area. Normality indices show the normal distribution of the data. The respondents were less persuasive to votes someone in the favor of a political candidate or political party (M=2.00, S.D=1.083). They were less participative in the election campaign, rally to support the candidate/political party (M=2.02,

S.D=1.030). The women voters showed low level of enthusiasm to collect the information of the different political candidates of the own areas (M=2.10, S.D=1.047). The respondents showed low level of motivation while convincing the other women voters to cast the vote in favor or against some political candidate (M=2.04, S.D= 1.092). The statistics indicates the low level of political participation of the women during the last local government election in the study area.

118

Table 5.5.9: Descriptive Analysis of Political Interest

Political Interest Mean Std. Error of Std. Skewness Kurtosis Mean Deviation I found politics very interesting 2.26 .056 1.141 .327 -1.318 I am interested in what is happening 2.29 .052 1.067 .244 -1.189 in government I read newspaper articles regarding 2.15 .055 1.127 .459 -1.203 politics I watch television program about 2.22 .051 1.037 .327 -1.081 politics I discuss political issue 2.00 .051 1.042 .633 -.859

Table no.5.5.9 discusses the political interest of the respondents. The Skewness and kurtosis analysis yielded the accepted values of normality of distribution of the data. The respondents did not found the politics very interesting (M=2.26, S.D= 1.141). They were little interested in what is happening in the government (M=2.29, S.D= 1.067). The women voters were less interested in the political articles/news in the news papers (M=2.15, S.D= 1.127). They were less likely to watch politics related talks/programs on the television (M=2.22, S.D=1.037). They were very much interested in discussion on politics/ political affairs (M=2.00, S.D= 1.042). The statistical analysis of the data confirmed the low level of political interest of the women in the politics.

Table 5.5.10: Descriptive Analysis of Political Socialization

Political Socialization Mean Std. Error of Std. Skewness Kurtosis Mean Deviation

I discuss political issues with my 2.19 .052 1.054 .433 -1.026 family I discuss political affairs with my peer 2.16 .052 1.053 .397 -1.087 I participate in political discussion at 1.93 .050 1.011 .740 -.654 my community I watch television about politics 2.18 .049 1.001 .455 -.850

119

Table no.5.5.10 shows the political socialization of the respondents. The normality indices show the acceptable values for normal distribution of data. The analysis reflects the level of political socialization of women voters. The women are less frequent while sharing their political views with their family members (M=2.19, S.D= 1.054). They are not used to discuss the political affairs with community (M=1.93, S.D=1.011). Women are not very much interested to watch political talks/shows on the television (M=2.18, 1.001). The results shown in the table clearly imply that women are not supposed to take part/ talk about the politics and political affairs in the study area.

Table 5.5.11: Descriptive Analysis of Gender Role

Gender Role Mean Std. Error Std. Skewness Kurtosis of Mean Deviation Women should do domestic chores 2.86 .042 .864 -.489 -.324 Women should take care of husband and 2.99 .046 .930 -.594 -.538 his needs Women should socialize the children 3.21 .043 .871 -.985 .315 Women should teach the values to 3.24 .042 .856 -.933 .095 children Women should be the custodian of the 3.26 .040 .819 -.960 .359 family name/honor Women should be sacrificing for her 3.14 .046 .934 -.971 .114 family Women should only be concerned with 2.51 .047 .948 .041 -.911 home related matters Home should be the ultimate place for 2.58 .044 .886 -.090 -.712 women Women should be the least concerned 2.39 .046 .929 .180 -.808 What is happening outside the home

Table no.5.5.11 elaborates the adherence to gender roles rampant in the society. Values of the

Skewness and Kurtosis justify the normal distribution of the data presented. The women voters confirmed the domesticity of women by endorsing the suitability of the women for household

120 activities (M=2.86, S.D=.864). They were highly encouraging the homely responsibilities of the wife to take care of husband and children (M=2.99, S.D=.930). They believed that the ultimate responsibility of socialization of the children rested upon women (M=3.21, S.D. 871).The women strongly supported that to teach the societal values to the upcoming generation is the core responsibility of the women (M=3.24, S.D=.856). The respondents were highly appreciative of the women as the custodian of family honor and respect (M=3.26, S.D=.819). The women strongly agreed that they should be sacrificing for the family and family members (M=3.14,

S.D=.934). The respondents endorsed that women should more related to her homes (M=2.51,

S.D=.948). The respondents were strong advocates of the belief that home is the ultimate place for women to live and to operate (M=2.58, S.D=.886). The respondents were moderately approving the idea that they should be least interested in what is happening outside the home

(M=2.39, S.D=.929). The analysis of the data vividly and loudly supported the gendered division of labor, gender ideology and traditional gender roles of Pakistani society.

121

Table 5.5.12: Descriptive Analysis of Patriarchal Political Culture

Patriarchal Political Culture Mean Std. Error of Std. Skewness Kurtosis Mean Deviation Men are more trained in politics 2.73 .039 .792 -.394 -.149 Men are born political leaders 2.46 .046 .927 -.081 -.865 Men have better understanding of the 2.68 .042 .859 -.339 -.467 political affairs Men can make better policies to run 2.75 .042 .856 -.304 -.495 the governments Men have more chances to win seat in 2.83 .045 .908 -.324 -.726 election Men can run a political campaign in 2.93 .040 .815 -.523 -.094 better way Men have the support of caste group 2.97 .042 .845 -.507 -.337 Men have better negotiation skills 2.78 .040 .809 -.300 -.343 used in politics Men are good in maneuvering political 2.86 .046 .933 -.409 -.713 issues Men are best suited for political 2.76 .044 .886 -.509 -.371 activities

Table no.5.5.7 explains the patriarchal political culture prevalent in the study area. Values of

Skewness and Kurtosis statistics very clearly reflect the normal distribution of the data. The data denote the patriarchal values ingrained the Pakistani politics. The women respondents trust that the men are the trained for/ get into politics (M= 2.73, S.D= .792). They are very much convinced that destiny has granted men the leadership qualities (M=2.46, S.D= .927). The respondents believed that men can understand the politics/ political affairs in a better way

(M=2.68, S.D=.859). Women strongly advocated that men can make efficient policies for the successful governance (M=2.75, S.D=856). The respondents were supporting the fact that men have more chances of electability (M= 2.83, S.D= .908). The women voters pointed out that men are more articulated during the election campaigns (M=2.93, S.D=.815). The women believed that the Baradri (caste group) render its political support to the male candidates during election

122 campaign (M= 2.97, S.D .845). Women are very much convinced that men have quite skilful in negotiation in the political affairs (M= 2.78, S.D .809). The respondents loudly endorsed the political maneuvering male members (M= 2.86, S.D .933). The respondents supported very strongly that men best suit the political activities (M= 2.76, S.D .886). Statistical analysis of the scale patriarchal political culture signifies the entrenched patriarchal values in the Pakistani

Politics and strong adherence by the women voters of the study area.

5.6 Bivariate Analysis

Correlational analysis was applied to find out the strength and direction of the study variables.

Detail of the analysis is given below;

Table 5.6.1: Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and Political Participation Variables Political Participation Fem Emotionality -.170** Fem Purity -.272** Fem Image -.011 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) (N=414).

Table no. 5.6.1 presents Pearson R Correlational analysis between femininity and political participation. Results indicate a statistically significant negative relationship (r= -.170, p<.01) between feminine emotionality and political participation of the respondents. In addition statistically significant negative relationship (r= -.272, p<.01) between feminine purity and political participation of the respondents was reported. Nonetheless, feminine stereotypical image did not correlate with political participation of the respondents.

The current scholarship on gender and political participation is substantiating the study findings.

Women are socialized to gender roles that are submissive, passive, subordinate and more private oriented (Brownmiller, 1984; West & Zimmerman, 1987; Fox & Lawless, 2004). These socially learned experiences may result in lower level of political participation (Rapoport, 1981; Atkeson

123

& Rapoport, 2003). These learned attitudes at the childhood level continue and last during the life course of women and result in different political attitudes and subsequent political differences (Alwin et al., 1991; Hooghe & Stolle, 2004; Kenny & Fridkin, 2007). Women engagement in reproductive work at home put more pressures on them to be available for time extensive, expensive and highly skilled forms of political activities (Burns et al., 1997; Lister,

2003; Burns, 2007; Paxton et al., 2007).

Home and homely activities are the major responsibility of women and generally they are discouraged to take part in politics and their political roles are not appreciated (True et. al.,

2014). The public exposure of women is a serious threat to family honour and patriarchal order and the element of shame is attached with the presence of women (Noor, 2004; Bhattacharya,

2014). Thus, women are more conscious of their traditional gender roles, emphasise on their feminine traits and avoid the public sphere and less engaged in the politics and political affairs.

Table 5.6.2: Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and Patriarchal Political Culture Variables Patriarchal Political Culture Fem Emotionality .377** Fem Purity .399** Fem Image .369** **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). (N=414)

Table no. 5.6.2 presents Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and Patriarchal

Political Culture. Results indicate a statistically significant relationship (r= .377, p<.01) between feminine emotionality and patriarchal political culture. Feminine purity and patriarchal political culture is showing statistically significant relationship (r= .399, p<.01). Feminine stereotypical image is also statistically correlated significantly (r= .369, p<.01) with patriarchal political culture of the respondents. The significance of the statistical relationship between the variable is endorsed by the present research scholarship in gender gaps in women political participation.

124

Gender cuts across the social, cultural, economic and political spheres in Pakistani society.

Gender ideology paved the basis for uneven relationship between men and women. Male dominance and female subordination is the normative stance customary in Pakistani society.

Women are still considered inferior by the male counterpart and there are frequent incidences of violence against women in Pakistani society (Ibrahim, 2012). Home and homely activities are the major responsibility of women while politics is male prerogative and generally women are discouraged to take part in politics and are not liked in political roles (True et. al., 2014). Women are subject to exclusion and face seclusion due to patriarchal societal norms of Pakistani society which barred them from (political) empowerment (Isran & Isran, 2013). Ibrahim (2005), Bari & khattak (2001) narrated the cultural patterns and social structure restricting women to become the part of the public sphere and exercise their legal rights. Women low participation in economic and social sphere results in their low social status and graved dependence on men (Kazmi &

Quran, 2005). Women’s low social status and widen gender inequality in Muslim countries make situation of political participation for women worst (Fish, 2002; Inglehart & Norris, 2003). Thus, patriarchal normative structure of Pakistani society excludes women from politics and results in low/less political participation e.g. (Isran & Isran, 2012).

Table 5.6.3: Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and Political Efficacy Variables Political Efficacy Fem Emotionality -.036 Fem Purity -.201** Fem Image -.007 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). (N=414)

The table no.5.6.3 describes the Pearson R Correlational analysis between femininity and political efficacy. The results indicate that feminine purity is statistically significant correlated negatively (r = -.201, p<.01) with the political efficacy. While the feminine emotionality and

125 stereotypical image of the women are not correlated with the political efficacy. The results correspond to the existing socio cultural position and gender situation of the Pakistani society.

Due to women’s traditional gender and reproductive roles, women have to pay much of their time to perform the domestic chores. They have to take care of the household activities like cooking, cleaning, nursing of kids and old age at home. This range of activities consumes much of the time that may be required to participate in politics/political activities (Corrin, 1992;

Chhibber, 2002). Cultural connotations /explanations regarding women and their roles proved substantial barriers to women political participation. Gendered stereotypes regarding women’s capacities and capabilities restricted women to take part in politics. Strict division of public and private sphere was the part of political thought (Okin, 1979; Coole, 1988; Pateman, 1989).

Widen gender inequality in Muslim countries make situation of political participation for women worst (Fish, 2002; Inglehart & Norris, 2003).

Table 5.6.4: Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and Political Interest Variables Political Interest Fem Emotionality -.153** Fem Purity -.263** Fem Image -.038 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). (N=414)

The table No. 5.6.4 explains the Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and

Political Interest. The Femininity with significantly correlated negatively with its two constructs the emotionality and purity (r = - .153, -.263, p<.01) while the third construct of the variable do not correlate with the political interest. The results indicate that women with traditional gender orientation and believes are less likely to have interest in the politics. The findings of the statistical analysis are in accordance with the academic scholarship on gender and politics.

126

Gender differences in political knowledge and political interest has been very well researched in developing and developed countries. It has been convincingly found that women were less interested in politics as compared to men (see also Burns et. al., 2001; Chhibber, 2002; Franzer

& MacDonald, 2003). Gender gap in political interests persists across racial and ethnic groups in the USA. Gender gap was largest in political interest in black women than white and Latin women (Burns et al., 2001). Fox & Lawless (2004) in a research on political ambitions found that women were less interested to have political office. Campbell & Wolbrecht (2006) argued that low ambition to run for political office may be due to less number of role models in the politics. Time as a resource remains less available with women to participate in political activities. Traditional gender and reproductive roles pressurize women to pay much attention to domestic chores. The range of activities performed at home consumes much of the time and women found less time take part/interest in politics/political activities (Corrin, 1992; Chhibber,

2002).

Table 5.6.5: Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and Political Socialization Variables Political Socialization Fem Emotionality -.132** Fem Purity -.259** Fem Image -.039

**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). (N=414)

The Table no. 5.6.5 elaborates the Pearson R Correlational Analysis of Femininity and Political

Socialization. Two construct of the scale femininity is negatively correlated with the political socialization. The direction of the relationship is negative. Feminine emotionality value of the r =

-.132 while feminine purity value is r = - .259 at p<.01. The analysis describes those women who

127 are adhering traditional gender norms of the society have less training of politics/ political affairs.

The socially constructed qualities of men and women not only represent gender identities but also form the basis of social organization (Schippers, 2007). Masculinity and femininity becomes cultural standard of conduct at all levels. These standards are taken for granted and unchallenging and hence, make gender differences institutionalized (Lorber, 2000; Martin,

2004). The dominant socially designed attributes a woman should possess in Pakistani society are childbearing and rearing, love and care for parents/husband, home making, submissiveness, passivity and dependence. The home/ private sphere become ideal, normative space for women to operate. These values are internalized, taken for granted and imbedded into culture, social structure and social organization of Pakistani society. Thus, Politics becomes the public concern and male prerogative ignoring women, considering women out of concern and preventing their participation (Philips, 1998; Arneil, 1999; Rai, 2000; Holmes, 2002; Bari, 2010).

Table 5.6.6: Pearson R Correlational Analysis between Femininity and Political Trust

Variables Political Trust 3 Political Trust 2 Political Trust1 Fem Emotionality -.216** .267** .302**

Fem Purity -.091 .202** .309**

Fem Image -.025 .196** .174** **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). (N=414)

The table no. 5.6.6 explicates the Pearson R Correlational Analysis of Femininity and Political

Trust. The scale femininity has three constructs and the scale political trust was also dissected into three constructs political trust 1, 2 and 3. Political trust 1 denotes performance, political trust

128

2 represents ability and political trust 3 stands for conduct of politicians. Femininity corresponds to emotionality, purity and stereotypical image. Analysis shows that emotionality is significantly correlated with performance, ability and conduct of politicians (r = .302, r = .267, r = -.216, p<.01). Feminine purity significantly correlated with performance and ability of politicians (r =

.309, r = .202, p<.01). Feminine stereotypical image was significantly correlated with performance and ability of politicians ((r = .174, r = .196, p<.01). The Correlational analysis corresponds to fact that women embodying emotionality positively rely on politicians’ performance and believe in their abilities. However, emotionality is negatively correlated with conduct. Women possessing feminine purity think that the politicians are performing well and they have faith in their abilities. And the women advocating stereotypical image of women have slightly believe in politicians’ performance and their abilities. The results point out very interesting fact of the women political participation in Pakistani context. The results seem contradictory to the previous results of the variables. The women showed less interest in politics, they feel less effective, show low level of political socialization, have low political participation but have high coherence with patriarchal political culture. Theoretically, these results are testifying the previous results and confirm the academic literature regarding the gender and politics.

Pakistan represents the classical patriarchal society where men and women clearly belong to contrastingly different social worlds. Gender practically cuts across every aspect of social life and results in obvious inequality between men and women. Gender gaps in education, health employment and legal system are quite visible in Pakistani society. Women have lower literacy rate, school enrolment, life expectancy, access to basic health services, access to legal rights and labour force participation than men (See also Kazmi & Quran, 2005; Sheikh, 2009; UNDP,

129

2013). Women low participation in economic and social sphere results in their low social status and graved dependence on men (Kazmi & Quran, 2005). Thus, patriarchal normative structure of

Pakistani society excludes women from politics (see also Isran & Isran, 2012).

Patriarchal structure of the Political parties still does not consider women appropriate for politics

(Yusuf, 2013). Political parties used women representation for public gatherings, political meetings and during political campaigns however, they consider them idle vote bank (Zakar,

2014). It is believed that women are biologically best suited for the home and homely activities.

Their capabilities and capacities are not compatible with the demands of the public sphere.

Popular interpretation of hegemonic masculinity by Connell (1987; 1995) very lucidly describes the political structure of Pakistani politics which configures its terms and conditions on the popular discourses of maleness and discriminate femaleness. The overall appreciation of masculine traits by political structure and its approval as prerequisite for the Pakistani political sphere explains the findings of the present data. Women are dictated by the male counterparts regarding the performance, ability and conduct of the local politicians and due to their restricted public exposure it becomes hardly possible for women to confirm. Hence, the subjective details, performance, anecdotal ability and conduct become the reality for the women. They trust the masculine interpretation and this fact enhance their level of trust to politicians.

130

5.7 Multivariate Analysis: Structure Equation Modeling (SEM)

In order to see the role of femininity in explaining political behavior of the respondents, a model of SEM was run by considering femininity as exogenous (independent variable) and political participation, political interest, patriarchal political culture and political socialization as endogenous (dependent) variables. Following hypotheses were made to test underlying relationships between the variables.

Hypothesis 1: Higher the level of femininity the lower will be the political participation of Women Voters

Hypothesis 2: Higher the level of femininity the lower will be the political interest of Women Voters

Hypothesis 3: Higher the level of femininity the lower will be the political socialization of Women Voters

Hypothesis 4: Higher the level of femininity the higher will be endorsement of patriarchal political culture among Women Voters

Table 5.7.1: Femininity and political behavior

Model Fit Indices Good Fit Acceptable Fit Model Values Chi square (X2) Non-Significant Non-Significant 30.63(10) p<.001 GFI 0.95

Table no.5.7.1 explicates fit indices for following model. The chi-square test did not demonstrate good model fit [X2(10) =30.63, p< .05]. However, alternate fit indices (comparative fit index [CFI] =.978, root mean square error of approximation [RMSEA] =.07) showed good fit in the over sample. The other fit indices (GFI =.981, AGFI=.946, and NFI=.967) also showed good fit of the sample.

131

The path analysis shows that femininity negatively predicted political participation (β=-.29, p<.001), political interest (β=-.21, p<.001) and political socialization (β=-.29, p<.001). Therefore, the researcher accepted Hypothesis 1, Hypothesis 2 and Hypothesis 3 assumed for this model. Furthermore, femininity positively predicted (β=.53, p<.001) the endorsement of patriarchal political culture. Hence Hypothesis 4 was also approved for this model.

132

Table 5.7.2: Maximum Likelihood Estimates for the sample

Standardized Estimates Femininity on Political Participation -.29*** Political Interest -.21*** Political Socialization -.28*** Patriarchal Political Culture .53*** Observed Variable R2 Political Participation .09*** Political Interest .05*** Political Socialization .08*** Patriarchal Political Culture .28*** Note: ***P<.001

The values of R2for observed variables point out that femininity explain 28% variance of the endorsement of patriarchal political culture among Pakistani women voters. These findings support contemporary scholarship that feminine traits (e.g. women stereotypes, emotionality and purity) support patriarchal structure of politics. This study also provides empirical evidence that femininity restricts women to develop their interest in politics. Moreover, the women who possess high level of feminine traits could not be effectively socialized for politics. Their feminine traits would not allow them to participate in the national political process. These results describe the picture of Pakistani society where women voters’ turn out rate was always remained lower than men but also had a huge gap.

5.8 Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) II

Role of feminine identity was also accessed in explaining the political participation and patriarchal political culture, Structural Equation Model (SEM) was run by considering the femininity as the exogenous (independent variable) and Political participation and patriarchal political culture as the endogenous (dependent variables). Following hypotheses were made to test underlying relationships between the variables.

133

Hypothesis 1: Higher the level of femininity the higher will be the believe in the performance of the politicians

Hypothesis 2: Higher the level of femininity the higher will be the believe in the ability of the politicians

Hypothesis 3: Higher the level of femininity the lower will be the believe in the conduct of the politicians

Hypothesis 4: Higher the level of femininity the higher will be endorsement of patriarchal political culture among Women

Table 5.8.1: Femininity, Political trust and political culture

Model Fit Indices Good Fit Acceptable Fit Model Values 2 Chi Square (  ) Non-Significant Non-Significant 32.25(10) p<.000 GFI 0.95

Table no. 5.8.1 describes the model fit indices. The chi-square test did not demonstrate the good model fit [ (10) =30.63, p< .000]. However, alternate fit indices (comparative fit index [CFI] =.962, root mean square error of approximation [RMSEA] =.073) showed good fit in the over sample. The other fit indices (GFI =.979, AGFI=.901, and NFI=.947) also showed good fit of the sample.

Table No. 5.8.2 indicates the path analysis that femininity positively predicted politicians performance (β=.39, p<.001), politicians ability (β=.32, p<.001) and negatively predicts the politicians’ conduct (β= -.18, p<.001). Therefore, the researcher accepted Hypothesis 1, Hypothesis 2 and Hypothesis 3 assumed for this model. Furthermore, femininity positively predicted the endorsement of patriarchal political culture. Hence Hypothesis 4 was also approved for this model.

134

135

Table 5.8.2: Maximum Likelihood Estimates for the sample

Standardized Estimates Femininity on PT1 .39*** PT2 .32*** PT3 -.18*** Patriarchal Political Culture .52*** Observed Variable R2 PT1 .15*** PT2 .10*** PT3 .03*** Patriarchal Political Culture .28*** Note: ***P<.001

The values of R2 for observed variables point out that femininity explains 28% variance of the endorsement of patriarchal political culture among Pakistani women voters. These findings corroborate contemporary scholarship that feminine traits (e.g. women stereotypical image, emotionality and purity) support the patriarchal political structure. This study also confirms that women under the glass ceiling effects are satisfied with the patriarchal connotations of Pakistani politics and believe in the performance and abilities of the politicians. However, their experiences within the politics are in line with the masculine dictums told. This study authenticates that women are not comfortable with the conduct of the politicians. The results portray the picture of Pakistani society where women find fewer spaces available in the political sphere.

136

CHAPTER-6: DISCUSSION

6.1 Introduction

This chapter comprehensively illustrates the discussion of the findings of qualitative and quantitative research independently. This chapter comprises of two sections. Part one elaborates the results of the analysis of qualitative information collected from the women voters and women parliamentarians. Part two describes the discussion of description of quantitative data collected from the women voters from the selected villages.

6.2 Qualitative Findings

The qualitative data presented in the chapter 4 points out different dimensions of the feminine identity. Social constructionist’ understanding of the gender and post structuralists’ feminist interpretations was the core theoretical foundations of the qualitative analysis.

Essentialist understanding of gender encoded in the biological differences depicts the hegemonic masculinity and subordinate femininity on the basis of role performance. Religious connotations and interpretations perpetuate and reinforce the gendered division of labor based on the biological differences between women and men. It rationalizes the separation of women and men’s spheres into the private/ inferior for women and public/ superior for men. These explanations very clearly embody the women’s perception of gendered division of labor and its justification from cultural, religious and moral perspectives.

All of the women interviewed were very strong advocate of the biological deterministic and essentialist argument of clear division between public and private gender division of labor.

It can be argued from the responses that home, home chores and activities are the women domain while public domain is the men prerogative. It points out the power of culturally designed discourses of gender in Pakistani society which sets the rules for both women and men. Feminist

137 post structuralist’ stance demonstrates the power of male who are getting the benefits from the gender/power discourses prevalent in Pakistani society. Women were complying with the designed stances of subordination, traditional gender roles and also protecting masculine ethos.

This obedience yields social acceptability, security and adjustment in the masculine political structure of Pakistani society.

Responses from both the voters and the politicians put forth the strong hold of patriarchal values in the Pakistani political system/ society. The patriarchal rule is the dominant discourse visible at private and public sphere. Patriarchy combines morality, religion and cultural interpretations to justify its existence and perpetuation. Women under the strong hold of patriarchy are tailoring the justification for their own subjugation and supremacy of men. The patriarchal interpretations become reality and ultimate truth and the women have to go with this reality/truth. They are even unable to think of behaving otherwise. It can be argued that women have been subjected to the false consciousness and thus contribute to their own subordination.

Inability of women to become political leader has roots in the strong believe in the women week biology and idealized masculine traits popular in politics. Standardized masculine political leader’s traits are male designed and propagated. These are set yardsticks to measure the women’s capacities and capabilities in politics. Women, with limited resources, to excel in the politics feel for behind these masculine standards of Pakistani politics.

Respondents were firm believer of the fact that political engagements, to a larger extent, shall imprints negative consequences to their identity as women. They have to compromise their repute and have to face derogatory comments. Gendered socialization inculcates gender norms of domesticity, gender roles and gender division of labor. Strict public/ private division of gender endorses and strengthens the masculine construction of realities. Women complying with the

138 normative stances of Pakistani masculine society were loudly vowing the gender norms. They believe that entering into political sphere shall kick them out of normative structure of the society and they have to lose their place/space as women.

Women believed to be the custodian of moral standards and carriers of family name, honor and reputation. The stereotypical beauty image of the women can also become the threat to societal morality/moral codes. Women’s moral evaluation depends on how passionately they are adhering the cultural standards in the public and private domains. The moral order of the society can be protected through the male surveillance of women morality.

Women with strong economic background and from politically strong families are actually strengthening the male hegemony in the political structure of the Pakistan. These women borrow the power from the male members and exert it over the fellow women. They are hegemonic femininities or what Connell called it the emphasized femininity.

Negative portrayal of politics and deceptive nature of politicians depicts women expression and views. This fact very simply states the perception of the common people in Pakistan. Negative image of politics and politicians shows the lack of trust, corrupt political culture and less political socialization of the women. They were deliberately kept away from the political activities and political processes and resultantly developed the epithetic feeling for masculine political discourse in Pakistan.

Women do not like to participate in political activities like convincing, persuading and political campaigning, nevertheless, they were willing to cast votes mostly under the influence of male members of their family. Politics is considered as men’s domain. All the political activities are men designed and men centered leaving less space for women to come and operate especially during the elections. If some of the women are engaged for some activities they are only working

139 for their own candidate/s and they in most of the cases are men. Thus, women feel out of the context to be the part of the political activities except casting of vote.

The qualitative analysis of the experiences of women pointed out the feminine identity, traditional gender roles, political interest, political trust, patriarchal political culture, political efficacy and political participation the factors to be explored under positivistic stance.

6.3 Quantitative Findings

Quantitative analysis includes descriptive results demonstrating socio economic and demographic profile of the respondents. The inferential statistics covers the Correlational

Analysis, Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) and Structure Equation Model (SEM).

Socio economic and demographic characteristics of the respondents corroborate the current scholarship of individual resources required for the political participation. The results of the present study are in accordance with academic literature available on the socio economic resources driving and motivating individuals to take part in politics (see also Verba & Nie, 1972;

Verba, Nie and Kim, 1978; Verba, Schlozman & Brady, 1995; Rosenstone & Hansen, 2003;

Armingeon, 2007; Schlozman, Brady & Verba, 2012; Henn & Ford, 2014). However, the current research put forth the interesting fact that majority of the respondents i.e. 58.4% (Table No.

5.2.6) casted their votes during the last elections and they were motivated by their male members of family including father, brother and/ or husband. The fact highlights the gender organization of the society. The women are allowed to cast their votes but mostly under the influence or upon the suggestions of the male members of the family.

The respondents confirmed the stereotypical images of beauty, custodianship of the morality and adherent of the traditional feminine roles and dispositions (Table No. 5.5.1, 5.5.2 & 5.5.3).

Descriptive analysis of the femininity authenticated the domesticity ideology (Brownmiller,

140

1984; West & Zimmerman, 1987; Fox & Lawless, 2004). Women in the Pakistani society live under the strong hold of the strict gender norms. Gender socialization inculcated in them the feminine values of the Pakistani society. They are socialized as submissive, dependant, docile and custodian of family name and values. The study reflects the classical portrayal of the women in Pakistani society.

The analysis also showed higher scores of respondents on the patriarchal political culture scale

(Table No. 5.5.7). The findings points out the masculine stances prevalent and entrenched in the

Pakistani politics. Masculine political outlook of Pakistani politics gives room to the masculine connotations only. The analysis highlights the strong hold of gender division of labour where male are only able to understand the politics and can perform in the designed system. The analysis also indicates women’ believe in the masculine political culture in which they are raised and trained. They are quite cognisant of the fact that men can run political affairs in an efficient way.

Women were strongly advocating the performance of traditional gender roles (Table No. 5.5.12).

They were convinced that women should remain within the four walls of the house and should engage themselves in the household chores. They should devote their time, skills and efforts to make the home a comfortable for the male members of the house. They need to take care of kids, husbands. Their performance demands them to engage in these activities dawn till dust. They may not be available for the activities required them to be in the politics. The study validates the present academic erudition for instance see (Corrin, 1992; Chhibber, 2002).

The respondents showed low scores at political socialization, political interest, political efficacy and non conventional political participation (Table No. 5.5.8, 5.5.9, 5.5.10, 5.5.11). The data signify the gendered relationships between men and women in the Pakistani society. The

141 previous discussion confirms that women’ engagement in the private sphere is the gender norm in the Pakistani society. Gender socialization and strong adherence to the gender roles instruct women more for the home and home related activities and less prepared for the public domain.

Findings of the descriptive analysis comply with the streams of the researchers strongly advocating the predisposition to political participation (Norris, 2002; Pattie & Seyd, 2003;

Rosenstone & Hansen, 2003; Dalton, 2004; Armingeon, 2007; Dalton, 2008).

Correlational analysis of the variable femininity with political participation verified the current academic literature in the field however; the stereotypical image did not validate the political participation. The stereotypical image of the women signifies the physical attractiveness and beauty. Women are reared and socialized to protect their sexuality and physical attributes. They are supposed to observe veil and accompany a male member when they are out of the home.

Religious dictum to protect physical beauty and observe veil is also reinforcing the cultural practices. The strong observance to the cultural codes is very much essential particularly in the rural areas. Therefore, women of the study area were very much convinced that physical attributes being the private one has nothing to do with public sphere like politics or political activities.

Correlational analysis of the variable femininity with Patriarchal political culture authenticated the current scholarship on gender and politics (Fish, 2002; Inglehart & Norris, 2003; Kazmi &

Quran, 2005; Isran & Isran, 2013). The over representation of male in the political parties, political leadership, executive positions and candidacy for elections demonstrates male stances as normative and standards. Masculine nature of the Pakistani politics gave men power over.

Hence, patriarchal political culture promotes, and reinforces the women exclusion from the political activities and encourages women to follow the gender division of labor and roles.

142

Women’ perceived political effectiveness is negatively correlated with the femininity (purity) only (see Corrin, 1992; Chhibber, 2002). The other constructs of the femininity do not correlate with stereotypical image and emotionality. Women strongly believe that they are custodian of the morality and they should abide by the femininity traits of submissiveness, loving and care. They have also internalized that feminine identity is private concern not the public concern in the

Pakistani society. Therefore, women do not find them effective in the public sphere and concentrate on their private activities.

Correlational analysis of the variable femininity with political interest confirmed the negative association between the variables however; stereotypical image did not prove the relationship.

These findings correspond to the current academic scholarship available (See e.g. Burns et. al.,

2001; Chhibber, 2002; Franzer & MacDonald, 2003). Gender division of labour in the Pakistani society strictly emphasize the separate domains for women and men. Women should focus on their home and home related activities and they should left politics for the men to operate. They took least interest in the activities outside the home.

Correlational analysis of the variable femininity with political socialization verified the negative association between the variables however; stereotypical image did not prove the relationship

(Philips, 1998; Arneil, 1999; Rai, 2000; Holmes, 2002; Bari, 2010). Women are socialized as docile, submissive, loving, caring and emotional in Pakistani society. They are deliberately kept away from the activities more related to men. Politics being the masculine domain is considered suitable for men only and women should keep them away from the politics and political activities. So, women are more concerned with their activities and least concerned with what is happening around.

143

Correlational analysis of the variable femininity with political trust also validated the current, established academic literature on gender and politics. All the three constructs of the femininity showed correlation with three constructs of the political trust except feminine (purity) with political trust (conduct) and feminine stereotypical image with political trust (conduct). The results point out very important fact of the women political participation in Pakistani context.

The results seem contradictory to the previous results narrated above. The women showed less interest in politics, they feel less effective, show low level of political socialization, have low political participation and have high coherence with patriarchal political culture. Women trust politicians’ performance, ability, and conduct. Gender differential in all sectors like education, health, employment, and legal are very obvious in Pakistani society. These differentials are creating conditions resulting in the low social status and dependence of women on men.

Patriarchal construction of Pakistani politics leaves less space for women to participate in the politics and political activities. Men are considered the most suitable to meet the requirements of the politics while women are appropriate for home and related activities. Being less exposed to the public sphere women are dictated by the male counterparts regarding the performance, ability and conduct of the local politicians and due to their restricted public exposure it becomes hardly possible for women to confirm. Hence, the subjective details, performance, anecdotal ability and conduct become the reality for the women. They trust the masculine interpretation and this fact enhance their level of trust to politicians.

144

CHAPTER-7: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

7.1 Summary

The present study focuses on women political participation in the masculine political structure of

Pakistan. More specifically, it aims to explore how the feminine identities of women are used to undermine women capacities, create social barriers and restrict their political participation. How these feminine identities are negotiated and are included or excluded in masculine Pakistani political system. This chapter briefly summarizes, conclude and put forth the suggestions for the future research in the area of sociology of gender and politics in Punjab, Pakistan.

The study was conducted to materialize the following objectives;

a) To explore the ways feminine identity is used to restrict women to participate in

politics

b) To find out the process of negotiation of feminine identities

c) To find out the association of feminine identity with other political behaviors

d) To know the process of inclusion or exclusion of negotiated identities in Pakistani

politics

The study was conducted by employing mixed methods research design. Nature of the objectives called for the collection of qualitative and quantitative data and interpretation. For the qualitative data 20 women registered voters were recruited from Bhawana city, District Chiniot purposively along with in depth interviews along with 8 women political representatives from different political parties for comprehensive understanding of the feminine identity construction and incorporation of these identities in the larger masculine political structure of the Pakistani

Society. The information collected from the respondents was analyzed through thematic analysis.

145

The quantitative part of the study comprised of cross sectional survey of 414 women voters of selected villages of Tehsil 18 Hazari, District Jhnag and Tehsil Gujar Khan, District Rawalpindi through random sampling. The collected information was processed through SPSS. Descriptive and inferential statistics was applied to find out the causal relationships between the variables hypothesized.

7.1.2 Summary of Results

In depth interviews with women voters and the women political representatives demonstrated the entrenched domesticity ideology, inculcated gendered division of labor and roles, clear demarcation of private and public sphere, strong adherence to essentialist and biological determinism, hegemonic masculinities in the politics and feminized characteristics of women.

The quantitative results illustrated the low access to socio economic resources like education, employment. Place of residence was predominantly rural with joint family system as the popular family pattern. Majority of the respondents were affiliated with political parties, were registered voters and casted votes in the last elections however, they casted their votes upon the persuasion of their male members of the family.

Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) was done to validate theoretical constructs. Model fit indices of femininity, gender roles, political behaviors (political efficacy, political interest, political culture, political socialization), political trust and political participation showed the goodness of fit.

The descriptive analysis elaborated that respondents scored high on femininity, traditional gender roles and patriarchal political culture however; they scored low on political interest, political efficacy, political socialization and political participation.

146

The Correlational Analysis (CA) described that femininity is negatively correlated with political participation, political efficacy, political trust, political socialization and political trust (conduct of politicians) however; femininity is correlated positively with patriarchal political culture and political trust (performance and ability of the politicians).

Structure Equation Model (SEM) was applied considering femininity as exogenous (independent variable) and political participation, political interest, patriarchal political culture and political socialization as endogenous (dependent) variables. The femininity negatively predicted political socialization, political interest and political participation and positively predicted the patriarchal political culture.

7.2 Conclusion

On the basis of the qualitative and quantitative data the study can conclude that the feminine identity is not considered appropriate for political activities in Punjab, Pakistan. It is used to undermining women capabilities, creating social barrier and leaving scanty spaces in the masculine political structure of Punjab, Pakistan and hence, lowering the participation of women in politics/ political activities.

7.3 Limitations of the Study

Choice of the research and methodological concerns resulted in necessary restrictions. This study has many limitations which are acknowledged here.

This study was a mixed method and conducted in rural and semi rural areas. The results can be generalized with similar kind of area.

Repeat interviews to have deep insight of experiences of women are often desired but due to time and financial constraints this was not possible to conduct repeat interviews with respondents.

147

Finally, focus of this study did not permit the comprehensive investigation of women from different class, age and geographical area.

7.4 Strengths of the Study

The study is the first to find out the feminine identity and its scope in the Pakistani politics. It put forth the important aspects and insights of Pakistani politics. The study also brings forth the useful information describing plight of women parliamentarian selected on women quota.

Application of mixed methods research design was also innovative to find out political realities in the Pakistani context.

7.5 Recommendations for Future Research

The present study was conducted in the dominantly rural area with lower and middle class registered women voters by applying mixed methods research design. However, the future research can address the upper class women voters in both rural and urban areas to document their experiences by utilizing feminist research methodologies. It is further recommended that the future research may take women political representatives exclusively to comprehend the dynamics of political structure. The future research can also take the male politician experiences and perceptions to analyze the masculine stances of Pakistani political structure.

148

REFERENCES

Abramson, P. R., & Claggett, W. (2001). Recruitment and political participation. Political Research Quarterly, 54(4), 905-916.

Ali, Shafqat (2015). “Female poorly represented in cabinet”, in: The Nation, 01.06.2015, http://nation.com.pk/editors-picks/01-Jun- 2015/females-poorly-represented-in-cabinet.

Ali, W., Fani, M. I., Afzal, S., & Yasin, G. (2010). Cultural barriers in women empowerment: A sociological analysis of Multan, Pakistan. European Journal of Social Sciences, 18(1), 147-155.

Alozie, N. O., Simon, J., & Merrill, B. D. (2003). Gender and political orientation in childhood. The Social Science Journal, 40(1), 1-18.

Alwin, D. F., Cohen, R. L., & Newcomb, T. M. (1991). Political attitudes over the life span: The Bennington women after fifty years. University of Wisconsin Press.

Andersen, Kristi. (1975). Working women and political participation, 1952-1972. American Journal of Political Science. 439-455.

Arceneaux, K. (2001). The “gender gap” in state legislative representation: New data to tackle an old question. Political Research Quarterly, 54(1), 143-160.

Armingeon, K. (2007). Political participation and associational involvement. Citizenship and involvement in European democracies: A comparative analysis, 358.

Arneil, B. (1999). Politics & feminism. Oxford. Blackwell.

Atkeson, L. R., & Rapoport, R. B. (2003). The more things change the more they stay the same: Examining gender differences in political attitude expression, 1952–2000. Public Opinion Quarterly, 67(4), 495-521.

Awan, S. Z. (2016). Political Discourse and Socio-Cultural Placement of Pakistani Women 1947-1976: A Historical Perspective. Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan, 53(1).

Bäck, H., Teorell, J., & Westholm, A. (2011). Explaining modes of participation: A dynamic test of alternative rational choice models. Scandinavian Political Studies, 34(1), 74-97.

Bäck, M., & Christensen, H. S. (2011). Social trust and Political Participation–A multilevel analysis of 25 European democracies. working paper. Baldez, L. (2004). Elected bodies: The gender quota law for legislative candidates in Mexico. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 29(2), 231-258.

Bano, S. (2009). Women in parliament in Pakistan: Problems and potential solutions. Women's Studies Journal, 23(1), 19.

149

Bari, Farzana. (2005, November). Women’s political participation: Issues and Challenges. In United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women Expert Group Meeting: Enhancing Participation of Women in Development through an Enabling Environment for Achieving Gender Equality and the Advancement of Women. Bangkok.

Bari, F. (2010). Women parliamentarians: Challenging the frontiers of politics in Pakistan. Gender, Technology and Development, 14(3), 363-384.

Bari, Farzana & Saba Gul Khattak. (2001). Power Configuration in Public and Private Arenas: The Women’s Movement’s Response in Anita M, Weiss and S. Zulfiqar Gilani (eds.) Power and Civil Society in Pakistan, Karachi: Oxford University Press.

Bauer, G., & Britton, H. E. (Eds.). (2006). Women in African parliaments (pp. 1-44). Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers.

Bennett, S. E., & Bennett, L. L. (1992). From traditional to modern conceptions of gender equality in politics: Gradual change and lingering doubts. Western Political Quarterly, 45(1), 93-111.

Bhattacharya, S. (2014). Status of Women in Pakistan. Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan, 51(1).

Bigler, R. S., & Liben, L. S. (2007). Developmental intergroup theory: Explaining and reducing children's social stereotyping and prejudice. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 16(3), 162-166.

Blumberg, R. L. (1984). A general theory of gender stratification. Sociological theory, 23-101.

Bourdieu, P. (1977). Outline of a Theory of Practice (Vol. 16). Cambridge university press.

Bourne, A. K. (2010, September). Political Parties and Terrorism: Why ban Batasuna?. In Elections, Public Opinion and Parties Annual Conference (pp. 9-11).

Bourne, P. A. (2010). Unconventional political participation in a middle-income developing country. Current Research Journal of Social Sciences, 2(2), 196-203.

Bourque, S., & Grossholtz, J. (1998). Politics an unnatural practice: Political science looks at female participation. Feminism and politics, 23-43.

Brownmiller, S. (1984). Femininity. New York: Fawcett Columbine.

Burns, N. (2007). Gender in the aggregate, gender in the individual, gender and political action. Politics & Gender, 3(01), 104-124.

150

Burns, N., Schlozman, K. L., & Verba, S. (1997). The public consequences of private inequality: family life and citizen participation. American Political Science Review, 91, 373–389.

Burns, N., Schlozman, K. L., & Verba, S. (2001). The private roots of public action. Harvard University Press.

Burns, N., Verba, S., & Schlozman, K. L. (1997). Knowing and caring about politics: Gender and political engagement. The Journal of Politics, 59(4), 1051-1072.

Butler, J. (1990). Gender trouble and the subversion of identity. New York et Londres: Routledge.

Butler, J. (1990). Gender trouble, feminist theory, and psychoanalytic discourse. Feminism/postmodernism, 327.

Campbell, D. E., & Wolbrecht, C. (2006). See Jane run: Women politicians as role models for adolescents. Journal of Politics, 68(2), 233-247.

Caul, M. (2001). Political parties and the adoption of candidate gender quotas: A cross–national analysis. Journal of Politics, 63(4), 1214-1229.

Chafetz J.S. (1984). Sex and advantage: a comparative macro structural theory of sex stratification. Rowman & Allanheld.

Chhibber, P. (2002). Why are some women politically active? The household, public space, and political participation in India. International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 43(3-5), 409-429.

Coffé, H., & Bolzendahl, C. (2010). Same game, different rules? Gender differences in political participation. Sex roles, 62(5-6), 318-333.

Coffé, H., & Dilli, S. (2015). The gender gap in political participation in Muslim-majority countries. International Political Science Review, 36(5), 526-544.

Cole, E. R., & Sabik, N. J. (2010). Associations between femininity and women’s political behavior during midlife. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 34(4), 508–520. doi:10.1111/j.1471- 2506402.2010.01600.x

Connell, R. W., & Connell, R. (2005). Masculinities. Oakland California. University of California Press.

Connell, R. W., & Connell, R. (1993). Schools & social justice. James Lorimer & Company.

Coole, D. (1988). Women in Political Theory: From Ancient Misogyny to Contemporary Feminism. Wheatsheaf Brighton.

151

Corrin, C. (1992). Superwomen and the double burden: women's experience of change in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Scarlet Press.

Currell, B. C. (2005). Gender, presidential elections and public policy: Making women’s votes matter. Journal of Women, Politics and Policy, 27(1), 31–50.

Creswell, J. W., & Clark, V. L. P. (2007). Designing and conducting mixed methods research. Sage publication.

Cronbach, L. J. (1951). Coefficient alpha and the internal structure of tests. Psychometrika, 16 (3): 297-334.

Dahlerup, D. (2006). Women, Politics, and Quotas. New York. Rouledge.

Dahlerup, D., & Freidenvall, L. (2005). Quotas as a ‘fast track’to equal representation for women: Why Scandinavia is no longer the model. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 7(1), 26-48.

Dahlerup, D., & Nordlund, A. T. (2004). Gender quotas: a key to equality? A case study of Iraq and Afghanistan. European Political Science, 3(3), 91-98.

Dalton, R. J. (2004). Democratic choices, democratic challenges: The erosion of political support in advanced industrial democracies. Dalton, R. J. (2006). Social modernization and the end of ideology debate: Patterns of ideological polarization. Japanese Journal of Political Science, 7(01), 1-22.

Dalton, R. J. (2008). Citizenship norms and the expansion of political participation. Political studies, 56(1), 76-98.

Dalton, R. J., & Anderson, C. J. (2011). Citizens, context, and choice: how context shapes citizens' electoral choices. Oxford University Press. Dalton, R. J., Farrell, D. M., & McAllister, I. (2011). Political parties and democratic linkage: How parties organize democracy. Oxford University Press. Dassonneville, R., Blais, A., & Dejaeghere, Y. (2015). Staying with the party, switching or exiting? a comparative analysis of determinants of party switching and abstaining. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, 25(3), 387-405. Democracy International ( 2008). U.S election observation mission to Pakistan general election 2008. Retrieved from http.//www.democracrinternational.us. Denzin, N. K., & Lincoln, Y. S. (1994). Handbook of qualitative research. Sage publications, inc.

152

DeSantis, A. (2007). Inside Greek U.: Fraternities, sororities, and the pursuit of pleasure, power, and prestige. University Press of Kentucky. Diani, M., & McAdam, D. (2003). Social movements and networks: Relational approaches to collective action. Oxford University Press. Diemer, M. A. (2012). Fostering marginalized youths’ political participation: Longitudinal roles of parental political socialization and youth sociopolitical development. American Journal of Community Psychology, 50(1-2), 246-256. European Union Election Observation Mission to Pakistan (2013). Elections observation report. www.eods.eu/library/PR%20PAKISTAN%2010.07.2013_en.pdf FAFEN (2013b): Observation of General Election 2013: Key Findings and Recommendations. Field Observation Report, Islamabad, http://electionpakistan.org/assets/publication/bb90e-FAFEN-Election- Observation- Report---Key-Findings-and-Recommendations-(22-May- 2013).pdf,

Fallon, K. M. (2003). Transforming Women's Citizenship Rights within an Emerging Democratic State: The Case of Ghana. Gender & Society, 17(4), 525-543.

Fielding, N., & Cisneros-Puebla, C. A. (2009). CAQDAS-GIS convergence: toward a new integrated mixed method research practice?. Journal of mixed methods research, 3(4), 349-370.

Fish, M. S. (2002). Islam and authoritarianism. World politics, 55(01), 4-37.

Fox, R. L., & Lawless, J. L. (2004). Entering the arena? Gender and the decision to run for office. American Journal of Political Science, 48(2), 264-280.

Francis, B. (2006). The nature of gender. The Sage handbook of gender and education, 7-17.

Frazer, E., & Macdonald, K. (2003). Sex differences in political knowledge in Britain. Political Studies, 51(1), 67-83.

Gallego, A. (2007). Unequal political participation in Europe. International Journal of Sociology, 37(4), 10-25.

Goetz, A. M., & Hassim, S. (2003). No shortcuts to power: African women in politics and policy making (Vol. 3). Zed Books.

Gonzales, R. G. (2008). Left out but not shut down: Political activism and the undocumented student movement. Nw. JL & Soc. Pol'y, 3, 219.

153

Goss, K. A. (2003). Rethinking the political participation paradigm: the case of women and gun control. Women & Politics, 25(4), 83-118.

Gray, D., Shaw, J., & Farrington, J. (2006). Community transport, social capital and social exclusion in rural areas. Area, 38(1), 89-98.

Grey, S. (2006). Numbers and beyond: The relevance of critical mass in gender research. Politics & Gender, 2(04), 492-502.

Ibrahim. (2012). Socio-Cultural and Economic Constraints to Women’s Political Empowerment in Pakhtun Society; unpublished Mphil Thesis Department of Sociology, University of Malakand.

Isran, S., & Isran, M. A. (2013). Low Female Labour Participation in Pakistan: Causes and Consequences. Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences (PJSS), 33(1).

Harrison, L., & Munn, J. (2007). Gendered (Non) participants? What Constructions of Citizenship Tell Us about Democratic Governance in the Twenty-first Century. Parliamentary Affairs, 60(3).

Hatch, J. A. (2002). Doing qualitative research in education settings. Sunny Press.

Henn, M. & Foard, N. (2012). Young People, Political Participation and Trust in Britain. Parliamentary Affairs, Vol 65, 47 – 67. Doi: 10.1093/pa/gsr046.

Henslin, J. (2007). Down to earth sociology: Introductory readings. New York, NY: Free Press.

Hooghe, M., & Stolle, D. (2004). Good girls go to the polling booth, bad boys go everywhere: Gender differences in anticipated political participation among American fourteen-year- olds. Women & Politics, 26(3-4), 1-23.

Holmes, D., & Gastaldo, D. (2002). Nursing as means of governmentality. Journal of advanced nursing, 38(6), 557-565.

Howell, J. (2002). Women's political participation in China: struggling to hold up half the sky.

Huckfeldt, R., & Sprague, J. (1992). Political Parties and Electoral Mobilization: Political Structure, Social Structure, and the Party Canvass. American Political Science Review, 86(01), 70-86. Hutter, S., & Braun, D. (2013). Trust in representative democracy and protest behavior: a multilevel analysis of European democracies.

154

Ibrahim, Fariqa. (2005). Honour Killings under the Rule of Law in Pakistan, Master of Laws Thesis, Montreal: McGill University. [Online: web] Accessed on 9 Oct. 2014, URL: http://digitool.library.mcgill.ca/R/?func=dbin-jump- full&object_id=83953&local_base=GEN01-MCG02. Inglehart, R., & Norris, P. (2003). Rising tide: Gender equality and cultural change around the world. Cambridge University Press.

Isran, Samina & Manzoor Isran. (2012). Patriarchy and Women in Pakistan: A Critical Analysis. Interdisciplinary Journal of Contemporary Research in Business, 4(6): 835-859.

Jabeen, N., & Jadoon, M. Z. I. (2009). Gender and local governance in Pakistan: Representation vs. participation. International NGO Journal, 4(5), 264-276.

Jones, M. P. (2004). Quota legislation and the election of women: Learning from the Costa Rican experience. Journal of Politics, 66(4), 1203-1223.

Jones, M. P. (2005). The desirability of gender quotas: Considering context and design. Politics & Gender, 1(4), 645.

Khan, W. (2011). The Role of Pakhtun Social Organization in Gendered Decision-Making (A Case study of Batkhela, District Malakand). An Unpublished M. Phil Dissertation, Department of Sociology, University of Malakand.

Karam, A. M. (1999). Women’s Political Participation. In Meeting on Women and Political Participation: 21st Century Challenges’, in (pp. 24-26).

Katsanidou, A., & Eder, C. (2015). Vote, party, or protest: The influence of confidence in political institutions on various modes of political participation in Europe. Comparative European Politics.

Kazmi, S. W., & Quran, H. (2005). Role of education in globalization: A case for Pakistan. SAARC Journal of Human Resource Development, 1(1), 90–107.

Keck, Margaret E. and Kathryn Sikkink (1998) Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Kenney, P., & Fridkin, K. (2007). Examining the Gender Gap in Children’s Attitudes Toward Politics. Sex Roles: A Journal of Research.

Kenworthy, L., & Malami, M. (1999). Gender inequality in political representation: A worldwide comparative analysis. Social Forces, 235-268.

King, D. C., & Matland, R. E. (2003). Sex and the grand old party: An experimental investigation of the effect of candidate sex on support for a Republican candidate. American Politics Research, 31(6), 595-612.

155

Kittilson, M. C. (2006). Challenging parties, changing parliaments: Women and elected office in contemporary Western Europe. Ohio State University Press.

Kittilson, M. C., & Anderson, C. J. (2009). Comparing Voter Participation: Individual Resources, Orientations and the Context of Party Politics. APSA 2009 Toronto meeting paper. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=1451168. Knoke, David. (1990). Political Networks: The Structuralist Perspective. New York: Cambridge University Press. Krook, M. L. (2004). Gender quotas as a global phenomenon: actors and strategies in quota adoption. European Political Science, 3(3), 59-65.

Krook, M. L. (2010). Quotas for women in politics: Gender and candidate selection reform worldwide. Oxford University Press.

Kunovich, S., & Paxton, P. (2005). Pathways to Power: The Role of Political Parties in Women’s National Political Representation. American Journal of Sociology, 111(2), 505-552.

Latif et.al (2015). Female political participation in South Asia: A case study of Pakistan. South Asian Studies, 30(2), 201-213.

Lawless, J. L., & Theriault, S. M. (2005). Will she stay or will she go? Career ceilings and women's retirement from the US Congress. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 30(4), 581- 596.

LeCompte, M. D., & Schensul, J. J. (1999). Analyzing & interpreting ethnographic data (Vol. 5). Rowman Altamira.

Lehman, J. P. (2000). A validity study of the femininity ideology scale (Doctoral dissertation, Florida Institute of Technology). Leighley, J. (1996). Group membership and the mobilization of political participation. The Journal of Politics, 58(2), 447-463. Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic inquiry (Vol. 75). Sage. Linssen, R., Schmeets, H., Scheepers, P., & Grotenhuis, M. (2014). Trends in conventional and unconventional political participation in Europe, 1981–2008. Political trust disenchantment with politics international perspectives.

Lister, R. (1998). Citizen in action: citizenship and community development in a Northern Ireland context. Community Development Journal, 33(3), 226-235.

Lister, R. (2003). Investing in the citizen‐workers of the future: Transformations in citizenship and the state under New Labour. Social Policy & Administration, 37(5), 427-443.

156

Longman, P. (2006). The return of patriarchy. Foreign Policy, 56-65.

Lorber, J. (2000). Using gender to undo gender: A feminist degendering movement. Feminist theory, 1(1), 79-95.

Lovenduski, J. (1998). Gendering research in political science. Annual Review of Political Science, 1(1), 333-356.

Lovenduski, J. (2005). Feminizing politics. Cambridge. Polity press.

Lundåsen, S. W. (2014). Voluntary Associations Within the Local Political Context: How Characteristics of the Organizations and the Local Governments Influence Perceptions of Success. VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, 25(4), 1041-1061.

MacKinnon, C. A. (1989). Toward a feminist theory of the state. Harvard University Press.

Marien, S., Hooghe, M., & Quintelier, E. (2010). Inequalities in non-institutionalised forms of political participation: A multi-level analysis of 25 countries. Political Studies, 58(1), 187-213.

Martin, P. Y. (2004). Gender as social institution. Social forces, 82(4), 1249-1273.

Marshall, C., & Rossman, G. B. (2011). Designing qualitative research. Sage.

Matland, R. E. (1998). Women's representation in national legislatures: Developed and developing countries. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 109-125.

Matland, R. E., & Montgomery, K. A. (2003). Women's access to political power in post- communist Europe. Oxford University Press.

Matland, R. E., & Studlar, D. T. (1996). The contagion of women candidates in single-member district and proportional representation electoral systems: Canada and Norway. The journal of politics, 58(3), 707-733.

McAdam, D. (1986). Recruitment to high-risk activism: The case of freedom summer. American journal of sociology, 92(1), 64-90. McAdam, D. (1988). Micro mobilization contexts and recruitment to activism. International Social Movement Research, 1(1), 125-154. McAdam, D., McCarthy, J. D., & Zald, M. N. (1996). Comparative perspectives on social movements: Political opportunities, mobilizing structures, and cultural framings. Cambridge University Press. McAllister, I., & Studlar, D. T. (2002). Electoral systems and women's representation: a long‐term perspective. Representation, 39(1), 3-14.

157

McCammon, H. J., Campbell, K. E., Granberg, E. M., & Mowery, C. (2001). How movements win: Gendered opportunity structures and US women's suffrage movements, 1866 to 1919. American Sociological Review, 49-70.

McClurg, S. D. (2003). Social networks and political participation: The role of social interaction in explaining political participation. Political research quarterly, 56(4), 449-464.

McClurg, S. D. (2006). Political disagreement in context: The conditional effect of neighborhood context, disagreement and political talk on electoral participation. Political Behavior, 28(4), 349-366.

McClurg, S. D. (2006). The electoral relevance of political talk: Examining disagreement and expertise effects in social networks on political participation. American Journal of Political Science, 50(3), 737-754. Moore, G., & Shackman, G. (1996). Gender and authority: A cross-national study. Social Science Quarterly, 273-288.

Moser, A. (2003). Acts of resistance: the performance of women's grassroots protest in Peru. Social Movement Studies, 2(2), 177-190.

Munroe, T. (2002). An introduction to politics: Lectures for first-year students. University of the West Indies Press.

Mutz, D. C. (2002). Cross-cutting social networks: Testing democratic theory in practice. American Political Science Review, 96(01), 111-126.

Mutz, D. C. (2002). The consequences of cross-cutting networks for political participation. American Journal of Political Science, 838-855. Mutz, D. C. (2006). Hearing the other side: Deliberative versus participatory democracy. Cambridge University Press. National Commission on the Status of Women (2010): Gender Review of Political Framework for Women Political Participation. Review Report, Islamabad, http://www.ncsw.gov.pk/previewpublication/13, accessed on 18.12.2016.

National Commission on Status of Women (2014). Gender Review of Political Framework for Women Political Participation, accessed from https://www.academia.edu/InstitutionalStrengtheningofNCSWSupportoImplementationof GRAPs

Navarro, Z. (2006). Bourdieu and Habitus. Powerpack: Understanding Power for Social Change, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, England. Available here.

158

Naz, A., & Chaudhry, H. U. R. (2011). Gender and Development: Socio-Cultural, Economic, Religious and Political Impediments in Women’s Empowerment and Gender Development: A Case Study of Malakand Division KPK Pakistan.

Naz, A., & Ahmad, W. (2012). Socio-cultural impediments to women political empowerment in Pakhtun society. Academic Research International, 3(1), 163.

Nechemias, C. (1987). Changes in the election of women to US state legislative seats. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 125-142.

Niemi, R. G., Craig, S. C., & Mattei, F. (1991). Measuring internal political efficacy in the 1988 National Election Study. American Political Science Review, 85(04), 1407-1413. Norris, P. (2002). Democratic phoenix: Reinventing political activism. Cambridge University Press. Norris, P. (2004). Electoral engineering: Voting rules and political behavior. Cambridge university press. Noor, M. J. (2004). Violence against Women in Pakistan (Doctoral dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology). Öberg, P., & Svensson, T. (2012). Civil society and deliberative democracy: Have voluntary organisations faded from national public politics?. Scandinavian Political Studies, 35(3), 246-271. Okin, S. M. (1979). Rousseau's Natural Woman. The Journal of Politics, 41(2), 393-416.

Orloff, A. (1996). Gender in the welfare state. Annual review of sociology, 22(1), 51-78.

Oxley, Z. M., & Fox, R. L. (2004). Women in executive office: Variation across American states. Political Research Quarterly, 57(1), 113-120.

Padgett, D. K. (1998). Does the glove really fit? Qualitative research and clinical social work practice. Social Work, 43(4), 373-381.

Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency – PILDAT (2004): Women Representation in Pakistan's Parliament. Lahore, http://www.pildat.org/Publications/publication/Women/WomenRepresentationInPakistan Parliament.pdf, accessed on 22.10.2016.

Parkin, R. (1997). Kinship: An introduction to basic concepts. Oxford: Blackwell.

Parry, G., Moyser, G., & Day, N. (1992). Political participation and democracy in Britain. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

159

Parry, G., Moyser, G., & Day, N. (1992). Political participation and democracy in Britain. Cambridge University Press.

Pateman, C. (1989). The disorder of women: Democracy, feminism, and political theory. Stanford University Press.

Pattie, C., Seyd, P., & Whiteley, P. (2003). Citizenship and civic engagement: Attitudes and behaviour in Britain. Political Studies, 51(3), 443-468.

Paxton, P. (1997). Women in national legislatures: A cross-national analysis. Social Science Research, 26(4), 442-464.

Paxton, P. M., & Kunovich, S. (2003). Women's political representation: The importance of ideology. Social Forces, 82(1), 87-113.

Paxton, P., Hughes, M. M., & Green, J. L. (2006). The international women's movement and women's political representation, 1893–2003. American Sociological Review, 71(6), 898- 920.

Paxton, P., Kunovich, S., & Hughes, M. M. (2007). Gender in politics. Annu. Rev. Sociol., 33, 263-284.

Phillips, A. (1995). The politics of presence. Clarendon Press.

Phillips, A. (1998). Feminism and politics. Oxford University Press on Demand.

Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: America’s declining social capital. In Culture and politics (pp. 223-234). Palgrave Macmillan US.

Rai, S. M. (2003). Institutional mechanisms for the advancement of women: mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state. Mainstreaming Gender, Democratizing the State: Institutional Mechanisms for the Advancement of Women, 15-39.

Ramirez, F. O., Soysal, Y., & Shanahan, S. (1997). The changing logic of political citizenship: Cross-national acquisition of women's suffrage rights, 1890 to 1990. American sociological review, 735-745.

Randall, V. (1987).Women and politics. 2nd edn. Chicago , IL : University of Chicago Press.

Rapoport R. B. (1981). The sex gap in political persuading: where the ‘structuring principle’ works. American Journal of Political Science. (25) ,32–48. doi: 10.2307/2110911.

Rapoport, Ronald B., Walter J. Stone, and Alan I. Abramowitz. (1990). Sex and the Caucus Participant: The Gender Gap and Presidential Nominations. American Journal of Political Science 34:725-40.

160

Repila, J. (2013). The politics of our lives: the raising her voice in Pakistan experience. Oxfam GB.

Reynolds, A. (1999). Women in the legislatures and executives of the world: Knocking at the highest glass ceiling. World Politics, 51(04), 547-572.

Reynolds, A. (1999). Electoral systems and democratization in Southern Africa. Oxford University Press.

Riley, S. C., Griffin, C., & Morey, Y. (2010). The case for ‘everyday politics’: Evaluating neo- tribal theory as a way to understand alternative forms of political participation, using electronic dance music culture as an example. Sociology, 44(2), 345-363.

Risman, B. (1998). Gender Vertigo. New haven. Yale University.

Rosenstone, S. J & Hansen, J. M. (2003). Mobilization, Participation, Democracy in America. Newyork: Longman.

Rule, W. (1987). Electoral systems, contextual factors and women's opportunity for election to parliament in twenty-three democracies. Western Political Quarterly, 40(3), 477-498.

Rule, W., & Zimmerman, J. F. (1994). Electoral systems in comparative perspective: Their impact on women and minorities (No. 338). Greenwood Publishing Group.

Saeed, Abrar. 2008. “28 New Ministers to Join Cabinet.” The Nation, November 3, sec. Politics. http://www.nation.com.pk/politics/03-Nov-2008/28-new-ministers-to-join-Cabinet

Sanbonmatsu, K. (2002). Gender stereotypes and vote choice. American Journal of Political Science, 20-34.

Sanz, C. (2015). The effect of electoral systems on voter turnout: evidence from a natural experiment. Political Science Research and Methods, 1-22.

Sapiro, V. (1983). The Political Integration of Women: Roles. Socialization, and Politics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), 182.

Sarvasy, W., & Siim, B. (1994). Gender, transitions to democracy, and citizenship. Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society, 1(3), 249-255.

Schippers, M. (2007). Recovering the feminine other: Masculinity, femininity, and gender hegemony. Theory and society, 36(1), 85-102.

Schlozman, K. L., Burns, N., & Verba, S. (1999). " What Happened at Work Today?": A Multistage Model of Gender, Employment, and Political Participation. The Journal of Politics, 61(1), 29-53.

161

Schlozman, K. L., Burns, N., Verba, S., & Donahue, J. (1995). Gender and citizen participation: Is there a different voice?. American Journal of Political Science, 267-293.

Schlozman, K. L., Verba, S., & Brady, H. E. (2012). The unheavenly chorus: Unequal political voice and the broken promise of American democracy. Princeton University Press.

Schmidt, G. D., & Saunders, K. L. (2004). Effective quotas, relative party magnitude, and the success of female candidates: Peruvian municipal elections in comparative perspective. Comparative political studies, 37(6), 704-734.

Schussman, A., & Soule, S. A. (2005). Process and protest: Accounting for individual protest participation. Social forces, 84(2), 1083-1108.

Seyd, B. (2016). Exploring Political Disappointment. Parliamentary Affairs, 69(2), 327-347. Shaheed et al, (2009). Women in Politics: Participation and Representation in Pakistan, An overview. Lahore: Shirkat Gah- Women’s Resource Centre. P. 26.

Sheikh, Shafaq (2009), “Problems of Pakistani Women”, Lecture delivered on 14 May, 2009 at Institute of Policy Studies: Islamabad.

Sherazi, Zahir Shah (2013), “KP govt confirms women vote blocked by political parties”, Dawn, Lahore, Accessed on 10 May 2013, URL: http://dawn.com/news/1026733/lower-dir-ppp- anp-ji-team-up-to-bar-women-voters.

Smith, D. E. (1990). The conceptual practices of power: A feminist sociology of knowledge. University of Toronto Press.

Squires, J. (2007). The new politics of gender equality. Palgrave Macmillan.

Staudt K. (1986). Stratification: implication for women politics. In women and class in Africa, ed. C. Robertson, I. Berger. New York. Africana.

Stolle, D., & Hooghe, M. (2009). Shifting inequalities? Patterns of exclusion and inclusion in emerging forms of political participation (No. SP I 2009-204). WZB Discussion Paper.

Teddlie, C., & Tashakkori, A. (2003). Major issues and controveries inthe use of mixed methods in the social and behvioral sciences. Handbook of mixed methods in social & behavioral research, 3-50.

Teddlie, C., & Yu, F. (2007). Mixed methods sampling: A typology with examples. Journal of mixed methods research, 1(1), 77-100.

Teorell, J. (2003). Linking social capital to political participation: Voluntary associations and networks of recruitment in Sweden. Scandinavian Political Studies, 26(1), 49-66.

162

True, J., & Mintrom, M. (2001). Transnational networks and policy diffusion: The case of gender mainstreaming. International studies quarterly, 45(1), 27-57.

True, J., Niner, S., Parashar, S., & George, N. (2014). Women’s political participation in Asia and the Pacific. In SSRC Conflict Prevention and Peace Forum.

Uhlaner, C. J. (1989). “Relational goods” and participation: Incorporating sociability into a theory of rational action. Public choice, 62(3), 253-285.

Uhlaner, C. J. (1989). Rational turnout: The neglected role of groups. American Journal of Political Science, 390-422.

United Nations Development Programme Pakistan (2005), Political and Legislative Participation of Women in Pakistan. Issues and Perspectives. Research Report, Islamabad, http://www.mumkinalliance.org/wpcontent/uploads/2012/06/POL-legislative-OF- Women-UN-Report.pdf.

Ullman, J. B., & Bentler, P. M. (2003). Structural equation modeling. John Wiley & Sons, Inc..

UNDP Pakistan (2005); Zakar, Muhammad Zakria (n.d.): Strengthening Women's Political Participation and Leadership for Effective Democratic Governance. A baseline research study. Research report, Search for Common Ground.

United Nations Development Programme Pakistan (2007). Achieving gender equality in public offices in Pakistan. Retrieved from United Nations website http:// www.un.org.pk.undp/ UNDP (2013), “Human Development Report 2013”, Accessed on 17 Oct. 2015, URL: http:// http://hdrstats.undp.org/images/explanations/pak.pdf. Van Deth, J. W. (2001, April). Studying political participation: towards a theory of everything. In joint sessions of workshops of the European consortium for political research, Grenoble (pp. 6-11). Verba, S., & Nie, N. H. (1972). Participation in America: Social equality and political democracy. New York: Harper& Row. Verba, S., Burns, N., & Schlozman, K. L. (1997). Knowing and caring about politics: Gender and political engagement. The Journal of Politics, 59(4), 1051-1072.

Verba, S., Nie, N. H., & Kim, J. O. (1978). Participation and Political Equality: A Seven-Nation Study. Verba, S., Nie, N. H., & Kim, J. O. (1978). Participation and Political Equality: A Seven-Nation comparison. Cambridge university press. Verba, S., Schlozman, K. L., & Brady, H. E. (1995). Voice and equality: Civic voluntarism in American politics. Harvard University Press.

163

Vráblíková, K. (2014). How context matters? Mobilization, political opportunity structures, and nonelectoral political participation in old and new democracies. Comparative Political Studies, 47(2), 203-229. Vráblíková, K., & van Deth, J. W. (2016). Conducive contexts: The impact of collective and individual social capital on democratic citizenship. Acta Politica. Wallman Lundåsen, S. (2015). Civil Society and Political Participation: What Type of Political Participation is Influenced by Community Level Involvement in Civil Society?. Swiss Political Science Review, 21(1), 140-157. Welch, S., & Studlar, D. T. (1990). Multi-member districts and the representation of women: evidence from Britain and the United States. The Journal of Politics, 52(2), 391-412.

West, C., & Zimmerman, D. H. (1987). Doing gender. Gender & society, 1(2), 125-151.

Whiteley, P., Clarke, H. D., Sanders, D., & Stewart, M. C. (2010). Government performance and life satisfaction in contemporary Britain. The journal of politics, 72(3), 733-746.

Whiteley, P., Clarke, H. D., Sanders, D., & Stewart, M. (2016). Why Do Voters Lose Trust in Governments? Public Perceptions of Government Honesty and Trustworthiness in Britain 2000–2013. The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 18(1), 234-254.

Wielhouwer, Peter, & Brad Lockerbie. (1996). Party Contacting and Political Participation 1952- 90. American Journal of Political Science, 38, 211-229.

Wilcox, C., & Norrander, B. (2005). Change in Continuity in the Geography of Women Legislators. Women in Elective Office, 176-196.

Williams, B. A., & Matheny, A. R. (1998). Democracy, dialogue, and environmental disputes: The contested languages of social regulation. Yale University Press.

Williams, M. T., Donnelly, J. P., Holmlund, T., & Battaglia, M. (2008). ALS: Family caregiver needs and quality of life. Amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, 9(5), 279-286.

Young, C. (2004). The end of the post-colonial state in Africa? Reflections on changing African political dynamics. African Affairs, 103(410), 23-49.

Yusuf, H. (2013). The evolving role of women in Pakistani politics. NOREF Expert Analysis,[Online]< http://www. peacebuilding. no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/c83235 6e4ede2cff568363e27bb152b0. pdf>[Accessed: July 23, 2015].

Zakar, M. Z. (2014). Strengthening women’s political participation and leadership for effective democratic governance in Pakistan: A baseline research study. Retrieved from https://www.sfcg. org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Strengthening-Womens-Political- Leadership-in-Pakistan.pdf

164

Zia, Taiba (2013), “Acid Violence in Pakistan”, [Online: web] Accessed on 21 Jan. 2014, URL: http://www.escholarship.org /uc/item/65v958z1.

Zia, A. 2009. ‘Faith-based Politics, Enlightened Moderation and the Pakistani Women’s Movement’. Journal of International Women’s Studies 11 (1): 225–45.

165

APPENDIX I

GOVERNMENT COLLEGE UNIVERSITY, FAISALABAD DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY “MASCULINE POLITICS AND WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN PUNJAB, PAKISTAN”

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE 1. What is your age (in complete years) ______

2. What is your education status: 1) Illiterate 2) primary 3) Middle 4) Matriculate 5)

Graduation 6) Masters 7) Above masters

3. What is the education of your father ? 1) Illiterate 2) primary 3) Middle 4) Matriculate 5) Graduation 6) Masters 7) Above masters

4. What is the education of the mother? 1) Illiterate 2) primary 3) Middle 4) Matriculate 5) Graduation 6) Masters 7) Above masters

5. What is the employment status of your employment? 1) Government job 2) private job 3) Business 4) Laborer 5) Agriculture 6) Jobless

6. What is the employment status of your father? 1) Government job 2) private job 3) Business 4) Laborer 5) Agriculture 6) Jobless

7. Mother’s Employment 1) Government job 2) private job 3) Business 4) Laborer 5) Agriculture 6) Jobless

8. What is your marital status?(i) Single (ii) Married (iii) Widower (Iv) Divorced

9. What is your household monthly income? Rs.______

10. What is the type of family you are living in? (i) Nuclear (ii) Joint (iii) Extended

11. Name of the political party you are affiliated with? ______12. Are you registered voter? 1) Yes 2)No

13. Did you caste the vote in the last local government election? 1) Yes 2)No

14. Who suggested you to cast the vote? 1) Self 2) Husband 3) Father 4) Brother 5) Peer 6) did not cast the vote.

166

Q.1 What is the extent of your response to the following statement regarding feminine identity?

1. Feminine Identity 4. SA (Strongly Agree) 3. A (Agree) 2. D (Disagree) 1. SD (Strongly disagree) 1.1 Woman should be beautiful SA A D SD 1.2 Women should be attractive SA A D SD 1.3 Women should look like women SA A D SD 1.4 Women should avoid contact with male SA A D SD 1.5 Women should take care of her family honor SA A D SD 1.6 Women should avoid immoral activities SA A D SD 1.7 Women should be submissive SA A D SD 1.8 Women should be caring SA A D SD 1.9 Women should be loving SA A D SD Q.2 What is the extent of your response to the following statement regarding your trust in Politics?

2. Political Trust 4. SA (Strongly Agree) 3. A (Agree) 2. D (Disagree) 1. SD (Strongly disagree) 2.1 Up to extent you agree that politicians generally know what they are SA A D SD doing? 2.2 Up to what extent you agree that only politicians who show they are SA A D SD responding to policies concerns win election? 2.3 Up to what extent you agree that if politicians go back on promises made SA A D SD to voters, they get punished at election? 2.4 Up to what extent you agree that politicians change their minds all the SA A D SD time? 2.5 Up to what extent you agree that in politics only the most able people get SA A D SD to the top? 2.6 Up to what extent you agree that political parties ensure that only capable SA A D SD people get selected as election candidates? 2.7 Up to what extent you agree that in the main, politicians tell the truth? SA A D SD 2.8 Up to what extent you agree that government ministers tell us all about SA A D SD what they get up to as they can? 2.9 Up to what extent you agree that government treat each group within SA A D SD society equal?

167

Q.3 What is the extent of your response to the following statement regarding Political efficacy?

3 .Political Efficacy 4. SA (Strongly Agree) 3. A (Agree) 2. D (Disagree) 1. SD (Strongly disagree) 3.1 I know more about politics than other people of my age SA A D SD 3.2 What political issues or problems are being discussed , I usually SA A D SD have something to say 3.3 I am able to understand most political issues easily SA A D SD 3.4 The government is doing its best to find out what people want. SA A D SD 3.5 When people get together to demand change, the leader in SA A D SD government listen

Q.4 What is the extent of your response to the following statement regarding Political participation?

4. Political Participation 4. A (Always) 3. VO (Very Often) 2. S (Some time) 1.R (Rare) 4.1 In local government elections, I tried to persuade someone to vote A VO S R for or against a candidate or party 4.2 In local government elections , I attended a campaign function or A VO S R rally to support a candidate or party 4.3 In local government elections I gathered information about A VO S R various political parties or candidates 4.4 In local government elections, I motivated other people to vote A VO S R for a particular candidate or party.

Q.5 What is the extent of your response to the following statement regarding Political Interest?

5. Political Interest 4. A (Always) 3. VO (Very Often) 2. S (Some time) 1.R (Rare) 5.1 I found politics very interesting A VO S R 5.2 I am interested in what is happening in government A VO S R 5.3 I read newspaper articles regarding politics A VO S R 5.4 I watch television program about politics A VO S R 5.5 I discuss political issue A VO S R

Q.6 What is the extent of your response to the following statement regarding Political Socialization?

6. Political Socialization 4. A (Always) 3. VO (Very Often) 2. S (Some time) 1.R (Rare) 6.1 I discuss political issues with my family A VO S R 6.2 I discuss political affairs with my peer A VO S R 6.3 I participate in political discussion at my community A VO S R 6.4 I watch television about politics A VO S R

168

Q.7 What is the extent of your response to the following statement regarding Gender roles?

7. Gender Roles 4. SA (Strongly Agree) 3. A (Agree) 2. D (Disagree) 1. SD (Strongly disagree) 7.1 Women should do domestic chores SA A D SD 7.2 Women should take care of husband and his needs SA A D SD 7.3 Women should socialize the children SA A D SD 7.4 Women should teach the values to children SA A D SD 7.5 Women should be the custodian of the family name/honor SA A D SD 7.6 Women should be sacrificing for her family SA A D SD 7.7 Women should only be concerned with home related matters SA A D SD 7.8 Home should be the ultimate place for women SA A D SD 7.9 Women should be the least concerned What is happening SA A D SD outside the home

Q.8 What is the extent of your response to the following statement regarding patriarchal political culture

8. Patriarchal Political culture 4. SA (Strongly Agree) 3. A (Agree) 2. D (Disagree) 1. SD (Strongly disagree) 8.1 Men are best suited for political activities SA A D SD 8.2 Men are more trained in politics SA A D SD 8.3 Men are born political leaders SA A D SD 8.4 Men have better understanding of the political affairs SA A D SD 8.5 Men can make better policies to run the governments SA A D SD 8.6 Men have more chances to win a seat in election SA A D SD 8.7 Men can run a political campaign in better way SA A D SD 8.8 Men have the support of caste (Baradri) group SA A D SD 8.9 Men have better negotiation skills used in politics SA A D SD 8.10 Men are good in maneuvering political issues SA A D SD

169

APPENDIX II

GOVERNMENT COLLEGE UNIVERSITY, FAISALABAD DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY MASCULINE POLITICS AND WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN PUNJAB, PAKISTAN

INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR WOMEN POLITICIANS/ REPRESENTATIVES

Age. Marital status.

Political affiliation. Political Background.

Experience in Politics. Term of representation/

Party position/representation.

 How do you manage your home and politics?

 Which activities are compromised?

 What are the problems existing political culture pose to female politician?

 What are problems existing socio-cultural environment pose to female politician?

 Do you see/think that female politician can make strong footing in the existing political

culture?

 Do you think female should put themselves in male shoe to make political career?

 What political spaces do you think are available to female to make political career?

 How your opinion/ arguments are taken in party meetings?

 What is the highest position you are foreseeing in the party?

170

APPENDIX III

GOVERNMENT COLLEGE UNIVERSITY, FAISALABAD DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY MASCULINE POLITICS AND WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN PUNJAB, PAKISTAN

INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR WOMEN VOTERS

Socioeconomic profile of the respondents. Age. Marital status;

No. of children. Family Type.

Household Income. Ownership of House.

Political affiliation; casting of vote;

 What are the gender roles of a woman in your area?

 Which role do you prefer the most?

 What should be the ideal role of a women?

 What are the feminine characteristics of women?

 How do you see women politician?

 What are the qualities of them you like the most?

 Do you think women should take part in politics?

 Do you think your culture allow women to participate in politics?

 What are the problems faced by women who are in politics?

 Do you ever think of contesting election?

 Who can best run the political system; male or female?

171

APPENDIX IV

CONSENT FOR PARTICIPATION

MASCULINE POLITICS AND WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN PUNJAB, PAKISTAN

I am conducting this research in the partial fulfillment of the award of the degree of PhD in Sociology from the Government College University, Faisalabad. This is an academic work and you are one of the respondents who are participating in this qualitative/quantitative interview.

 Your participation is voluntary and you shall not be paid however; you can withdraw and discontinue your participation in this study at any time.  The questions asked shall cover your point of view regarding your participation in the political affairs and factors associated however; you may decline to answer any question or to end the interview.  The interview will last for approximately 20-30 minutes (quantitative).  The interview will last for approximately 40-60 minutes (qualitative). Notes will be taken during the interview. It will also be tap recorded and subsequent discussion will be made.  Your identity will not be disclosed in any of the report/research paper based on the information from your interview. The confidentiality will be ensured.  Other than researcher no one has access to the information obtained from you. It will be ensured that information obtained from you may not cause you negative repercussion of any kind.  If you have understood the details and are satisfied, you can continue the participation in this study.  You can have a copy of this consent form if you want so.

Signature with date of participant

Researcher; Akhlaq Ahmad Contact No. 0333-4232237

172