MUMBAI METROPOLITAN REGION DEVELOPMENT AUTHORITY 4 U _1jq TIWF4TI- ET Wk T fWETu nil [ T 1
IMRDA/ MUTP/ Post-R&R/ 2008/.35$ Date: - 2l September 9008 Public Disclosure Authorized
1 . Mir. t-lubert Nove Josserand The World Banik Ne\ Delhi Office 70. 1.odi Fstate, New Delhi 110003, INDIA.
Subject: - Submission of Final Report on Impact Assessment of Resettlemiient Implementation under MUTP by Tata Institute of Social
Public Disclosure Authorized Sciences (TISS).
L)ear Sir,
Please find hierewith the enclosed copy of final Report of Impact Assessment of' resettlement under MUTP by Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS).
YourlS truly, Public Disclosure Authorized
A .S.idaka Chief Post- R&R
llCI: - copy of final Report submitted by TISS.
CC: - I. I.U.B. Reddy, Senior Social Development Specialist. 2. Satya Mishra, World Bank Consultant. Public Disclosure Authorized FILE(S) - F
ACTION BY U
COPIED TO - -
Bandra-Kurla Complex, Bandra (East), Mumbai - 400 051. org EPBX 2659 0001-08 12659 4000 * FAX: 2659 1264 * E-MAIL: mmrdaqgiasbm01.vsnI.netin * WEB SITE http://www.mmrdamumbat Impact Assessment of Resettlement Implementations
under Mumbai Urban Transport Project (MUTP)
.ALL i
.t.
Preparedby
"S)Tata Institute of Social Sciences for The Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority (MMRDA)
March 2008 TISS PROJECT TEAM
Prof R.N. Sharma Team Leader Prof. K. Sita Consultant Ms. Leena Shevade Consultant-Engineer (TCE) Dr. Mouleshri Vyas Faculty Member Dr. Manish Jha Faculty Member Dr. A. Shaban Faculty Member
Research Staff Ms. Harshada Pathare Research Assistant Ms. Thamilarasi A. Ramaiah Research Assistant Ms. Lata Nair : Research Assistant Mr. Surendra Rote : Research Assistant Ms. Surekha Gaikwad Secretarial Assistant
and Field Staff (Investigators) CONTENTS Page
LIST OF TABLES I-III
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS IV-V
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY i-vi
ADDENDA FROM MMRDA a-f
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1
CHAPTER II ENTITLEMENTS, ALLOTMENT AND 9 RELOCATION
CHAPTER III ECONOMIC STATUS, LIVELIHOOD ISSUES 19 AND VULNERABLE GROUPS
CIIAPTER IV : HOUSING SOCIETIES AND COMMUNITY 34 DEVELOPMENT
CHAPTER V : INFRASTRUCTURE AND PUBLIC AMENITIES 45
CHAPTER VI ASSESSMENT OF CIVIL WORKS AND 57 QUALITY OF INFRASTRUCTURE
CHAPTER VII RESETTLEMENT UNDER MUTP VERSUS 75 SRA/MUIP CHAPTER VIII : ISSUES WITH REFERENCE TO COMMERCIAL 82 PAPs
CHAPTER IX INSTITUTIONAL MECHANISMS AND THEIR 91 EFFECTIVENESS
CHAPTER X : CONCLUSION: SCOPE FOR INTERVENTION/ 111 REVIEWING POLICY GUIDELINES
ANNEXURE - I : SURVEY OF A FEW PERSONS DENIED 118 'ENTITLEMENTS' AS THE PAPs
ANNEXURE -II : THE HOST COMMUNITY 123
ANNEXURE - III : CASE STUDIES OF VULNERABLE PAPs 125 LIST OF TABLES
Page
1.1 Status of Occupancy of Residential Tenements 4 1.2 Distribution of PAHs Taken up for Household Survey 5 2.1 Area of Houses 9 2.2 Basis for Determining Entitlement 10 2.3 Procedure of Allotment 12 2.4 Before Opting for the Present Site, if Opinion on the Site 13 Location Taken 2.5a Satisfaction with Specific Floor 13 2.5b Satisfaction with Specific Site 14 2.6 Overall, If Present House Better than the Former 14 2.7 In What Respect Present Location of House Better than the 15 Previous One 2.8 In What Respect the Present Location Worse than the 16 Previous One 2.9 Nature of Assistance Provided for Shifting 17 2.10 Time Elapsed between the Allotment of House and 18 Shifting to the Present Site 3.1 Whether Head of the Household Still Doing the Same 19 Job/Economic Activity 3.2 Whether Location of Job/Activity the same as Earlier 20 3.3 Supplementary Jobs 20 3.4 Mean Monthly Household Income (Rs.) 22 3.5 Distributional Pattern of HHs on the Basis of Monthly 22 Income 3.6 If Income Increased, Main Reason for it 23 3.7 If Income Reduced, Main Reason for it 23 3.8 Ownership of Material Assets 24 3.9 Mean Monthly Household Expenses (Rs.) 25 3.10 Whether Head of the Household Travels More Now than 26 Earlier 3.11 Income Group-wise Distribution of Indebtedness of PAHs 27 3.12 Main Source for the Loan 28 3.13 Proportion of Vulnerable Families 29 3.14a Whether Reported about their Vulnerability during the 30 BSES 3.14b If Yes, Whether any Special Help Received (in cash or 31 kind) at the New Site 4.1 Whether Families from Earlier Neighbourhood were 35 Resettled at this Site 4.2 Interaction with Neighbours 35 4.3 Interaction with New Neighbours 36 4.4 Has a Co-operative Housing Society been Formed for your 37 Building 4.5 If the Society has been in Existence for over a year, are 38 Annual General Body Meetings Held 4.6 Member Perception about Housing Society Listening to 39 Grievances 4.7 Member Opinion of Maintenance of Society Accounts 39 4.8 Awareness of Services Managed by Housing Societies 40 4.9 Member Identification of Functions Performed 41 Satisfactorily by their Housing Society 4.10 Member Identification of Functions Not Performned by 41 their Housing Society 4.11 Member Perception about Community Ability to Take 43 Care of the Maintenance of Building and Environment of the Area in Long Run 4.12 Are you Satisfied with the Functioning of the Co-operative 43 Housing Society 5.1 Duration of Water Supply (hours per day) 45 5.2 If Waler Consumption after Resettlement Increased 46 5.3 Payment for Electric Use Now Compared to Earlier 46 5.4 Place of Disposal of Solid Wastes/Garbage 47 5.5 If Garbage Removal Better Now 48 5.6 Cleanliness of General Surrounding 48 5.7 If Locality Well Connected to Main Road or a Railway 49 Station 5.8 Overall, Whether Basic Services are Better Now than at the 50 Old Site 5.9 If Schooling Facility at this Site Better Compared to the 50 Earlier Site 5.10 Mean Monthly Expenditure (Rs.) on Education and Health 51 5.11 Health Facilities Compared to the Old Site 52 5.12 If Feel More Secure at New Site? 54 5.13 Overall, Perception about Public Amenities at New Site 55 5.14 If Public Amenities Inadequate, who is Helping/Improving 55 the Same 5.15 Perception of Respondents Regarding Effects of 56 Resettlement 7.1 Distribution of PAPs Taken up for a Comparative Study 75 7.2 How Elntitlement to House was Decided 76 7.3 Mean Monthly Income of Households in Selected MUTP 79 and SRA/MUIP Buildings 8.1 Occupancy Status of Commercial Establishments 82 8.2 Location of the Shop Prior to Shifting 83 8.3 Shop Area (sq.ft.) 83
11 8.4a Satisfaction with Shop Being in this Locality 85 8.4b Satisfaction with Shop Being in the Specific 85 Building/Block 8.5 Overall Perception about the Present Location of Shop 86 Compared to Previous One 8.6 Rating of Viability of Activity at Present Location 86 Compared to Previous One 8.7 Supporting Infrastructure Rated Worse than at Earlier 87 Location 8.8 Number of Employees in Shops 88 8.9 Mean Monthly Income of Commercial Establishments 88 10.1 Issues/Inadequacies and Scope for Improvement 115 10.2 Recommended Changes in Present R&R Policy for MUTP 117
111 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AGM - Annual General Meeting BMC - Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation BSES Baseline Socio-economic Survey CBO -- Community Based Organisation CDO - Community Development Officer CEMC Community Environment Management Committee COI Corridor of Impact CPI Consumer Price Index DBMS - Data Base Management System FGD - Focus Group Discussion FLGRC - Field Level Grievance Redressal Committee GOM - Government of Maharashtra GRC - Grievance Redressal Committee HII - Head of Household IL&FS - Infrastructure Leasing and Financial Services IMP - Independent Monitoring Panel JVLR - Jogeshwari Vikhroli Link Road LAN - Local Area Network LIG -- Low Income Group MCGM - Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai MHADA - Maharashtra Housing and Area Development Authority MLA - Member of Legislative Assembly MMRDA - Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority MRVC -- Mumbai Railway Vikas Corporation MUIP Mumbai Urban Infrastructure Project MUTP - Mumbai Urban Transport Project NGO Non-Governmental Organization PAH Project Affected Household PAP - Project Affected Person PD)S Public Distribution System PIA -- Project Implementing Authority PIC Public Information Centre PMC -- Project Management Cell P.M. R&R Project Manager, Resettlement and Rehabilitation PMU Project Monitoring Unit PR Personal Relations RAP -- Rehabilitation Action Plan R&R Resettlement & Rehabilitation RCF -- Rastriya Chemicals and Fertilisers SCLR - Santacruz Chembur Link Road SEEPZ - Santacruz Electronic Export Promotion Zone SHG - Self Help Group
IV SLGRC Senior Level Grievance Redressal Committee SPARC - Society for Promotion of Area Resource Centres SRA Slum Rehabilitation Authority SRS - Slum Rehabilitation Society TCS - Tata Consultancy Services TISS Tata Institute of Social Sciences TOR/ToR -- Terms of Reference
Jrv EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
BACKGROUND AND APPROACH
.The present study by Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), in association with Consultants in relevant areas, is a detailed review of the resettlement process which involved the permnanent resettlement of over 9000 PAPs under the MUTP project in Mumbai. They were resettled at the three sites: the Majas (Jogeshwari; the Anik (Chembur) and the Lallubhai Compound (at Mankhurd). However, 7709 tenements were occupied by PAHs. The study involved a sample survey of 1505 'project affected households' (PAHs), which constituted 20% of the PAHs. The survey is based on a detailed interview schedule for eliciting information from the PAHs and was administered by trained investigators. In addition, at each site, all tenements in one building were covered where additional questions were included in the interview schedule to elicit information on formation and fuinctioning of the housing societies. A SRA / MUIP scheme was identified at each of the 3 sites and a comparative study carried out. *Further, a sample of 52 allotted commercial/shop establishments was chosen for reviewing their resettlement, out of the occupied 247 shops by the PAPs. *Twenty eight focus group discussions were held, covering all the resettlement sites. These involved discussions with various stakeholders in the process. A few case studies were conducted to get a better insight into the process. Case studies were also carried out of the Host Community and those denied entitlements. A detailed study was undertaken regarding the quality of civil works and infrastructure at each site. A review was carried out of the institutional mechanisms and their effectiveness. This covered the NGOs involved in the resettlement process, the grievance redressal mechanisms, and MMRDA, the project-implementing agency. *Key outcomes of the above study are presented here. The last Chapter of the Report includes future guidelines and corrective measures.
ENTITLEMENTS, ALLOTMENT, & RELOCATION
*A crucial aspect of the resettlement process was the mode of deciding entitlements of the PAHs. Significantly, almost all the respondents felt that they had received their due entitlements. There was also a high degree of satisfaction with allotments; the decisions in this respect were generally participatory in nature. However, there were some who were dissatisfied; the main reason being that upper floors are inconvenient, especially for aged and vulnerable PAHs. The nature of assistance provided for shifting varied considerably between the resettlement sites. Site locations have also emerged as 'unfavoured' for some PA-Ps.
-- 01~- * Most of the respondents approve of living in multi-storied buildings. The allotment of a good, "pucca" house and better living environment were perceived as the important plus points of the resettlement. The major negative aspects were the longer distance to workplace, less public amenities and more financial liabilities towards paying for service charges in the buildings. * The challenge appears to be ensuring retention of the tenements by the PAHs, given the 'market forces' operating in the city. There is already some evidence of 'backflow'.
ECONOMIC STATUS, LIVELIHOOD ISSUES AND VULNERABLE GROUPS
* The majority (83.4%) of the main earners are continuing with their earlier jobs. There has been a loss of supplementary jobs after resettlement; however, the younger group entering the work force has compensated it to a certain extent. It has resulted in an increase in the number of earners per family. * The mean monthly household income has increased from Rs.3805 to Rs. 5756. It is primarily due to rise in real wages and not due to resettlement. * T.V. and fans are assets found in most houses prior to the resettlement. Subsequently, assets most frequently acquired are a T.V., mobile phone or cooking gas. * Though household income now is higher than that prior to the resettlement, the financial liabilities have increased, primarily for house maintenance, transport, electricity and health. Further evidence of the "erosion" in real income is provided by the increase in the proportion of respondents reporting indebtedness. * The families most affected by the increase in financial liabilities after resettlement are those belonging to the 'vulnerable' category who constitute (23.6%) of the PAPs. Only a few of them received assistance in the form of cash payment, and assistance from government schemes, etc. In addition to vulnerability due to economic conditions, age or physical handicaps, other aspects of vulnerabilities are also visible. Illustrative case studies provide an insight into these dimensions. It is expected that the recently appointed TCS Consultants shall work towards improving job skills, enhancing income opportunities and providing information for better options for their livelihoods.
HOUSING SOCIETIES AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
* Housing societies are in the process of being formed for all the buildings, though most of them have yet to be registered formally. However, there are significant differences in their functioning across the different sites. Though MMRDA officials as well as the NGOs feel that registration should be expedited, dissemination of information and facilitation of the process is an issue. In fact, some residents are not very much in favour of registration, as they feel they may not be able to shoulder the responsibilities. The societies are performing the
jII function of maintenance of services and cleanliness, organizing cultural programmes, addressing complaints, etc. * There has been a conscious effort in relocating families to avoid rupture in neighborhood cohesion. Almost all the respondents have been settled together with their earlier neighbors at the same site, and often in the same building. Significant differences emerge between the sites in the degree of social interaction, more so at Anik. There, the host communities consider the resettled PAPs as lacking civic sense.
INFRASTRUCTURE AND PUBLIC AMENITIES
* All the tenements have been provided with piped water supply and electricity. However, the daily duration of water supply is very small. There are common meters in a building and hence payment is collected as a part of the society charges. Tenements have individual electric meters. Most of the respondents state that they pay more for electricity now * Garbage is generally disposed off in society bins. However, the differences between the sites in cleanliness of surroundings bring into focus the need for training to enhance civic sense in communities. * The lack of easy accessibility to the sites is a major problem. It has led to more time and money being spent for commuting. While basic services have been put in place, they are not satisfactory. * Public amenities are not well developed leading to a dependence on pre- resettlement sites for educational facilities, and even for accessing the PDS. The lack of adequate and affordable health services comes into sharp focus at all the resettlement sites.
ASSESSMENT OF CIVIL WORKS AND QUALITY OF INFRASTRUCTURE
* An assessment of civil works and quality of infrastructure indicated that the overall qualily of construction, planning and design of the buildings at Majas was superior to that at the other two sites. Cracks, due to poor workmanship, between wall and beam junctions have resulted in seepage. Improper waterproofing in toilet, bath and kitchen sink areas has resulted in leakages. This is one of the major causes of dissatisfaction among a large number of families. * There is considerable room for improvement in solid waste management, internal road maintenance and tree plantation. The Environmental Management Committees must take a more pro-active role. * Detailed recommendations are made for achieving better quality of construction and design lay outs. * Some PAPs have made alterations in the tenement structures. These may weaken the buildings. The need is of providing 'user manual' with 'dos' and 'don't' to the PAPs, and training them about their importance.
iii RESETTLEMENT UNDER MUTP VERSUS SRA / MUIP
A comparative study of R&R under the MUTP with that under the SRA / MUIP schemes indicated that different procedures were adopted in the two schemes for determining entitlements and in the allotment procedures. In other respects, there is a fair degree of similarity. However, on the whole, the level of satisfaction appears to be slightly higher among the SRA / MUIP respondents with respect to both basic services and public amenities. This could be due to a longer period of the occupancy of such buildings.
ISSUES WITH REFERENCE TO COMMERCIAL PAPs
* In the case of commercial establishments, the displacement has been primarily due to the two road projects, i.e., SCLR and JVLR. 44% of the shops are rented out, and several others remain locked. Thus, only 42% are occupied by the PAPs and operational. Over a half of the shopkeepers indicated disputes over entitlement. Many absentee shopkeepers are informed of setting up their new shops in the slums in their vicinity of their earlier location site. The large majority of them have not been allotted houses in the resettlement area. Most of them feel that the overall viability of their business has been reduced. Consequently, they have been unable to retain the workers employed previously, and now run the shop more as a family activity. Overall, it is evident that resettlement of commercial activities is a long drawn out process as there are many contentious issues.
INSTITUTIONAL MECHANISMS AND THEIR EFFECTIVENESS
* The role of MMRDA in recent R&R implementations, under the stringent regulations of World Bank, is reviewed through evaluating the systems and processes followed and improvements made therein. Formal discussions were held with concerned units/departments within MMRDA; contrasting the outcomes through the household surveys and FGDs, discussions with the officials, the NGOs, and the members of GRCs (including the IMP). Relevant documents, like the RAP, minutes of the GRCs and IMP, implementation manuals, and 'action plan status reports' of R&R Unit were examined. * There is a significant change in the MMRDA in computerising the data on PAPs through upgrading the software in the last one year. Now, the relevant data related to the entitlements, ID cards, contracts, role of respective organizations, etc. is available on the web-site of MUTP. This has brought about higher transparency and accountability of the process. The LAN has become operational through the 'internet lease line'. There is a difficulty in comparability of BSES
iv data, due to these surveys conducted at different periods of time, and not necessarily following a uniform framework for data collection. * The Public Information Centres (PICs) have become operational at the resettlement sites. Still, several PAPs do not know about such a facility or become victims of floating rumours. * The role of Finance Department of MMRDA is seen not upto the mark by the involved NGOs, who find payment of their bills delayed sometimes inordinately. In contrast, the Finance Department opines that if the bills are accompanied with adequate and relevant proofs, the payments are made without any delay. The NGOs also point out that there is lack of timely movement of their relevant papers from the CDOs, and sometimes their papers getting misplaced in their department. Further given the difficulties encountered by PAPs, like the electricity bills or property tax not paid or the Contractors not clearing their liabilities, the NGOs make such payments from their own funds. * As stated earlier, the allotment procedures were transparent and most of the eligible PAI's got their entitlements. This is more significant, given the complexity of claims and counterclaims for such entitlements. * There are several brokers and middlemen active in the resettlement. They arrange tenants if PAPs want to sub-let their houses, or even customers for purchasing houses. They also promise to 'arrange' preferred locations of sites or houses (on specific floors) in the buildings, for a price. There are rumours of involvement of a few lower cadre staff of NGO or MMRDA. However, no PAP has come forward openly to substantiate such charges, though the fact is that some houses at all the sites are occupied by the tenants. It applies more to the commercial structures. * The role of 'grievance redressal committees' including the Independent Monitoring Panel (IMP) is commendable, and praised by all. Though this is also true that lot of time of these committees was spent on listening to aggrieved PAPs with wrong names entered into the documents or fake claims of the slum dwellers, or listening to numerous complaints about the leakages in houses of the PAPs. With limited resources at hand (like the secretarial assistance etc), they performed a very positive role. * The issue of rehabilitation remains as unresolved as was the case in the 'earlier resettlements' (prior to the MUTP). There are several vulnerable families at all the sites which need sustained efforts to improve their economic condition. Presently, for them, the resettlement is more a 'recycling of poverty'. In absence of their proper rehabilitation, it would be difficult for them to retain their houses. Some ad-hoc measures are visible through the efforts of involved NGOs; these are not very significant and sustainable in long run. Very recently, a positive step appears to be taken by the MMRDA, in the form of providing 'work-sheds' in the building prernises to enable women to set up micro-enterprises for enhancing their family incomes. * The R&R Unit within MMRDA, with the help of several associated departments and concerned officials, has played a crucial role in coordinating and negotiating a good R&R. The CDOs' role becomes significant at the field level. Levels of satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the R&R Unit or CDOs, varied. NGOs would
v like the CDOs to be careful in not taking arbitrary decisions, or moving their papers (bills, etc) in time. CDOs consider that the lower level staffs of NGOs are not skilled enough to perform effectively, and so on. * A few observations of the MMRDA are worth quoting here: "....the present area of house (225 sq.ft.) does not provide enough scope for innovations in design or privacy to adult members in the family. It can be enhanced to 300 sq.ft., with share of contribution (to the cost) by the PAP. Those who encroach public lands should not get free structures, more so the owners of commercial structures. One family should get one tenement, irrespective of occupying more than one structure. Names of PAPs in surveys and computers should be entered carefully, otherwise the PAPs suffer, and it wastes lot of time of GRCs and the R&R Unit. For the MMRDA, the present policy of R&R under the MUTP lacks principles of equity, as the rich or the poor both are treated the same way". * As regards the interface between implementing NGOs, the MMRDA and the World Bank, the observations are of a mixed nature. For the NGOs, 'the time over-run on the projects is notorious and sometimes more than double of the contract time. The role of World Bank is considered crucial, at various stages, for achieving an effective R&R'. Interestingly, MMRDA officials considers the role of bureaucracy essential for the successful outcome of such projects. * For MMRDA, the delays or inadequacies in the resettlement are more caused due to non-cooperative attitude of a section of PAPs who are highly politicized. It demoralizes the officials and also wastes lot of public money.
SCOPE FOR INTERVENTION/REVIEWING POLICY GUIDELINES
* The Conclucling Chapter presents in detail the scope for further intervention, future guidelines, and finally the scope and rationale for a few changes in the existing R&R Policy for the MUTP. * The interventions required are: standardization of BSES data across various communities, correct entry of names of PAPs in computer, rehabilitation of vulnerable groups, allocation of available open spaces for hawking pitches for the vulnerable families, improving community environment, urgent steps for ratifying water-leakages in tenements, improving grassroots staff of NGOs, improving education and health facilities in the resettlements, and so on. * The need of a few changes in the present R&R policy is felt in terms of building a proportion of larger houses, differentiating between legal commercial structures and the encroached ones in terms of compensations, and allotting only one structure per household to avoid cornering of benefits by slumlords and other vested interests. For overall success of the 'resettlement' programme, it is preferable that the re-settlement sites are developed either in-situ or integrated with the existing neighbourhoods.
vi Addenda Submitted by the MMRDA to Present Report of TISS for Upgrading Information on Recent Improvements Undertaken in the Resettlements under MUTP (since the period of field survey of TISS Study)
The following tasks/improvements are undertaken by MUTP in last 8-10 months (as on June-end. 2008):
1. Registration of Societies: To facilitate and fasten the process of registration, a Captive Dy. Registrar of Cooperatives was appointed by the MMRDA, with a well equipped office at MMRDA. Similarly the Tata Consultancy Services Limited (TCS) was appointed as the post-resettlement consultants by MMRDA in order to facilitate the process of registration of housing societies in the resettlements. As an outcome till date, 151 societies are registered. TCS has also conducted 35 training sessions for these housing societies. These sessions were attended by 347 office bearers.
Similarly the Community Revolving Fund which is renamed as Community Maintenance Fund has been distributed to 99 registered housing societies. The total amount distributed so far is around Rs.85 Lakhs.
II. Waste Management: 481 waste bins have been distributed to 13 R&R sites so far. Environmental Management and Capacity Building (EMCB) Consultants have been working at seven R&R sites under the MUTP, since June 2007. These MUTP R&R sites are the ones yet to be handed over by MMRDA to the residential societies. EMCB Consultant's scope at the R&R sites included the following: * Training on environment, health and hygiene (EHH) issues across all the seven sites; * Preparing Exit Action Plan for MMRDA pertaining to basic EHH issues across all seven sites; and * Co-ordinating Pilot Project Initiative at the Kanjurmarg - Hariyali site.
a First two tasks are nearing the completion. At Kanjurmarg, EMCB has mobilized a community based organization (CBO) to deliver basic EHH services and soon a 'memorandum of understanding' (MOU) between the CBO and the residential society will be signed to make this a fornal, sustainable initiative. Under the EHH services, the CBO will sort out the dry waste and remove it; compost wet waste; make the R&R site a zero-garbage site; clean storn drains; and clean and sweep common areas. Besides, EMCB is also working on the following proposals to reduce the society expenditure: energy conservation; rainwater harvesting; and landscaping & plantation. The money saved through above intervention will be used to procure the CBO services for managing EHH issues. This will be a sustainable model for the future, even after the World Bank and the MMRDA exit this MUTP R&R site.
III. Payment of Shifting Allowance: The shifting allowance is paid to all the PAPs at Anik, Mankhurd and Majas sites, as shown in the Table: Table: Site and Shifting Allowance to No. of PAPs Sr. Site Name No. of PAPs and amount No. paid I Anik (Runwal and Rockline) 3284 (Rs. 1000 per PAP) 2. Mankhurd 2654 (-do-) 3. Majas 898 (-do-) Total 6836 (-do-)
IV. Rented Out Flats: The findings of the present evaluation study by TISS about the instances of renting out (of even selling out) the houses by a few PAPs have been brought to the notice of Estate Department and concerned authorities of MMRDA. A joint work plan by that Department, along with the legal cell, is required for taking action against such PAPs. The issue is being pursued by MMRDA.
b V. Health Services: MCGM has requested to MMRDA to allot 2500 Sq.ft. area for running a health Post. MMRDA has allotted 6 rooms at Indian Oil Nagar in Building No. 30.
At Mankhurd, the construction of Maternity Home cum Health Post is under consideration with the Engineering Department. At Anik, MCGM will start health post in the new buildings of MUIP, which are allotted to MCGM. An NGO, namely Lok Seva Sangam, was allotted one tenement to run a Microscopic Centre for T.B. patients and to provide DOT treatment free of cost.
VI. Vulnerable Households: The Post-Resettlement Consultant had provided a list of vulnerable PAPs to MMRDA, with whom they have already conducted workshops for the resource mapping. While allocating the newly built hawking pitches (work-sheds), women headed households will be given priority.
In this regard, a 'job opportunity fair' was organized to provide new opportunities for the PAPs who have lost their jobs due to their resettlement. Some 139 PAPs were offered various jobs on the same day, while another 40 PAPs were short listed for future opportunities.
VII. Poor Accessibility and Inadequate Water Supply: (1) Issue of Poor Accessibility: - as well as, irregular intervals of buses plying to the Anik site were discussed with the authorities of BSES in the IMP meetings. BEST has informed that the Bus services at Anik are good i.e. 11 minutes frequency. MMRDA has also decided to construct the BUS Shelters at appropriate location.
c In the case of Mankhurd, BEST is operating its bus services at 15 minutes regular interval up to the Kurla Station. In case of Mankhurd resettlement, the site it is very near to the Govandi and Mankhurd Stations, at a walkable distance.
Due to certain encroachments, the D.P.Road construction to connect the Resettlement site to Mankhurd Station could not be taken up. Steps are being taken to remove the encroachments. MMRDA will also examine the possibility of construction of a Sky Walk.
(2) Inadequate Water Supply: Adequate water supply is now available both at the Anik and the Mankhurd sites. It is observed that average water supply is more than 80 liters PCD at the Anik. To augment the water supply at Anik, special water supply arrangements are being made by installing separate pumping station and ESR construction at the RCF and Mahuil locations. Over three-fourth of the work is completed in this respect. Augmentation of water supply would be possible when the project is completed by October, 2008.
Likewise, monthly meetings with the MCGM are held at MMRDA to discuss issues such as rendering and improving civic services to Resettlement sites, such as the collection of waste, street lights, maintenance of internal roads, etc.
VIII. Educational Facilities: (a) MtCGM Schools:- Under the MCGM, a primary school (Urdu and English medium), with total 11 classrooms and necessary facilities like toilets, drinking water and electricity has been started at Mankhurd since June 2008. Similarly, the school at Anik is also being started in July 08. Both these schools are primary schools which are handed
over by MMRDA to MCGM on 2 8th Nov. and 12 th December, 2007.
d The construction of a permanent school at Anik is planned and the coffespondence with the UDD for procuring the land is initiated.
(b) Private School: - The construction of permanent school at Mankhurd is at the last stage of completion. However, for the PAPs under a separate project (the Mithi-river cleaning project), the Subham Public School has been allotted three floors at Mankhurd. Subham Vidyalay th is a Govt. grant-in-aid school and runs classes from Is' standard to 12 standard. They also run degree classes of Yahshavantrao Chavan Mukta Vidyapith (Open University). The medium of instruction is Marathi as well as English. Students from the MUTP project can be admitted in this school.
Similarly, Sukhada Vidyalaya has also been allotted six rooms to start a school and junior college in Building no. 28 at Lallubhai Compound. The school has started in this academic year.
IX. Civil Work Related Problems: Certain plastering of walls, water leakages, rectification etc. have been completed in Building Nos. 1,2,7,9,11 and 15 of the Anik site. Terrace rectification work is also being carried out in Building Nos. 3,4,5,6,8 and 10 of Anik site. Also, defects in W.Cs and baths are taken up for rectification. Process of appointing Structural Auditor shall be taken up, when it is due.
X. Internal Changes in Structures: Given the construction of RCC Walls, all the registered societies have been informed to desist from allowing alterations and changes which harm the dwelling structure. The responsibilities for such additions and alterations have been put on the individuals. Boards displaying such warnings are placed at the entrance lobby of each building, at the sites.
e XI. Resettlement of Shopkeepers: MMRDA has decided to construct a skywalk-cum-shopping plaza at Kanjurmarg (E). The shopkeepers of Kanjurmarg will be allotted shops in this shopping plaza. At the present sites under consideration, it is expected that in due course of time the shopping business would improve. In all new resettlements, business picks up gradually. It should also apply to the Resettlement sites under the MUTP.
f Chapter I INTRODUCTION
1.1. Purpose of the Study 1.1.1. The Government of Maharashtra (GOM) with financial assistance from the World Bank, has undertaken a medium term investment programme called the Mumbai Urban Transport Project (MUTP). The MUTP envisages improvements in transport infrastructure in Mumbai, primarily to encourage public transport. The civil works of the project are expected to displace about 20,000 households (HHs), most of whom are squatters living dangerously close to the railway tracks or the proposed new railway lines, and in the right of way of road widening corridors. GOM has framed a comprehensive R&R policy for the displaced families under MUTP. The project implementing agency, MMRDA, has involved two NGOs, namely, Society for Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC) and Slum Rehabilitation Society (SRS) in the resettlement process.
1.1.2. In the year 2000-01, prior to the approval of the MUTP project, resettlement of about 3900 I'AHs in permanent tenements and 6100 PAHs in transit tenements was undertaken by MMRDA in response to the directive of the Mumbai High Court. Subsequently in October 2004, about 9000 eligible PAHs - some from the transit camps and others from the sites - were resettled in permanent tenements at the three sites, i.e., Anik (Chembur), Lallubhai Compound (Mankhurd) and Majas (Jogeshwari). The main objective of the present study is to make an independent impact assessment of resettlement implementation of the 'project affected households' (PAHs) at these three sites. The aim is to identify both the positive and negative effects of the process. 1.2. Issues to be Probed The R&R Policy for the MUTP, the 'rehabilitation action plan' (RAP) and the TOR for the present study helped in identification of the specific issues to be probed during the study. These were as follows: 1.2.1. Pre-displacement Assessment * Baseline Socio-economic Survey to decide: Eligibility for R&R and Entitlements * Shop Structures and their Entitlements * Pre-location Economic Status * Job Location * Status of Basic Services * Status of Public Amenities * Common Property Resources
+ Identification of Active CBOs/NGOs + Community B3ased Activities * Vulnerable Groups and their Requirements
+ Commercial-cum-Residential Units
1.2.2. Implementation of Resettlement * Relocation Choices and Options + Dwelling/Plot Choices and Options * Process of Allotment and Shifting * Information Dissemination on Relocation * Site Related Opportunities * Creation of Basic Services * Creation of Public Amenities
+ Restoring Common Property Resources * Grievance Handling * Effectiveness of Inter-working of Government Departments/NGOs * Quality of Construction and Design * Level of Satisfaction with the Dwellings/ Buildings
1.2.3. Rehabilitation of Adversely Affected * Adverse Impact on Economic Activities and Restoring/Improving them * Adverse Impact on Supplementary Earners and Restoring them
2 * Site Related New Opportunities * Spending More on Travelling/Commuting and Reducing Such Burdens * Basic Services at New Location and their Adequacy * Public Amenities at New Location and their Adequacy * Resources (if any) and their Adequacy * Mitigating Hardships of Vulnerable PAPs * Physical Environment and its Quality
1.2.4. Community Life and Managing Housing Societies * Restoring Neighbourhood/Community Relationships * Empowering PAPs for Collective Action and Self-help * Organising Women PAPs for Self-help and Saving Groups + Organising Managing Committees/CBOs for Housing Societies and Collective Services * Managing Multi-Storeyed Buildings * Maintaining Quality of Life in Neighbourhoods * Conflict Resolution Mechanisms/Grievance Redressal Mechanisms * Expenses on Housing Society Charges including Basic Services
1.2.5. Restoration of Commercial Activities * Allotment Process and Issues Emerging * Relocation Site Advantages and Disadvantages * Type of Business Activity and its Replication * Impact Viability of Business Unit * If Previously Employed Workers Re-appointed
1.2.6. MMRDA as PIA * Reviewing the Systems and Processes Towards R&R * Computerisation and Dissemination of Information and their Effectiveness * Inter-departrnental Co-ordination
3 * Interface Between MMRDA, NGOs/CBOs and PAPs
+ Role in Allotment Procedure and Handling of Grievances * Capacities and Skills with MMRDA for a Successful R&R Process
In addition, a comparative study was made of resettlements under the MUTP with those under the SRA / MUIP.
1.3. Methodology The Methodology adopted was essentially participatory in nature and was aimed at ascertaining the views of different stake-holders. The tools adopted, as per the guidelines laid down in the TOR, were: 1.3.1. Initial site visits were made to gain familiarity with the three resettlement sites, inforning PAPs regarding the study, making contacts with local officials of the SPARC / SRS, CBOs and Community leaders.
1.3.2. Selection of sample HHs was carried out for in-depth probing. In order to obtain the number of tenements occupied by PAHs, data was collected for all the tenements regarding the status of occupancy; this is presented in (Table 1.1). Table 1.1 Status of Occupancy of Residential Tenements Site S. Anik Lallubhai Maj'as Tta No. Variable (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) No. of tenements 3384 3634 691 7709 occupied by PAHs (82.4%) (88.4%) (79.2%) (84.8%) ii) No. of tenements 680 446 172 1298 rented out 16.5% (10.9%) 19.7% (14.3%) iii) No. of tenements 45 29 10 84 sold out (1.1%) (0.7%) (1.1%) (0.9%)
Total No. of tenements 4109 4109 873 9091 allotted (100.0%) (100.0%100.0% (100.0%)
It is evident that some of the tenements have been rented or sold out. The number of tenements actually occupied by PAHs is 7709. The sample households were
4 chosen from them as the purpose of the survey was to interview the PAHs and not outsiders who were residing in the tenements as tenants.
A stratified and systematic sample of 20% was selected taking into account the distributional pattern of PAHs at the three sites (Table 1.2).
In addition, at each site: (i) the household survey was undertaken of all tenements in one building; (ii) a SRA / MUIP project of the same vintage was identified, and HH data collected for all tenements in a building to enable a comparative analysis. Table 1.2 Distribution of PAHs Taken up for Household Survey Site S. Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No.Variable/ACtivity (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Total No. of 3384 3634 691 7709 PAHs* ii) PAHs selected for sample HH survey (a) Number 582 778 145 1505 (b) Percentage 17.1 21.4 21 19.5 iii) No. of PAHs in 70 97 39 206 selected MUTP building iv) No. of HHs in 69 51 85 205 selected SRA / MUIP building
* This refers to tenements occupied by PAHs and not the number allotted; see Table 1.1.
Once the tenements were identified for the HH survey, the names of PAHs who were allotted the tenements were obtained from the list provided by MMRDA and cross-checked in the field.
1.3.3. The number of HHs to be interviewed being very large, it was felt desirable to carry out the HH survey with the help of a questionnaire which was mainly pre- coded and in which open-ended questions were minimised. The questionnaire
5 was finalized after incorporation of suggestions by MMRDA and the World Bank officials on the draft questionnaire.
The collection of data through the questionnaires was organized so that the field investigators worked on week-ends also and got a weekly off on Monday. Issues with reference to the formation and functioning of Housing Societies were probed partly through a few questions in the main HH questionnaire, and partly through a separate questionnaire administered to all tenements in one selected building at each of the sites.
The BSES data obtained from MMRDA was utilized to extract the pre- resettlement socio-economic characteristics of the MUTP households selected for the survey.
1.3.4. Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were conducted at the three sites to get a better insight into the major issues in implementation of the R&R Policy. The issues for discussion were identified as:
Facilitation by Government * Policy guidelines on R&R and their effective use * Institutional set up and its effectiveness in decisions/ roles/ functions * NGO/CBO rapport with relevant government departments and their experiences * Grievance Handling & Monitoring * Role of concemed departments in creating infrastructure and issues involved * Rehabilitation process and role of concerned departments * Role in facilitating inter-departmental coordination * Gender specific issues
NGO Participation * Role in motivating PAPs for relocation * Allotment process
6 + Listing & verification of affected people * Information dissemination * Process of relocation and NGOs role * Rehabilitation process # People & CBO participation * Needs/involvement of vulnerable groups * Community Development for managing housing societies and physical environment * Gender specific issues
Vulnerable Groups Specified * Extent of involvement in needs assessment * Role in R&R * Representation in CBOs/SHGs/Local Committees * Impact of R&R on livelihood concerns * Interface with NGOs and government
Role of CBOs & Self-Help Groups * Scope for participation of people in relocation * Role of CBOs in R&R * Constitution/Composition of committees * Effectiveness of liaison with govt. depts. * Community Development * Managing housing societies and physical environment
In all, 28 FIGDs were conducted, 10 in Anik (Chembur), 10 in Lallubhai Compound (Mankhurd) and 8 in Majas (Jogeshwari). Some case studies were carried out as illustrative examples. This also included the host PAPs at Anik (Chembur).
7 1.3.5. It is worth-mentioning here that though an effort was made for an organised discussion on the above issues, it was not always achieved. The participant PAPs and their representatives kept on raising issues which concerned them most, like the poor quality of water-proofing work, inadequate water supply or transport facilities, and other missing (or poor) public utilities, like a hospital or schools for their children.
1.3.6. At the time of survey, 582 Commercial establishments had been allocated at the three sites, i.e., 18 at Anik (Chembur), 472 at Lallubhai Compound (Mankhurd) and 92 at Majas (Jogeshwari). However, only 247 shops are occupied by PAPs and are operational. A sample of 20% i.e. 52 establishments was selected. A separate questionnaire was framed for probing the R&R issues with reference to them.
1.3.7. The physical environment of the resettlement sites and the Community Environment Management Plan (CEMP) were studied with particular reference to operation ancl maintenance of services, such as water supply, sanitation, sewerage, solid waste disposal, plantation etc. The civil engineering aspects with reference to the structure and design of buildings, quality of construction etc. were probed in detail.
1.3.X. A study was made of the institutional mechanisms and their effectiveness. This was carried out with reference to the 'grievance redressal committees' (GRCs), both the 'field level grievance redressal committee' (FLGRC) and the 'senior level grievance redressal committee' (SLGRC), as well as the 'independent monitoring panel' (IMP). The NGOs, i.e. SPARC and SRS, and the MMRDA were approached for probing their roles. A small survey was also carried out of those denied the entitlements.
1.3.9. A detailed analysis of the selected variables was carried out. In the following Chapters (II to X), the findings are analysed and critically evaluated.
8 Chapter II ENTITLEMENTS, ALLOTMENT AND RELOCATION
2.1. Distribution of PAHs Prior to Resettlement Permanent residential accommnodation has been provided to approximately 9000 PAH[s under the MUTP at the three sites studied. However, the number of tenements occupied by PAHs are 7709 as pointed out earlier (Table 1.1). A sample of 1505 PAHs was covered during the main household survey. The largest number of PAHs are resettled at Lallubhai Compound (Mankhurd) and the Anik (Chembur). An analysis of the distribution of PAHis, prior to resettlement, indicated that in the case of Anik (Chembur), most of the PAHs (96.7%) were from the Wadala transit camp, while in the case of Lallubhai Compound, they were either from the transit camps at Mankhurd and Turbhe Mandala (52.8%) or- the SCLR (40.0%). On the other hand, in the case of Majas, they were almost wholly (98.6%) from the JVLR.
2.2. Quality and Area of Houses The most significant and visible impact of the relocation process is on the status of housing. The PAPs now have 'pucca' houses, while earlier only 6.5% had such houses. A comparison of the present area of house with that prior to the resettlement indicates that 95.5% of the respondents have gained in this respect after the resettlement (Table 2.1). Table 2.1 Area of Houses % of Respondents S.No. Area of House Prior to Resettlement After Resettlement (sq.ft.) i) Upto 100 48.5 ii 100.1 - 200 45.1 iii) 200.1 - 224.9 1.9 - iv) 225 and above 4.5 100.0 Total 100.0 100.0 N 1505 1505
9 It is a source of pride, especially to the lady of the house, who now owns a 'permanent' house. Since the field-work was carried out on week-ends also, it captures the sentiments of PAPs in general. There is now a greater sense of security and privacy. A few respondents also stated that the shift from a slum area to a pucca house would have a positive impact in terms of matrimonial alliances for their children.
It was found that about 43% of the respondents had an additional floor in their pre- resettlement structures. Almost all of them were self-occupied. These were the mezzanine floors put up to provide some degree of privacy in the case of large households. During the FGDs, the smaller area of house and loss of mezzanine floors were cited as the reasons for renting out tenements by a few PAPs.
2.3. Decision on Entitlement 2.3.1. A crucial aspect of the resettlement process was the mode of deciding the entitlement for resettlement of the PAHs. It was found that 'proof of their stay' and 'commtuity verification' were the main criteria (73.6%) for deciding entitlements (Table 2.2). Table 2.2 Basis for Determining Entitlement Site S. Basis for Anik Lallubhai Majas ToI No. Entitlement (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) ota (Mankhurd) i) Through proof of 17.9% 34.8% 24.1% 27.2% stay ii) Through proof of 35.7% 50.4% 68.3% 46.4% stay and cormmunity verification iii) Through Govt. 1.5% 6.3% 4.1% 4.3% officials (GRCs) iv) Through BSES 44.8% 8.5% 3.4% 22.1%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
10 The rest (22.1%) of the respondents were of the opinion that the baseline survey was the basis for allotments. Differences between the three sites are evident, with the BSES being considered as more important factor in the case of Anik (Chembur). Thus, the mode of deciding entitlement was in accordance with the guidelines laid down by the R&R policy under MUTP. Less than 1% of the respondents reported any dispute over their entitlements. However, it is pertinent to point out that NGOs faced tremendous pressure due to fake claims from various stake-holders, supported by 'vested interests'.
2.3.2. Since the survey covers only those PAPs who received their entitlements, it does not adequately portray the type of issues that arose. These were highlighted both in the focus group discussions and in the survey of those 'denied' entitlements. One common observation, and rightly so, is the denial of entitlements to those whose credentials (in formn of the documentary proofs) were doubtful. A few illustrations of those denied entitlement are given in Annexure I. The second category was of those who tried to convert their previous house in dual structures by partitioning a part as 'shop'. Such claims are rightly turned down. A few others, on their own, have not shifted to the allotted houses due to the fear of losing their present incomes. They are still living in the Transit Camps and waiting for another building to come up in the vicinity. In contrast to the above, there are a few complaints that some persons, out of turn, got favours either from the NGO or the MMRDA. It was also alleged that in the case of Majas resettlement, an influential PAP got allotment of several tenements, perhaps by evicting the sub-tenants from the allotted tenements.
2.3.3. In the case of the two road projects i.e. JVLR & SCLR, as the IL & FS study points out, a gap in the entire procedure emerged due to the unavailability of soft copies of the survey data. All information was available in print form only. There were errors in superimposing the survey data cadastral maps with the alignment drawings, available in digital format. It must also be borne in mind
*The IL & FS prepared a 'Resettlement Implementation Manual' for systematic approach to the R&R.
11 that BSES by the SRS for JVLR was based on COI (Corridor of Impact), leading to disputes of 'entitlements' under the changed alignments. In the case of SCLR, BSES was carried out by SPARC for the whole slum through which the alignment was to traverse. Hence, in either case, there were 'grey' areas for entitlements. Inspite of such loopholes and pressures, these were overcome to a large extent by community consensus and BSES (including photographic evidence of a structure).
2.3.4. In addition to the PAHs who were displaced and relocated, 14 households of the host community at Anik site were allotted tenements in the resettlement. They were originally residents of the 'Nandubai Chawl' and had been staying at the original site for 30-35 years. They occupied houses in the chawl of some 225 sq.ft. area. I'hey were tenants and paid Rs.20/- per month as rent to the landlady. They are happy with the "pucca houses" they have got now in their own name. A few details regarding the host community are given in Annexure II.
2.4. Allotment of Tenements In addition to the 'entitlement', another important aspect of the resettlement process was the allotment of specific house. It was found that in 90% of the cases, it was either through a joint decision of CBOs and NGOs or of CBOs, NGOs and MMRDA (Table 2.3). Moreover, 80.5% of the respondents indicated that their opinion on the site was Table 2.3 Procedure of Allotment Site S. Procedure of Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Allotment (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Through lots 4.3% 2.7% 14.5% 4.5% ii) Self decision 1.7% 6.4% 2.1% 4.2% iii) Joint decision of 63.2% 37.7% 9.0% 44.8% CBOs and NGOs iv) Joint decision of 30.8% 53.1% 74.5% 46.5% CBOS, NGO, and Govt. v) Any other - 0.1% - 0.1%
- Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
12 considered. It is evident that the decision of allotment at specific sites was in general a participatory one. However, in the case of Anik (Chembur), a significant proportion, (32.5%) of the respondents claimed that their opinion was not taken into account (Table 2.4). These were mainly those families who did not get the tenement on specific 'floor' of their choice, i.e. the ground floor. Table 2.4 Before Opting for the Present Site, if Opinion on the Site Location Taken
- Opinion on the Site Site S. Lopiion The Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Yes 67.5% 87.7% 94.5% 80.5% ii) No 32.5% 12.3% 5.5% 19.5%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
2.5. Level of Satisfaction of Respondents 2.5.1. When the views of the respondents were elicited regarding the specific floor on which they were housed, three-fourths of them stated that they were satisfied (Table 2.5). However, it is worth noting that nearly 25% were dissatisfied. Most of the respondents (85.8%) are satisfied with the specific site at which they have been allotted tenements. The level of satisfaction varies across the sites; again, it is Anik (Cheinbur) which stands out with a lower level of satisfaction. Table 2.5a Satisfaction with Specific Floor
Site S. Satisfaction with Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Specific Floor (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari)
___ (Mankhurd) i) Yes 64.4% 81.1% 87.6% 75.3% ii) No 35.6% 18.9% 12.4% 24.7%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
13 Table 2.5b Satisfaction with Specific Site
Satisfaction with Site _ Anik Compound Majas Total No. Specific Site (Chembur) (Mankhurd) (Jogeshwari) i) Yes 81.1% 88.6% 90.3% 85.8% ii) No 18.9% 11.3% 9.0% 14.0% iii) Not applicable - 0.1% 0.7% 0.1%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
During the FGDs, the causes for the dissatisfaction became apparent i.e., requests of aged and vulnerable PAPs for ground or lower floor being ignored; complaints of tenements on preferred floors being given to 'favoured' PAPs, housing society representatives being alleged of benefiting from favourable floors, etc. Thus, among the reasons for dissatisfaction with site and floor, the main one was that the upper floors are inconvenient.
2.5.2. In terms of over-all satisfaction with the present house, 23.6% of the respondents considered it 'much better' than the former, and 58.5% considered it better (Table 2.6). In other words, over 80% of the respondents felt that the resettlement house was better than the earlier one. Though it is also true that during the FGDs, the tones of resentments eclipsed the levels of satisfaction with a new house. Table 2.6 Overall, If Present House Better than the Former
Present House Site S. Better than the Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Former (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) FormerMankhurd) i) Much better 25.9% 24.4% 9.7% 23.6% ii) Better 55.7% 56.3% 81.4% 58.5% iii) No difference 10.1% 7.6% 1.4% 8.0% iv) Uncertain 8.2% 11.7% 7.6% 10.0%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
14 2.5.3. In order to set an insight into the positive and negative features of the resettlement house, respondents were asked to identify both: the single most important advantage as well as disadvantage of the present house. The responses varied considerably between the three sites. While at Majas, 44.8% of the PAPs perceived more than one advantage and only 6.2% found no plus point, the corresponding figures for Anik were 5.8% and 24.2%, respectively. The possession of a 'good, pucca house' (21.2%) and 'better living environment' (19.7%) were considered to be the major plus points. (Table 2.7). Table 2.7 In What Respect Present Location of House Better than the Previous One
Respect in which Site S. Location of House Anik Lallubhai Majas No. Better than (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Previous (Mankhurd) i) No plus point 24.2% 8.6% 6.2% 14.4% ii) Close to work place 0.5% 0.8% 2.1% 0.8% iii) Better living 29.4% 13.6% 13.8% 19.7% environment iv) Good, pucca house 12.5% 28.4% 17.2% 21.2% v) Better infrastructure 2.9% 10.8% 4.8% 7.2% vi) Secured place 8.9% 5.7% 2.8% 6.6% vii) Better community 10.0% 3.2% 1.4% 5.6% living viii) No fear of evictions 0.2% 0.5% 0.7% 0.4% ix) Got regular house 5.5% 11.4% 6.2% 8.6% once for all x) More than one 5.8% 17.0% 44.8% 15.3% advantage
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
2.5.4. In terms of the disadvantages, 22.3% of the families felt that there were none. Among those identified, the main ones were the job location far away (20.5%), 'less public amenities' (17.1%) and 'more liabilities towards paying for services' (15.9%). However, there are significant differences between the three sites; in Anik it is the distance to job location, in Lallubhai Compound, the less public
-15 amenities and distance to job, while at Majas, it is more financial liabilities. (Table 2.8). Table 2.8 In What Respect the Present Location Worse than the Previous One
Respect in which Site S. Location of House Anik Lallubhai Majas No. Worse than (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Total Previous One (Mankhurd) i) No badpoint 15.1% 27.4% 23.4% 22.3% ii) Job located far away 29.0% 17.2% 4.1% 20.5% iii) Lost income 14.8% 8.6% 2.8% 10.4% opportunities iv) Lost touch with 0.7% 1.5% - 1.1% neighbours/relatives v) More liabilities 11.0% 14.5% 42.8% 15.9% towards paying for service vi) Poor infrastructure 5.8% 2.4% - 3.5% vii) Less public 16.7% 18.1% 13.1% 17.1% amenities viii) More than one 5.2% 8.5% 11.0% 7.4% disadvantages ix) Any other 1.7% 1.7% 2.8% 1.8%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
During the FGDs, the variation in levels of satisfaction between the sites came into sharp focus. In Anik resettlement, the dissatisfaction was due to shifting from a 'favourable' to an 'unfavourable' location, Mankhurd location was not liked by PAPs from SCLR, while the Majas was considered to have a good location (close to jobs, adjacent to the highway, favourable real estate and mixed locality).
2.5.5. It was a pleasant surprise to note that nearly 90% of the respondents approve of living in the multi-storeyed buildings. This is probably because it is considered a status symbol, particularly by the women respondents. In contrast, during the FGDs, the problems of persons living in higher floors were highlighted; this is
16 particularly an issue in buildings where lifts are not operational, and mainly affect the aged and handicapped persons. It is also worth mentioning that the ground floor is preferred by many, which can provide opportunity for setting up a small shop within the house for income.
2.6. Nature of Assistance Provided for Shifting The nature of assistance provided for shifting varies considerably between the three sites (Table 2.9). At Anik, 95.5% of the respondents indicated that they received cash payment, while in the Lallubhai Compound only 43.1% received such assistance. In Majas, on the other hand, while 40.0% received the cash payment, another 33.1% were provided the transport. Table 2.9 Nature of Assistance Provided for Shifting Site S. Nature of Assistance Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. for Shifting (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Cash payment 95.5% 43.1% 40.0% 63.1% ii) Transport 0.5% 1.9% 33.1% 4.4% iii) None 4.0% 55.0% 26.9% 32.6%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
2.7. Time Gap between Allotment and Shifting The time gap between the allotment and the shifting was generally (72.4%) less than one month (Table 2.10), Majas stands out, as nearly all the respondents (98%) reported shifting in less than a month. However, in some cases, the time gap was larger; this is particularly true of Anik and Lallubhai Compound.
17 Table 2.10 Time Elapsed between the Allotment of House and Shifting to the Present Site
- Site S. Time Gap Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Less than a mnonth 64.1% 73.9% 97.9% 72.4% ii) 1-3 months 16.0% 4.9% 2.1% 8.9% iii) 4-6 months 9.1% 2.3% - 4.7% iv) More than 6 months 10.8% 18.9% - 14.0%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
2.8. Overall Success of Relocation The status of occupancy of residential tenements gives an insight into the degree of overall success of the relocation process, and has already been presented in Table 1.1.
It is evident that 14% of the tenements have been rented out and there are even a few instances of their selling out. The reasons appear to be odd location as in the case of Anik and Mankhurd, and good rents as in the case of Majas. It is also due to the large families who find the house too small and lacking in privacy. Problem of resettlement of large families poses a challenge. It would be desirable if the authorities considered the provision of "twin rooms" in such cases, by charging 'market rate' for the extra space.
18 Chapter III ECONOMIC STATUS, LIVELIHOOD ISSUES AND VULNERABLE GROUPS
3.1. Outline of Content of Chapter The present chapter deals with one of the core issues in the resettlement process i.e. livelihood issues. T'he extent to which respondents have retained their earlier jobs, the status regarding supplementary sources of income, the number of earners per family are explored. The mean monthly household income at present (obtained through the interview schedule from respondents) is compared with that prior to resettlement (based on BSES data corrected for inflation) to get an insight into the impact of resettlement on the economic status of PAHs. This is supplemented by data on ownership of household assets which is an indirect indication of the changes in their economic condition. The data was collected from all respondents on the main financial liabilities and compared to the BSES data adjusted for the inflation. The extent of indebtedness is also explored.
3.2. Retention of Jobs It is gratifying to note that a majority of the main earners (83.4%) are continuing in their previous jobs / economic activities (Table 3. 1). The minority, who have not retained Table 3.1 Whether Head of the Household Still Doing the Same Job/Economic Activity
Site S. Retention of Job/ Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. economic Activity (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) o (Mankhurd) i) Yes 85.5% 81.6% 84.8% 83.4% ii) No 14.5% 18.4% 15.2% 16.6%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505 their previous jobs, have lost them either due to the temporary nature of job or closure of businesses or health problems. In the case of 66.0% of the respondents, the location of their job/activity has also not changed (Table 3.2). For the remaining one-third of the
19 Table 3.2 Whether Location of Job/Activity the same as Earlier
Site S. Variable Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Location of job same 68.7% 65.2% 59.3% 66.0% ii) Location of job 17.4% 6.8% 6.9% 10.9% changed due to shifting iii) Location of job 1.7% 10.5% 21.4% 8.2% changed due to temporary nature of work iv) Any other 2.2% 6.6% 2.8% 4.5% v) Not applicable 10.0% 10.9% 9.7% 10.4%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
PAPs who reported the change of location of job, it was more due to the temporary nature of previous job.
3.3. Supplementary Sources of Income Prior to resettlement, a significant proportion (44.8%) of PAHs had sources of supplementary income due to other members of the family (Table 3.3). This proportion Table 3.3 Supplementary Jobs
HHs Having Site S. Members Engaged Anik Lallubhai Majas No. in Supplementary (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Total Jobs (Mankhurd) i) Prior to resettlement 48.6% 40.5% 52.4% 44.8% ii) Present 35.2% 32.8% 42.4% 34.6%
N 582 778 145 1505 has declined after the resettlement (34.6%), indicating that there has been a loss of supplementary jobs. In this connection, it may be pointed out that supplementary sources
20 of income are generally interpreted as additional income from informal activities such as housemaid work, hawking in front of house, etc. The FGDs brought into sharp focus this aspect, as they highlighted the fact that many women who used to work as domestic help had lost their jobs. The demand for such jobs in and around the resettlement sites is very poor; this is particularly true of the Anik and Lallubhai Compound. The other group of workers who lost their source of income were those engaged in hawking, repair work etc. On the other hand, the average number of eamers per family has increased from 1.3 at the date of BSES surveys to 1.8, at present. Due to the large sample size of over 1500, both trends of the loss of supplementary jobs and the increase in earning members due to the younger group entering the workforce, have operated. Some families have felt the impact of the former, and others of the latter.
3.4. Mean Monthly Income 3.4.1. The monthly income serves as a barometer of the family's financial status. To make an assessment of the economic impact of resettlement, the mean monthly income of the sample households is compared to the pre-relocation income. The mean monthly household income prior to resettlement was obtained for the sample households from the BSES data. The data was adjusted for inflation between 1999-01 and the present (2007), based on the 'consumer price index' (CPI) of Industrial Workers in Mumbai. The mean household income prior to the resettlement was Rs.3805/- (Table 3.4). However, there were considerable variations between the three sites. Majas stands out with a significantly higher mean household income as compared to the other two sites. The present mean household income is Rs.5756, an increase of about 50% compared to the earlier one. Majas continues to stand out with a higher mean household income. However, the proportionate increase is greater at Anik and Lallubhai Compound, leading to a reduction in the disparities between the three sites.
21 Table 3.4 Mean Monthly Household Income (Rs.) Site The S. VaibeAnik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Variable (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Sample _(Mankhurd) i) Prior to 3483 3861 6275 3805 resettlement: according to BSES data * ii) Present Income 5456 5581 7901 5756 iii) % increase 56.6 44.5 25.9 51.3 N 582 778 145 1505 * Adjusted for Inflation between 1999-01 and the Present (Based on CPI of Industrial Workers in Mumbai) The increase in HH income over the period is partly due to the increase in the number of earners per family to which attention has been drawn in Section 3.3. It is also due to the economic boom in the city which has resulted in higher wages for the informal sector workers such as carpenters, plumbers, electricians, and even well-settled hawkers.
3.4.2. The distributional pattern of respondents in the different income slabs (Table 3.5) highlights the fact that, prior to resettlement, according to the BSES data, a very large proportion of the households earned less than Rs.3,000/- per month. This proportion has been drastically reduced now; on the other hand, there has been a significant increase in the number of HHs earning over Rs.5,000/- a month. Table 3.5 Distributional Pattern of HHs on the Basis of Monthly Income
S. % of Resp ndents No. Monthly HH Income (Rs.) Prior to Resettlement After Resettlement BSES data* ______i) Less than 3000 48.0 23.6 ii) 3001 to 3500 8.9 7.0 iii) 3501 to 5000 19.5 27.4 iv) 5001 to 10,000 21.4 33.3 v) 10,000 and above 4.2 8.6 Total 100.0 100.0 N 1505 1505 * Adjusted for Inflation between 1999-01 and the present
22 3.4.3. In the case of HHs whose monthly income had increased, a major reason was that the income of other family members increased (Table 3.6). Table 3.6 If Income Increased, Main Reason for it
If Income Site No. Increased, Main Anik Compound Majas Total Reason (Chembur) (Mankhurd) (Jogeshwari) i) Better opportunities 5.7% 4.2% 1.4 % 4.5% at new place ii) Additional income 34.0% 22.2% 15.9% 26.2% due to added earner iii) Any other 25.6% 14.9% 11.7% 18.7% iv) Not applicable 34.7% 58.6% 71.0% 50.6%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
On the other hand, in the case of HHs which have experienced a reduction in the monthly income, it was because old location was more favorable for job held (17.4%) or old location provided additional opportunities for female members (8.2%) (Table 3.7).
Table 3.7 If Income Reduced, Main Reason for it Site S. If Income Reduced, Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Main Reason Anik Compound (Jogeshwari) (Chembur) Mankhurd (Jgshai i) Old location more 16.2% 19.2% 13.1% 17.4% favourable for job held ii) Old location 10.6% 6.7% 8.3% 8.2% provided additional opportunities for female family members
23 3.5. Ownership of Household Assets An indirect indication of the financial position of PAHs is the ownership of household assets (Table 3.8). Prior to the shifting, the ones that were most common were: fan (96.7%), T.V. (78.8%), sofaset/chairs (50.6%) and cooking gas (49.0%). Thus, the possession of a fan is almost universal; this is understandable in view of the climate of the city. T.V, a major source of entertainment, is no longer a luxury item. After resettlement, there has been an increase in the ownership of assets. There is a noticeable increase in the proportion of households owning a T.V., mobile phone or cooking gas. Thus, the T.V. continued to dominate the acquisitions. Mobile phones emerge as the second most common asset purchased after resettlement; this is not surprising in view of its usefulness for the service sector and the ease with which it can be acquired in contrast to a land-line telephone. The gradual shift to LPG as a source of cooking fuel is evident. Overall, two-fifths of the respondents had bought some household assets after resettlement. This confirms the findings based on monthly income, that there has been a significant upward mobility in tenns of financial status of PAHs. It can also be stated that with the possession of a permanent and 'pucca' house, purchase of 'missing' household assets should be on priority of the family needs. Of course, the affordability for the same has to be there. Table 3.8 Ownership of Material Assets
S.No. Material Assets % of Re spondents Pre-Resettlement After Resettlement i) Fan 96.7 98.5 ii r.V. 78.8 89.7 iii) Mobile phone 31.3 43.9 iv) Scooter 3.0 4.1 v) Sofa Set / Chairs 50.6 55.0 vi) Cooking gas 49.0 60.5 vii Dinning table 0.7 0.8 viii) Car / Jeep 0.1 0.1 ix) Auto-rickshaw 0.7 0.7 x) Taxi 0.3 0.3 N 1505 1505
24 3.6. Financial Liabilities 3.6.1. Though household income now is higher than that prior to the resettlement, the financial liabilities have also increased. Consequently, a large proportion of the PAHs feel that they have suffered economically and that there is an erosion of their monthly family budget. Data was collected regarding their monthly expenses under different heads, both at present as well as prior to the resettlement (Table 3.9). Since the BSES data was incomplete with respect to such expenses, it is based on the recall data. The major items, on which the PAPs feel that their expenditure has increased substantially, are the house maintenance, transport and electricity. The expenses towards house maintenance are primarily the housing society charges. Data collected for all the societies indicated that overall, the mean amount is Rs. 190/- per month. Variations between the sites are considerable; Majas stands out with relatively higher charges (Rs.277/-) compared to the Anik (Rs. 151/-) and the Lallubhai Compound (Rs. 143/-). Table 3.9 Mean Monthly Household Expenses (Rs.)* Site S.No. Head of Anik Lallubhai Compound Majas Total Sample Expenditure (Che bur) (Mankhurd) (Joge hwari) Prior After Prior After Prior After Prior After Water 51 - 77 37 85 - 68 26 ii) Electricity 184 279 215 265 277 255 209 270 iii) Maintenance of 19 305 44 135 1 300 31 213 House iv) Transpot 154 439 185 373 372 500 192 411 v) Society - 151 - 143 277 - 190 charges *
N 582 778 145 1505 * The data for expenses prior to resettlement has been adjusted for inflation between 1999-01 and the present. * * Society charges have been compiled from mean collection of society charges in the resettlement building.
Increased expenses on transport are perceived to be a major financial liability. One of the effects of resettlement is the increased travel distance to work for nearly two-thirds of the respondents (Table 3.10). So much so that spending more on the travel and transport emerges as a major head of expenditure. Residents of Anik and Lallubhai Compound are affected more than those of Majas.
25 Table 3.10 Whether Head of the Household Travels More Now than Earlier
Whether HH have Site S. to Travels Moe Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. to Ea More (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) than Earlier (Mankhurd) i) Yes 66.5% 64.7% 45.5% 63.6% ii) No 23.5% 9.8% 13.8% 15.5% iii) Almost same 3.8% 17.8% 34.5% 14.0% iv) Not applicable 6.2% 7.7% 6.2% 7.0%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
3.6.2. Corroborating evidence of the increased financial liabilities, which have caused an erosion in the 'real' income, is provided by the proportion of respondents who reported indebtness; it has gone up from 11.9% prior to the shifting to 28.2% after the shifting. The proportion of households which have incurred debt does not vary much between the three resettlement sites (Table 3.1 1).
26 Table 3.11 Income Group-wise Distribution of Indebtedness of PAHs
Total Debt on Family at Present (Rs.) Sites Income Group No Debt 1 to 1001 2001 3001 to 5001 10001 & Total (Rs.) 1000 to to 5000 to above 2000 3000 10000 Anik 1500 and less 68.8% 6.3% 25.0% 100.0% 1501 to2000 52.2% 4.3% 8.7% 34.8% 100.0% 2001 to 2500 60.0% 4.0% 4.0% 16.0% 16.0% 100.0% 2501 to 3000 74.2% 1.6% 4.8% 4.8% 14.5% 100.0% 3001 to 3500 74.4% 5.1% 7.7% 12.8% 100.0% 3501 to 5000 70.0% 0.5% 2.1% 2.1% 8.9% 16.3% 100.0% 5001 and 70.7% 1.1% 4.8% 23.4% 100.0% 10000 10001& above 64.1% 2.6% 33.3% 100.0% Total (N=582) 69.4% 0.5% 1.0% 2.1% 6.7% 20.3% 100.0% Lallubhai 1500 and less 80.6% 2.8% 2.8% 5.6% 8.3% 100.0% Compound 1501 to 2000 72.4% 6.9% 20.7% 100.0% 2001 to 2500 73.5% 2.9% 2.9% 2.9% 5.9% 11.8% 100.0% 2501 to 3000 78.0% 1.0% 2.0% 6.0% 13.0% 100.0% 3001 to3500 68.3% 1.7% 1.7% 8.3% 20.0% 100.0% 3501 to 5000 67.9% 0.5% 1.0% 4.1% 4.1% 22.4% 100.0% 5001 and 73.9% 0.8% 1.1% 1.1% 1.1% 3.4% 18.4% 100.0% 1 0000 10001& above 82.3% 1.6% 16.1% 100.0% Total (N=778) 73.4% 0.6% 0.8% 1.0% 1.7% 4.5% 18.0% 100.0% Majas 1500 and less 66.7% 33.3% 100.0% 1501 to 2000 50.0% 25.0% 25.0% 100.0% 2001 to 2500 42.9% 57.1% 100.0% 2501 to 3000 62.5% 12.5% 25.0% 100.0% 3001 to 3500 71.4% 28.6% 100.0% 3501 to 5000 77.8% 3.7% 18.5% 100.0% 5001 and 78.8% 1.9% 3.8% 15.4% 100.0% 10000 10001& above 75.9% 24.1% 100.0% Total (N=145) 73.1% 1.4% 4.1% 21.4% 100.0% Aggregate 1500 and less 76.4% 1.8% 1.8% 1.8% 5.5% 12.7% 100.0% for the 1501 to 2000 62.5% 1.8% 8.9% 26.8% 100.0% sitesthree 2001 to 2500 65.2% 1.5% 1.5% 3.0% 1.5% 9.1% 18.2% 100.0% 2501 to 3000 75.3% 0.6% 0.6% 2.8% 6.2% 14.6% 100.0% 3001 to 3500 70.8% 0.9% 0.9% 1.9% 7.5% 17.9% 100.0% 3501 to 5000 69.5% 0.5% 1.5% 2.9% 6.3% 19.4% 100.0% 10000 73.3% 0.4% 1.0% 0.6% 0.8% 4.0% 20.0% 100.0% 10001& above 75.4% 0.8% 0.8% 23.1% 100.0% Total (N=1505) 71.8% 0.3% 0.6% 0.9% 1.8% 5.3% 19.2% 100.0%
27 Moreover, the incidence of debt is a feature of all income groups. The amount varies considerably, but is generally in the range of Rs. 10,000/- and above. While in Majas, the debt is always above Rs.3000/-, in Anik and Lallubhai Compound, there are instances of debts below that figure. The main sources for the loans are relatives/friends or money lenders (Table 3.12). Table 3.12 Main Source for the Loan
______S____ ite No.S. Main Source AnikAiSieMaj Lallubhai Masas Tol No. (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Total (Mankhurd) i) Bank co-operative 4.3% 3.3% 7.6% 4.1% ii) Money lenders 13.2% 6.0% 2.8% 8.5% iii) Relatives / friends 9.5% 11.8% 12.4% 11.0% iv) Credit societies 2.6% 3.3% 1.4% 2.9% v) Others 1.0% 2.1% 2.8% 1.7% vi) Not applicable 69.4% 73.4% 73.1% 71.8%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
It is interesting to note the main reasons for indebtness. Prior to the shifting, such expenses were for medical expenses, marriage and housing. After the resettlement, medical expenses continue to be the major reason, while daily expenses and marriage are other important factors. Hence, 'daily expenses', which did not figure as an important reason for incurring debt, have assumed importance after the resettlement. It is also significant, that 'medical expenses' top the reasons both prior to and after the resettlement. The priority to be given to provision of affordable health facilities needs to be emphasised and is brought into sharp focus in Chapter V.
3.7. Vulnerable Households 3.7.1. Vulnerability in the context of urban relocation is multi dimensional and needs to be understood in relation to people's experiences with struggles for restoration of livelihoods and the nature of supports from formal and informal networks and institutions. In this section, some of the aspects of vulnerability are highlighted as
28 they emerged through the data. It must be emphasized that it is illustrations that provide a multi-faceted picture of vulnerability at the individual and family levels and an indication of the nature of rehabilitation efforts required. Table 3.13 Proportion of Vulnerable Families Site Vulnerability Anik Lallubhai Majas Criteria (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Total (Mankhurd) a. Monthly family 21.6% 25.6% 20.7% 23.6% income Rs. 3000 or below b. Women headed 5.5% 5.1% 5.5% 5.3% household not having male above 21 years c. Women headed 12.7% 11.1% 6.9% 11.3% household with monthly family income Rs.5000 or less. d. Composite 26.5% 29.0% 24.8% 27.6% (a+b+c) Note: N= 1505.
N.B. *Some of the households may fall in more than one category.
3.7.2. A profile of vulnerability across the three sites indicates that 23.6% households are headed by those whose monthly income is less than Rs.3000. As the Table 3.13 indicates, this number is the highest at Mankhurd. The sheer level of poverty of these households needs to be noted. This assumes an added significance when looking at it in the light of the fact that monthly society charges are in the range of Rs.150-Rs.280 across the three sites. Secondly, it is significant that 5.3% of the households are women headed households not having males above 21 years of age; therefore they are the sole bread-winners of their families. Equally significant is the fact that 11.3% of the sample households have females as the main earners in the family, though their income is upto Rs.5000 a month. The composite
29 percentage for all the three categories of vulnerable households is above one- fourth (27.6%) of the total households.
3.7.3. It is significant to mention here that though the ToR of NGOs concerned did not include a formal approach to attending to the rehabilitation of vulnerable families, the BSES data was to identify such vulnerable families for their future rehabilitation. Though not bound by the ToR, the NGOs came forward to provide help (in cash or kind) to the families which needed urgent attention. For instance, over 100 families at the Mankhurd site are the poorest and belong to the waste pickers, vendors (like balloon sellers), estranged women and even beggars. They were helped by the NGO through distributing free ration and even cash payment in some cases. A few jobs were also assigned to them. The other NGO also extended help to economically disadvantaged families.
3.7.4. Of the 27.6% vulnerable households across the three sites, only 17.3% of the PAPs had reported about their vulnerable status to the two NGOs at the time of survey (Table 3.14a). From among those a few (N=72) who received some assistance, it was in the form getting cash payment from the NGO or preference in allotment of specific site, floor in the multi-storied building, some loan or other form of assistance like getting a menial job, ration (more frequently) or attaining disputed entitlement (Table 3.14b). Table 3.14a Whether Reported about their Vulnerability during the BSES
Site ______S. Response Anik Lallubhai Majas ToI No. (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) ota (Mankhurd) i) Yes 13.6% 17.7% 30.6% 17.3% ii) No 86.4% 82.3% 69.4% 82.7%
Total (N=416) 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
30 Table 3.14b If Yes, Whether any Special Help Received (in cash or kind) at the New Site Site S. RepneAnik Lallubhai Majas Total | No. Response (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Nil 71.4% 65.0% 54.5% 65.3% ii) Cash payment - 5.0% - 2.8% iii) Preference in - 7.5% - 4.2% allotment of site & location of house iv) Assistance from - 2.5% 9.1% 2.8% govt. scheme v) Special loan - 5.0% - 2.8% vi) Any other 28.6% 15.0% 36.4% 22.2%
Total (N=72) 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
3.7.5. The issue of reporting of vulnerability to the NGOs needs to be seen in terms of whether the NGO had any objective criteria for identification of vulnerable households and targeted intervention for their post-relocation, or whether the onus was on the families to demand and negotiate the support required. Vulnerability that is visible is likely to be addressed through these processes, while those who do not come forward to claim/demand assistance could have to struggle on their own. The FGDs and the cases that emerged through these discussions demonstrated the nature of struggles of PAPs. To recall, it was also not a mandate of the NGOs for implementing any rehabilitation schemes.
3.7.6. A majority of dimensions of vulnerability are rooted in economic conditions; certain others could emerge from the re-location within a building. For instance, at Anik, one of the significant problems faced by the women residing on the top floors is leakage of the roof when the water from the tank overflows or when it rains. Further, elder women find it very difficult to climb upper floors. Every small thing such as purchasing a match box requires them to go up and down the floors. The most challenging task for women was to carry water to the upper floors from water tankers when there was no municipal water supply. For two
31 years PAPs resettled at Anik had to get water from Vashi Naka. To get the water up to the upper floors one had to pay Rs.20 per container. Now PAPs at Anik are getting piped water from B.M.C., but twice in ten days the water is not supplied. Such issues are important when viewed in the light of the fact that there may be economically weak PAPs who have to struggle for their daily earnings and also confront such domestic issues. No doubt, the basic services are now improving but in the earlier phase of resettlement, several PAPs went through a difficult time. It is also true that the concerned NGOs made all efforts, even at the cost of spending their own money, to reduce hardships of the vulnerable families, more so in the earlier phase of their resettlement. Many such families are eager to get better opportunities, like an open pitch in the building for hawking. A few others seek long term solutions to their vulnerable life situations.
3.7.7. It is in the above context that for such vulnerable families, their resettlement is more a 'recycle of their poverty'. It is expected that the newly appointed Consultants (the TCS) shall achieve a breakthrough in attacking their vulnerability through entrepreneurial training, skill upgradation and informative support about better job opportunities. The outcome has yet to emerge. As emphasized by the present Consultants in the evaluation of 'earlier resettlements' under the MUTP, the most challenging task now is for creating favourable conditions so that these vulnerable families are able to retain their tenements. The brokers, intermediaries and vested interests are very active in resettlement areas for luring such families to sell or rent out their houses, while they themselves shift to some slum areas. 'Retaining' their houses by these poor families will directly add to a successful outcome of the R&R under MUTP.
3.7.8. A few case studies were undertaken of such 'vulnerable' families for understanding in detail, various dimensions of their impoverishment. These included the women-headed households, elderly couples or very poor families. These case studies are presented as Annexure III at the end of present report. These illustrative situations essentially highlight the adverse situations
32 compounded with general impoverishment leading to high vulnerability of slum families. Deserted women, elderly couples with an ailing earner, frustrated youths without options to make a decent living, waste pickers, beggars, and others form a group of such households (and individuals) needing sustained efforts for their rehabilitation. They are not in position to pay user charges for basic services or meeting future contingencies. If not rehabilitated, they may not be able to retain their houses. Thus successful resettlement needs an adequate rehabilitation of the vulnerable individuals and households.
33 Chapter IV HOUSING SOCIETIES AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
4.1. Introduction This chapter deals with an assessment of housing societies as well as community development and neighbourhood relations. The two themes are intrinsically related. Housing societies that are run on a cooperative basis depend on neighbourhood relations for their effective functioning. In the context of resettlement and relocation at Mankhurd, Anik and Majas, rebuilding the sense of community with new neighbours and newer challenges for survival at the household level, assumes immense significance. The issues with housing societies therefore need to be understood in the light of the simultaneity of both the processes of housing society formation and of community development. Satisfactory functioning of a housing society is, to some extent, a manifestation of a certain degree of community cohesion and household level stability.
The overview of aspects of the housing societies is from the perspective of the residents. It is based partly on the feedback from sample households across all buildings at the three sites obtained through the household questionnaire. In addition, one building was selected at each site in order to assess the functioning of the society comprehensively through obtaining the views of all residents on this aspect. The selection of the building was at random.
4.2. Resettlement and Housing Society Formation 4.2.1. In the process of resettlement of people from one location to another, extra effort needs to be made to keep the community network and social relationship intact. In order to avoid any kind of rupture in neighbourhood cohesion, implementing agencies made genuine effort to resettle the neighbours together (Table 4. 1).
34 Table 4.1 Whether Families from Earlier Neighbourhood were Resettled at this Site
I Families from Site Earlier No. Neighbourhood Anik Lallubha Majas Total Resettled at this (Chembur) (Mankhurd) (Jogeshwari) Site i) Yes 97.8% 94.7% 96.6% 96.1% ii) No 2.2% 5.3% 3.4% 3.9%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
Almost all (96.1%) the respondents have been settled together with their earlier neighbours with 63.2% being settled in the same building and the others on the same floor itself. 20% residents feel that the interaction with the neighbours has increased (Table 4.2). Table 4.2 Interaction with Neighbours
Site I S. Interactions with Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Neighbours (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Negbus.Cebr (Makud (Jgs)a i) Most often 37.5% 9.5% 0.7% 19.5% ii) Often 21.5% 26.3% 26.2% 24.5% iii) Same 20.1% 39.3% 48.3% 32.8% iv) Lesser 20.1% 23.0% 24.8% 22.1% v) Not applicable 0.9% 1.8% 0.0% 1.3%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
Around 22% said that interaction has actually decreased. As regards interaction with the new neighbours, an overwhelming 77% state that they do not interact often; they seldom interact (Table 4.3).
35 Table 4.3 Interaction with New Neighbours
Site S. Interaction with Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. New Neighbours (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari)
______(Mankhurd) (oehai i) Often 5.3% 16.5% 13.8% 11.9% ii) Some times 85.6% 69.5% 84.1% 77.1% iii) Do not interact 9.1% 14.0% 2.1% 11.0%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
At Anik, the social relationships of people have not begun being built and moving away from those they had lived with for decades has been emotionally stressful. The people complained that residents of the building are not cooperative and they are not helpful even in the time of emergency. Even if someone falls ill and they have to be taken to hospital, one required at least 100 rupees for travel and in case of such an emergency too, none of the residents lends even twenty rupees. At Mankhurd, many residents shared that they do not enjoy the same bonding or social ties as they enjoyed with their neighbors at the earlier location.
4.2.2. Formation of Housing Societies: In this backdrop, formation of housing societies can play an important role in forging a relationship and interactions between residents, through focus on upkeep of premises. In the post-resettlement phase, it is expected that the residents of the building would take charge of the maintenance of their buildings. Formation and registration of housing societies is one of the crucial tasks and an empowering process in the post resettlement phase. During the study, it was found that the process of formation of housing societies is underway for all buildings across the three sites. It was evident from the study of all tenements in the selected buildings at the three sites (Building No.8 at Anik, No.12 at Lallubhai Compound and No.1 at Majas) that almost all residents are aware of it (Table 4.4). Majas and Anik stand out in termns of the greater degree of awareness of residents. This was also consistently demonstrated in responses
36 to various questions regarding holding of general body meetings, election of office bearers etc. Table 4.4 Has a Co-operative Housing Society been Formed for your Building
Co-operative Amk Site Majas T No. Housing Society (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Formed (Mankhurd) i) Yes 97.0% 88.6% 100.0% 93.8% ii) No 3.0% 1.1% 0.0% 1.6% iii) Do not know 0.0% 10.2% 0.0% 4.7%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 66 88 39 193* N.B. Refers to selected buildings
* Responses not received from 13 HHs out of 206.
4.2.3. Registration of Societies: The facilitation for registration of societies has not been taken up very seriously either by MMRDA or by the NGOs. It was evident during the FGDs that the residents are not even aware that a Special Cell with a Registrar has been specifically located in the MMRDA office for the purpose of speedy and smooth registration of societies. The residents also seem confused about the actual amount to be paid for the registration. Though the MMRDA officials as well as NGOs feel that the sooner the registration happens, the better it would be in terms of making people responsible towards their building, dissemination of information and facilitation of the process is an issue. At Majas, residents of a building claimed to have applied for registration (with all necessary documents) in 2005; however, they have yet to get a response in this regard. On the other hand, it appears that some of the residents are not very much in favour of registering the society because once it is registered, the entire expenditure of maintaining the building and its repair will be the responsibility of the Society which they feel might be difficult to handle. On the other hand, since disbursal of revolving fund is linked to the registration of societies, the amount has not been transferred by MMRDA to the Societies, further aggravating the issue of payment of dues.
37 Quite often Societies find it difficult to meet the expenditure for putting up a security gate and towards payment of the watchman; both of which are necessary for security purposes. Hence, keenness for taking over the maintenance of the premises through Society fornation is obviously linked to the capacity of resident members to pay the necessary charges, and the restoration of their livelihoods at the new sites.
The fact that Societies are not registered poses a number of problems for residents that delay their resettlement. The residents find it difficult to furnish any document required for the purpose of opening a bank account, getting a telephone connection and taking loans, etc. Residents at Mankhurd opined during FGDs that since Societies are not registered, neither the BMC nor MMRDA get involved in several statutory functions. They help only in garbage collection and for that too, the sweepers do not come to individual buildings. Instead, the residents of all the buildings have to go near Building VI and dump the garbage.
4.2.4. Functioning of Housing Societies: Housing societies have held General Body meeting to elect office bearers. The involvement of PAPs is greater in Majas and Anik (Table 4.5). Table 4.5 If the Society has been in Existence for over a year, are Annual General Body Meetings Held
Society has been in Site S Existence, are Anik Lallubhai Majas No. Annual General (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Total Body Meeting Held (Mankhurd)
i) Yes 89.4% 62.5% 94.9% 78.2% ii) No 1.5% 18.2% 0.0% 8.8% iii) Do not know 9.1% 19.3% 5.1% 13.0%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 66 88 39 193 N.B. Refers to selected buildings
38 The housing societies appear to be fairly responsive to complaints/grievances of members. (Table 4.6) Table 4.6 Member Perception about Housing Society Listening to Grievances
Whether Housing Site S. Society Listens to Anik Lallubhai Majas No. Member (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Total - Grievances (Mankhurd) i) Yes 86.6% 80.6% 84.1% 83.2% ii) No 13.1% 18.3% 15.2% 16.0% iii) Not applicable 0.3% 1.2% 0.7% 0.8%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
Regarding maintenance of accounts of the society, it is encouraging to note that the majority of the respondents felt that they were properly maintained (Table 4.7). Table 4.7 Member Opinion of Maintenance of Society Accounts
- Whether Accounts Site S. MithA nd Anik Lallubhai Majas No. Maintamed (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Total Properly Mankhurd) i) Yes 51.8% 64.9% 70.3% 60.4% ii) No 4.3% 11.4% 21.4% 9.6% iii) Do not know 43.9% 23.7% 8.3% 30.0%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
Majas stands out with a higher degree of satisfaction regarding this crucial aspect. It is noteworthy that at Anik there is a high level of ignorance.
An attempt was made to probe the level of awareness among PAPs, of services managed by the Society, in a selected building at each site (Table 4.8).
39 Table 4.8 Awareness of Services Managed by Housing Societies Site S. Services Managed Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. by Society (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Water supply 100.0% 95.5% 97.4% 97.4% ii) Common electricity 100.0% 84.1% 97.4% 92.2% iii) General sanitation 98.5% 79.5% 92.3% 88.6% iv) Solid waste 90.9% 90.9% 89.7% 90.7% collection and disposal v) Minor repairs and 77.3% 77.3% 82.1% 78.2% maintenance of building vi) Security 30.3% 81.8% 7.7% 49.2% vii) Arranging cultural 93.9% 92.0% 94.9% 93.3% programmes viii) Mediating in 97.0% 73.9% 84.6% 83.9% quarrels among members ix) Environmental 77.3% 45.5% 43.6% 56.0% improvement x) Prevention of 62.1% 37.5% 35.9% 45.6% encroachment xi) Prevention of 68.2% 42.0% 84.6% 59.6% renting/selling of tenements xii) Maintenance of lifts 10.6% 1.1% 84.6% 21.2%
N 66 88 39 193
While at all three sites, most of the respondents expect basic services to be managed by the housing societies, there are considerable differences of opinion regarding security, prevention of encroachment or of renting/selling of tenements. Maintenance of lifts does not appear as an expected function of the Society, except at Majas, since they are not operational in many buildings.
While respondents were asked to state the functions performed satisfactorily by their housing society, in the three sites, maintenance of cleanliness was consistently rated higher (Table 4.9).
40 Table 4.9 Member Identification of Functions Performed Satisfactorily by their Housing Society
Site S. Functions Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Performed Well (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Maintenance of 4.8% 19.4% 6.9% 12.6% building ii) Maintenance of 16.0% 11.1% 35.9% 15.4% services iii) Maintenance of 57.7% 56.4% 46.2% 55.9% cleanliness iv) Organizing cultural 17.5% 6.7% 6.9% 10.9% programs v) Any other 4.0% 6.4% 4.1% 5.3%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
On the other hand, among the functions not performed, maintenance of the building and of services were named by about 25% of the respondents (Table 4.10). Table 4.10 Member Identification of Functions Not Performed by their Housing Society
l Site S. Functions Not Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Performed (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Maintenance of 45.0% 16.6% 9.7% 26.9% building ii) Maintenance of 23.9% 27.2% 22.1% 25.4% services iii) Maintenance of 14.1% 4.9% 8.3% 8.8% cleanliness iv) Organizing cultural 9.8% 27.9% 6.2% 18.8% programs v) Any other 7.2% 23.4% 53.8% 20.1%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
41 The office bearers of Societies seem confident in running day-to-day affairs of their respective buildings. However, they are emphatic in fixing the responsibility on government departments with regard to sewerage, drainage and garbage along with safety and security of people.
4.2.5. The extent of informal and everyday interaction between neighbours forms the base on which the more formnal functioning of the Housing Society rests. As far as regular interaction with neighbours is concerned, it varies in terms of the number of families with which there is interface. Around 24.2% respondents interact with 4 families on a regular basis. Interestingly, 27.7% respondents at Anik said they do not regularly interact with any other families. 65% of the respondents find no difference in the friendliness of their present neighbours. 33.4% find that there is no difference in the social interaction of adults in their locality. 80% respondents from Majas feel that the social interaction has improved with relocation.
4.2.6. While the process of building neighbourly relations has begun, there is need to build confidence in the ability of the Society to maintain the building in the future. When asked whether the community/housing society would be able to take care of the maintenance in the long run, 46.8% respondents across the three sites are confident that this is possible (Table 4.11). However, a substantive number (40%) said they are unable to say whether or not it would be possible. From among those who are of the view that maintenance would be difficult for the Society, the reasons cited are infighting among members, apathy of civic and MMRDA officials, interference of local goons as also lack of financial resources.
42 Table 4.11 Member Perception about Community Ability to Take Care of the Maintenance of Building and Environment of the Area in Long Run
Ability to Take Site Care of the Anik Lallubhai Majas S. Maintenance of the (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Total Building and (Mankhurd) Environment i) Yes 53.8% 41.9% 49.0% 47.1% ii) No 13.4% 13.5% 6.9% 12.8% iii) Cannot say 32.8% 44.6% 44.1% 40.0%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
Monthly Society charges in the selected buildings are Rs. 150 at Anik, Rs.250 at Lallubhai Compound and Rs.350 at Majas. Overall most residents across the three buildings are satisfied with the functioning of the respective Societies (Table 4.12). Table 4.12 Are you Satisfied with the Functioning of the Co-operative Housing Society Satisfied with the Site S. Functioning of Co- Anik Lallubhai Majas No. operative Housing (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Total Society (Mankhurd)
i) Highly satisfied 37.9% 20.5% 28.2% 28.0% ii) Moderately satisfied 62.1% 67.0% 59.0% 63.7% iii) Moderately 0.0% 10.2% 10.3% 6.7% dissatisfied iv) Highly dissatisfied 0.0% 2.3% 2.6% 1.6%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 66 88 39 193 N.B. Refers to selected buildings
4.2.7. With the shifting, 34.8% respondents across the three sites reported loss of common space. However, there are site-specific variations with the proportions being 42.3% at Anik, 13.8% at Majas, and 33% at Mankhurd. The issue of extent
43 and nature of interactions among residents is closely linked with and facilitated by the availability of space for different activities. At Anik, the largest number of respondents thinks that children do not have as good company of other children as they did earlier. At Majas, the largest number finds that company for children is better than before. At Mankhurd, the picture is mixed.
Similarly, as far as recreation facility for children is concerned, almost 63% respondents at Majas find it better than before. More than half the respondents at Anik find that it is not as good as before. At Mankhurd, the children play in the nearby playground/field, which is mostly occupied by the older children of Tata Nagar and Sathe Nagar, every Saturday and Sunday. This field is also used for defecation in the absence of public toilets. Therefore, the children are left with very limited choice of space for play.
Rehabilitation intervention by TCS through community building, restoration of livelihoods and registration of Societies is likely to facilitate the maintenance of the premises by Societies as well as people's confidence in their neighbours and Society functionaries.
44 Chapter V INFRASTRUCTURE AND PUBLIC AMENITIES
5.1. Basic Services 5.1.1. Water Supply: All the tenements have been provided with piped water supply and each house has its individual water connection. The duration of water supply, in most cases (97.6%), is less than 2 hours (Table 5.1). Table 5.1 Duration of Water Supply (hours per day)
Site S. Duration of Water Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Supply (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) ota (Mankhurd) i) Less than 2 hours 99.7% 99.4% 80.0% 97.6% ii) 2 - 4 hours 0.3% 0.5% 11.0% 1.5% iii) 5 - 7 hours 0.0% 0.1% 2.1% 0.3% iv) 8 and above 0.0% 0.0% 6.9% 0.7%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
There have been occasions when there was no water supply for 6 days in a row in Lallubhai Compound, necessitating water tankers and paying a high price. In Anik, on some days they are not supplied with water and residents of upper floors have difficulty in getting water, delivered by tankers to the building and then lifted up. Majas is slightly better off in this respect, with 20% of the respondents indicating longer duration of the water supply. However, in Majas, the main water tank is one km away at Sivai Nagar. Pumping is done from there to underground storage tanks in the colony and then to the overhead tanks. The necessitated double pumping has led to the increased charges. There are common meters in the buildings, and hence payment is collected as a part of the society charges. The financial liability in terms of water charges has been dealt with in an earlier section (Chapter III).
45 Table 5.2 If Water Consumption after Resettlement Increased
WaterSite S. Water Anik Lallubhai Majas No. Consumption after (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Total Resettlement (Mankhurd) i) Increased 75.8% 30.8% 53.1% 50.4% ii) Decreased 19.6% 34.3% 6.9% 26.0% iii) Same 4.6% 34.8% 40.0% 23.7%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
About 50% of the respondents indicated an increase in the water consumption after resettlement; this is particularly true of the Anik site (Table 5.2). As regards the quality of water, it is generally perceived to be better than at the earlier location. Overall, there is a satisfaction that standing in long queues, particularly by women, for fetching water is over. However, paying extra charges for water, and erratic supply, are the points of dissatisfaction.
5.1.2. Electricity: The tenements have electricity and individual electric meters. A majority of the respondents (77.0%) stated that now they pay more for electricity than the earlier (Table 5.3). This is attributed to different factors: increased consumption, extra rental charges due to individual connections, high rates Table 5.3 Payment for Electric Use Now Compared to Earlier
Whether More ASite S. Payment for Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No.Payentfor (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Toa Electric Use Now (Mankhurd) i) Yes 77.0% 80.6% 57.9% 77.0% ii) No 23.0% 19.4% 42.1% 23.0%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
46 charged by Reliance (the Utility) in comparison to the BSES, less day light in tenements, etc. Generally, it is in the range of Rs.50/- to Rs.200/-; however, a few PAPs claim that they pay as much as Rs.500/- more than the earlier. In fact, when respondents mention increased financial liabilities consequent on society charges, they tend to include their increased payments for electricity, though it does not in reality form a component of the society charges.
5.1.3. Collection and Disposal of Garbage: At all the three sites, garbage is generally (90.8%) disposed off in the society bins (Table 5.4). This is almost a general Table 5.4 Place of Disposal of Solid Wastes/Garbage
Place of Disposal of Site S. Solid Wastes/ Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Garbage (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Open space outside - 1.0% - 0.5% the society ii) Throw in open 4.6% - - 1.8% spaces within the society premises iii) Municipal garbage 13.9% 2.7% 0.7% 6.8% bins/sites iv) Society's bins 81.4% 96.3% 98.6% 90.8% v) Throw anywhere - - 0.7% 0.1%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
feature in Lallubhai Compound and Majas, whereas in the Anik resettlement, there is still a certain degree of dependence on the municipal bins. Almost invariably, the garbage is cleared daily, so that nearly 85% of the respondents are of the opinion that garbage disposal is better now than at the earlier sites (Table 5.5).
47 Table 5.5 If Garbage Removal Better Now
Site S. Garbage Removal Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Now (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Better 77.7% 89.4% 88.3% 84.8% ii) Worse 16.5% 5.9% 4.8% 9.9% iii) Same 5.8% 4.6% 6.9% 5.3%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
However, it is worth noting, that the Anik lags behind and a significant proportion of the respondents felt that the garbage disposal was worse than at the earlier site. During the FGDs, complaints emerged about the shortage of bins as compared to the solid waste generated in the buildings.
5.1.4. Cleanliness of Surrounding: The differences between the three sites are reflected in the assessment of the cleanliness of general surroundings. While Table 5.6 Cleanliness of General Surrounding
Cleanliness of Site S. Clenesso Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. General (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Surrounding ~(Mankhurd) ______i) More clean 38.8% 45.7% 75.2% 45.9% ii) Less clean 55.0% 47.7% 19.3% 47.8% iii) No difference 6.2% 6.6% 5.5% 6.3%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
three-fourths of the respondents in Majas felt that cleanliness is better now, the corresponding proportions for Anik and Lallubhai are only 38.8% and 45.7% respectively (Table 5.6). Hence, overall, the respondents are almost equally divided in their perception of the comparative cleanliness at resettlements and the
48 original sites. During discussions at FGDs, it also emerged that some families still tend to throw garbage here and there. The need was felt of more training for enhancing the civic sense in communities. The 'community environment management plan' (CEMP) has yet to be effective.
5.1.5. Accessibility: The lack of easy accessibility to mass transit facilities of the resettlement sites is a major cause for dissatisfaction. About a half of the respondents felt that their localities were not well connected to either the main Table 5.7 If Locality Well Connected to Main Road or a Railway Station
Site S.Loclt onetd Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. ocality Connected (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) None 60.0% 55.3% 17.9% 53.5% ii) To both 6.2% 11.3% - 8.2% iii) To main road 33.8% 19.9% 82.1% 31.3% iv) To railway station - 13.5% 7.0%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
road or the railway station (Table 5.7). In this respect, the differences between the three sites are very striking. Respondents from the Majas feel that the site is well connected to the main road, while in the case of Lallubhai Compound, there is a divided opinion. At Anik, while one-third of the respondents feel that accessibility to a main road is good, the majority (60.0%) emphasise its poor transport connectivity. In this connection, it must be borne in mind, that since the PAHs are primarily from the LIG group, accessibility to mass transit facilities is important in selection of location of resettlement sites. For example, a large proportion of the residents of Lallubhai Compound commute to Kurla for work. They are dependent on buses whose frequency is poor and which stop plying after 9 p.m. It also imposes a financial strain on their meagre resources.
49 5.1.6. Overall Assessment of Basic Services: Overall, less than a half of the respondents (42.5%) rate the basic services as better now than at the old site (Table 5.8). The remainder either feel that they are worse or almost similar. The causes for dissatisfaction are primarily due to the poor accessibility and inadequacy of water Table 5.8 Overall, Whether Basic Services are Better Now than at the Old Site Basic Services Site S. Better Now than at Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. te Ow te (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) the Old Site (Mankhurd) i) Yes 29.0% 48.9% 62.1% 42.5% ii) No 35.7% 27.9% 4.8% 28.7% iii) Almost similar 35.2% 23.2% 33.1% 28.8%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
supply. They contend that the original sites were closer to railway stations and in some cases, they had access to 24 hrs water supply, free of cost. The difference between the three sites comes into sharp focus with respondents from Majas being more satisfied.
5.2. Public Amenities 5.2.1. Educational: A sizeable proportion of the respondents (37.9%) felt that the schooling facilities were worse at the new site compared to the earlier one (Table 5.9). Table 5.9 If Schooling Facility at this Site Better Compared to the Earlier Site Whether School Site S. Facility is Better Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Nw(Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Yes 22.0% 23.8% 40.7% 24.7% ii) No 37.3% 40.2% 28.3% 37.9% iii) Uncertain 12.7% 9.7% 11.0% 11.0% iv) Not applicable 28.0% 26.4% 20.0% 26.4%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
50 In many cases, there are no schools in the vicinity. In Anik, the municipal school is quite far and only caters to children upto the VII standard. In Majas, there is only one school nearby which is English medium and very expensive. Children studying in Marathi medium schools have to travel long distances. Often, they go to the same school which they were attending before the shifting. Only about one-fourth of the respondents felt they were better now. Nearly one-fourth were not affected as they did not have the school-going children. This has led to a dependence on schools at the previous locations for about one-fourth of the respondents. In Lallubhai Compound, children have to cross railway tracks to reach the schools. It has led to an additional strain on the children and the necessity for parents to accompany them. The extra money and time necessitated Table 5.10 Mean Monthly Expenditure (Rs.) on Education and Health
Site TtlSml S. . Anik Lallubhai Compound Majas Total Sample No Varable (Chembur) (Mankhurd) (Jogeshwari) Prior* After Prior* After Prior* After Prior* After i)Education 60 118 226 233 403 321 178 196 ii) Health 59 163 129 283 211 263 109 235 * Adjusted for Inflation between 1991-01 and present
has led to drop outs in some cases. The proportion of respondents reporting drop- outs was about 7.7% in Anik. This negative aspect of resettlement also came out very sharply in the FGDs, and is a cause for concern. It is also true that it takes time before public utilities emerge in new settlements, unless these are well planned in advance.
5.2.2. Health Facilities: A similar situation prevails with respect to the lack of health facilities. Over a half of the respondents, at each site, rated them as worse or much worse than at the old site (Table 5.1 1). Anik and Lallubhai Compound fare badly in this respect as compared to Majas. Hence, overall, two-thirds of the respondents are unhappy regarding them. The FGDs highlighted the absence of affordable health services. In both Lallubhai Compound and Anik, there is not a
51 Table 5.11 Health Facilities Compared to the Old Site
Site No. Health Facilities Anik Lallubhai Majas Total INo. (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Toa -_ (Mankhurd) i) Better 25.1% 13.1% 9.7% 17.4% ii) Similar 6.9% 19.9% 37.9% 16.6% iii) Worse 58.9% 57.2% 42.8% 56.5% iv) Much worse 9.1% 9.8% 9.7% 9.5%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
single government dispensary or medical shop in the compound. Residents have to go to Shatabdi hospital by auto-rickshaw which costs Rs.30 one way. In Lallubhai Compound, the women avail of the services of a female gynaecologist residing in one of the buildings. Even in Majas, there is no hospital within a radius of 3 km; this poses financial problem in case of emergencies (Table 5.10). The problems of health are aggravated by the location of sites: the presence of open Nallas which cause acute problems of mosquitoes and flies. The fumigation, when carried out by municipal authorities, is only in the outer compound and not inside the buildings. However, it must be emphasised that the FGDs did not indicate an increase in morbidity levels. The dissatisfaction with health services is more due to absence of affordable health facilities in close proximity.
5.2.3. Other Public Amenities: Ration shops are available in Lallubhai Compound and Majas. Their absence in Anik resettlement is very striking. The residents go to Kokri Agar, where they were originally staying, to avail of the facility. Over a half of the respondents (56.7%) have transferred their ration cards to the new locations. The reasons put forward by the remainder who have not done so, are varied: absence of ration shop in vicinity, loss of cards, expectation that the housing society will attend to it, etc.
52 Fuel for Cooking: In the case of nearly two-thirds of the residents, the main type of fuel used for cooking is LPG. A majority of them felt that it is more easily available now. However, there is a striking difference between the sites, with Majas being much better off in this respect.
Market Facilities: There is considerable dissatisfaction among the PAPs with the market facilities and two-thirds of them rate them as worse or much worse as compared to the old site. In this respect, there is not much difference between the three sites, though Anik does stand out as much worse. In fact, absence of market facilities is seen as one of the reasons for lack of opportunities in the resettlements.
Availability of Open Space: A little over a half of the respondents (53.9%) felt that availability of open space was better now. In this respect, Lallubhai Compound emerges better off, while the Majas resettlement has a lack of it.
Community Facilities: Inadequate community facilities are a complaint of about 40% of the respondents. The problem appears to be worse in Lallubhai Compound. Religious places are generally not available, except in Majas. In Lallubhai Compound, Muslims rent out a place for "Ramzan" as there is no mosque in the vicinity. Availability of recreational places is particularly a problem in Lallubhai Compound. The nearby playground used by the residents is also used by persons residing in other colonies such as Tata Nagar. Since it is used as a public toilet, the hygienic conditions are very poor.
Security: There is a greater sense of security in the resettlement areas with nearly 80% of the PAPs indicating that they feel more secure now. There is not much difference between the sites in this respect. However, during the FGDs, some of the specific concerns were voiced (Table 5.12).
53 Table 5.12 If Feel More Secure at New Site?
Site S. Feel More Secure Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. at New Site (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) o (Mankhurd) i) Yes 80.8% 77.4% 80.0% 78.9% ii) No 19.2% 22.6% 20.0% 21.1%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
For example, in the case of Anik, the nearest police station is at the RCF, and residents have not had good experiences with it. In the Lallubhai Compound, residents opine that the police beat / chowki in the area was closed most of the time. They felt vulnerable due to misbehaviour by persons from the adjacent Tata Nagar Colony who resented those in the resettlement site. They pointed out that the lamp posts on the roads were inadequate, leading to insecurity after the dark. In Majas, when residents complained to BMC regarding the street lights, they were told that it did not come within their jurisdiction as it was a private colony. During late evenings, at Lallubhai Compound youths gather in corners of open spaces and indulge in drinking and gambling. The situation at Anik is no better where the host community finds the resettled youths from outside as defiant and even deviant.
5.2.4. Overall Assessment of Public Amenities: The high level of dissatisfaction with respect to various public amenities is very striking. A majority of the respondents felt that in this respect, the resettlement sites are worse than the original sites (Table 5.13). Between the sites, Anik fares very badly while the Majas is slightly better. Though public amenities are inadequate, two-thirds of the respondents feel that not much help is forthcoming from any source (Table 5.14). About 15% of the respondents attribute some initiatives to government officials for improving the situation.
54 Table 5.13 Overall, Perception about Public Amenities at new Site
______Site____ S. PbiAneiis Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Public Amenities (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) __ .(Mankhurd) i) Better 3.4% 18.4% 8.3% 11.6% ii) Worse 85.2% 64.0% 54.5% 71.3% iii) Similar 11.3% 17.6% 37.2% 17.1%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
Surprisingly, there is not much difference between the sites, in terms of the most important public facility they find missing. Health, transport, religious places and schools were the ones emphasised, with the lack of health facilities being of over- Table 5.14 If Public Amenities Inadequate, who is Helping/Improving the Same
Public Amenities Anik Site Majas No. Anik Lallubhai Majas No. Inadequate, who iS (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Total Helping/Improving (Mankhurd) i) None 66.7% 62.7% 66.9% 64.7% ii) SRS/SPARC 2.4% 5.7% 5.5% 4.4% iii) SRS/SPARC + 14.4% 3.6% - 7.4% CBOS iv) Govt. officials 6.9% 20.4% 23.4% 15.5% vii) Individual effort 9.6% 4.2% 2.8% 6.2% viii) Any other - 3.3% 1.4% 1.9%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 582 778 145 1505
riding importance. As per the R&R policy, PAPs should be provided with health and medical facilities. This is a lacunae which needs urgent remedial action. Setting up new schools is also necessary.
55 Table 5.15 brings into sharp focus the differences in perception by respondents about (a) the resettlement house; (b) the basic services, and (c) the public amenities. It is evident that the provision of public amenities has lagged behind. This has entailed a considerable physical and financial strain on the residents. It highlights the 'satisfaction' within the house and the 'dissatisfaction' outside.
Table 5.15 Perception of Respondents Regarding Effects of Resettlement
S.No. Variable Response (%) N = 1505 A. The Resettlement House 1. Satisfied with location of house in Specific Building 85.8 2. Satisfied with location of house on Specific Floor 75.3 3. Present house more airy than previous one 71.2 4. Present house gets more daylight 73.9 5. Overall, the present house better than the former 82.1
B. Basic Services 1. Quality of water better now 70.4 2. Garbage removal better now 84.8 3. Travel facilities better than at old site 10.3 4. Overall, basic services better than at old site 42.3
C. Public Amenities 1. Schooling facilities better than at old site 24.7 2. Health facilities better than at old site 17.4 3. Market facilities better than at old site 9.3 4. Present site more secure 78.9 5. Overall, public amenities better than at old site 11.6
D. General Environment 1. More open space than at old site 53.9 2. Present locality lesser polluted than the previous one 49.0 3. Noise pollution lesser now 84.5 4. General surroundings cleaner now 45.9
56 Chapter VI ASSESSMENT OF CIVIL WORKS AND QUALITY OF INFRASTRUCTURE
6.1. Introduction This chapter summarizes the findings and conclusions of a study undertaken to assess the quality of civil works and infrastructure in the resettlement areas at Lallubhai compound (Mankhurd), Anik (Chembur) and Majas (Jogeshwari).
The methodology adopted for assessment at these sites consisted of collection and review of baseline data, visual assessment and verification of data through site visits, interview of project affected persons (PAPs), focus group discussions (FGDs), analysis of data to identify shortcomings and meetings with MMRDA officials. The baseline data reviewed includes resettlement plans, layout plans, building plans, road, drain and other related infrastructure details, copies of work orders and tender documents for work specifications (civil, plumbing, sanitary, doors & windows, and electrical) and work completion reports. The PAPs and households considered for interview and survey purposes constitute 19.5% of the total number of households (Refer Table 1.2). The observations and interviews during site visits were considered to be representative of the overall scenario at the sites.
Based on the observations and study, possible causes of the deficiencies were identified and suitable recommnendations are suggested to improve the quality of environment in the resettlements. The following sections describe the qualitative findings about the different aspects of civil works and infrastructure namely; Architectural; Civil/Construction works for Structures; Water & Sanitation and Roads; General Environmental & Surroundings at each of the three sites and the role of MMRDA.
6.2. LALLUBHAI COMPOUND (MANKHURD) Contractor: M/s Larsen & Toubro Limited, ECC Division Consultant: BURO REP REHAB PVT. LTD. (BRR)
57 6.2.1. Architectural Aspects: The architectural aspects considered and discussed in this section are building layout, capacity of the building with respect to handling emergency situations, location of rooms with respect to one another, daylight and ventilation.
Based on the site visit and examination of site drawings for Lallubhai compound, the area for open spaces around buildings, clear space between the buildings and passage and staircase width within buildings appear to be inadequate. These inadequacies imply a lack of space for assembly during emergencies and disasters (like fires and earthquakes), impede emergency response actions and also adversely affect daylight and cross-ventilation. The location of the toilets opposite to the kitchen platform within the units also seems inappropriate from a hygienic and aesthetic point of view.
Modifications to the architectural elements discussed above may be difficult at this stage. Hence these aspects should be taken care of at the planning and design stage.
Inspite of these architectural issues, more than 50% of the interviewed PAP's expressed their satisfaction with day-lighting and ventilation in their individual units compared to previous living arrangements.
6.2.2. Civil Work/Construction Aspects: The civil work and construction aspects of structures; water & sanitation arrangements and roads are considered and discussed in this section. The issues addressed include general and structural condition of units and buildings, quality of materials, workmanship and adequacy of water and sanitation systems, and state of roads.
58 6.2.2. 1.Structure: In many instances during the walk through in the building passages, a slight vibration of passage slab was felt, particularly when people are walking in groups. Due to such vibrations, possible cracks can develop in the wall and slab junction. Adequate care at the planning and designing stage is required to avoid similar problems in future. In many flats the jointing
and bedding for floor tiling may not have been .;r - executed properly, which gave an unstable feeling while walking over tiles. This may be due to bad workmanship. However, the review of available test reports indicated acceptable material quality and design i adequacy.
In the kitchens of some units, the "cuddapa" stone plates were not fixed properly on the platforms/walls. This may be due to bad workmanship.
At a few places, the plaster had come off from the walls and the ceilings. This may be attributed to insufficient roughening of the base surface. Re-plastering of the damaged surfaces may be undertaken with adequate roughening of surface to ensure bonding.
Of the PAPs interviewed, about a half of them were contented with the quality of construction and more than 75% were satisfied with design of the individual units. Some of the PAPs also mentioned about their carrying out major and minor changes within the units such as: * Demolition of separation walls * Extension of separation wall. * Increasing the height of separation wall * Installation of safety grills to doors and windows * Tiling in kitchen * Changing damaged flooring
59 * Painting for festival / occasion or annual renovation
The above changes may not have a major impact on the structure of the building, except in the case of demolition or modifications to separation walls. Uninformed demolition of load-bearing separation walls or increase in load on the beams due to horizontal or vertical additions to the walls may affect the structure adversely. Other minor changes like addition of grills or change in tiling or flooring may have minimal impact if done without damaging the structure or increasing the load.
The buildings at the site have been constructed using Mayvon technology i.e. all the walls are made up of concrete and are load bearing structures. Considering this fact, MMRDA had warned the residents not to drill nails in the walls or alter the design of the structure or individual units. However, since the above modifications have been undertaken in some individual units, it is suggested that a structural audit may be conducted in all units to document the changes, extent of impact and corresponding corrective measures required. Also, the PAPs should be made aware that alterations in their residences could have a major effect on the entire building structure. In future, any proposed construction or changes (in the units) may be verified by a competent technical consultant/auditor prior to execution. A standard procedure for the same may be developed and communicated to the PAPs.
6.2.2.2.Water & Sanitation: Leakages were noticed in 50% of the sewage (soil and wastewater) pipes visible on the external wall-face of buildings. Also, adequate clearance has not been provided between the wall-face and pipe faces. Such leakages from pipes have caused algae formation on the walls and stagnation of wastewater at the ground level, leading to unhygienic conditions. Bad workmanship at pipe joints and substandard selection of pipe materials (asbestos- cement [AC]) is the cause of such leakages.
60 4*
Another important point to be considered during, the design is the selection of materials for pipes. Cast iron pipes are recommended from first floor to ground floor and PVC pipes for the upper floors. Use of AC pipes should be avoided. Also, all pipes should be clamnped in brackets fixed to wall and quality of workmanship should be ensured during the execution.
In 85% of the observed units, damp patches were observed on the ceiling of kitchens, bathrooms and toilets. In some units of buildings, numbered I I to 16, 53, 58, 59, 60, minor seepage from ceilings and walls was also observed. The issue of seepage and dampness may be due to poor quality of waterproofing or leakages from the pipes.
As per the contractual documents, the contractor is required to maintain the building with respect to water proofing of terrace, kitchen, toilets and bathroom sunks for 7 years. For one year post-construction, the contractor was maintaining the buildings; however, most of the units were not occupied during this period. According to the PAPs interviewed, the contractor is not responding to address the issues related to building maintenance after the first year.
61 F-
Sewage was overflowing from inspection chambers around the buildings numbered I I to 16, 53, 60, 58, 67, 59 and 69, and it also spilled over on the roads and storm water drains near buildings 11 to 16. Probable inadequate pipe sizing and obstruction to flow due to damaged pipe debris or garbage could be possible causes for such unhygienic conditions. To avoid the same, following measures should be adopted: * The inspection chambers should be regularly cleaned to remove silt and debris. * Education and awareness programmes should be conducted. During design and execution of sewage system, pipes of adequate sizes and standard quality of pipe materials and appurtenances should be used.
......
The rainwater down-take pipes from the rooftop are let open on the ground and
not connected to any storm water drains. Due to undulation in the paved surfaces around buildings, pooling of water occurs at ground level. Resurfacing to even out the undulations needs to be carried out.
62 Stagnation of water was also observed in open storm water drains leading to unsanitary conditions. This stagnation is due to clogging of the drains caused by deposition of solid waste generated from street sweeping activities. Hence, all storm water drains should be closed with proper perforated covers and education and .- awareness should be created among the PAPs.
Drinking water may be
contaminated due to uncovered __-_----_---- manholes at water tanks. Manhole covers had been provided, however were stolen hy unknown people. Appropriate action should be taken to resolve this issue, particularly in buildings numbered 53, 60, 58, 67, 59 and 69. The quality of drinking water in the tanks may be also verified to ensure potability. In the interview of PAPs, they expressed concern on inadequate water supply, however more than 70% is satisfied with the water quality as compared to their previous location.
6.2.2.3.Roads: Many potholes were noticed on the internal roads in the colony. These may have developed due to: * stagnation of water arising from poor design of slopes, that are required to facilitate draining, or; * inadequate consolidation of the base layer of the road caused by poor workmanship.
Modifications required to rectify some of the above inadequacies at the site may involve financial investments and major civil and plumbing works at this stage. Hence, in future projects, the recommended measures should be adopted during design and construction phases.
63 6.2.3. General Environment and Surroundings
6.2.3.1 .Environmental Quality: About one-fifth of the PAPs interviewed found the air in the locality more polluted as compared to their previous accommodation. This may be attributed to dumping of untreated municipal solid waste (MSW) in a disposal site at Deonar in the vicinity.
Majority (nearly 83%) of the PAPs interviewed consider their houses relatively more peaceful with respect to the noise levels.
Awareness should be created amongst the PAPs on the importance of good maintenance of their premises to facilitate a sound environmental quality and healthy living conditions. A building user manual for the Lallubhai Compound enumerating best practices and Do's and Don'ts may be compiled and circulated among the residents.
Plantation of trees within the compounds may also be undertaken to improve the environmental quality
6.2.3.2.Solid Waste Management: Solid waste generated in the individual units for all buildings is currently disposed in the two community bins located on road. Waste accumulation and consequent unhygienic conditions observed near the bins indicate inadequate bin capacity and frequency of waste collection. This seemed to cause nuisance to the residents. As observed earlier, insanitary conditions are also created due to improper or lack of cleaning methods and reckless disposal of garbage which affects the functioning of drains and pipes carrying waste water! storm water.
The following measures should be adopted to ensure effective solid waste management in the resettlement areas:
64 * Frequency of collection and the number or capacity of bins provided for solid waste disposal should be increased * PAPs should be educated to maintain cleanliness within as well as outside the buildings. The focus of such awareness programs should be on the adverse consequences of their actions such as breeding of disease- spreading mosquitoes due to stagnation of wastewater/water. * Employment opportunities may also be generated by training PAPs on simple waste treatment methods such as segregation, composting and recycling of municipal waste.
6.3. ANIK RESETTLEMENT (CHEMBUR)
Contractor: M/s Rockline Construction Pvt. Ltd.
Project Management Consultant: M/s Shrikhande Consultants Pvt. Ltd.
6.3.1. Architectural Aspects: The architectural aspects considered and discussed in this section are building layout, capacity of the building with respect to handling emergency situations, location of rooms with respect to one another, daylight and ventilation.
Based on the site visit and examination of site drawings for Anik, the area for open spaces around buildings, clear space between the buildings and passage and staircase width within buildings appear to be inadequate. These inadequacies imply a lack of space for assembly during emergencies and disasters (like fires and earthquakes), hamper movement in and around the buildings, impede emergency response actions and also adversely affect daylight and cross- ventilation. The location of the toilets opposite to the kitchen platform within the units also seems inappropriate from a hygienic and aesthetic point of view.
Modifications to the architectural elements discussed above may be difficult at this stage. Hence these aspects should be taken care of at the planning and design stage.
65 Inspite of these architectural issues, more than 70% of the interviewed PAP's expressed their satisfaction with day-lighting and ventilation in their individual units compared to previous living arrangements.
6.3.2. Civil Work/Construction Aspects: The civil work and construction aspects of structures; water & sanitation arrangements and roads are considered and discussed in this section. The issues addressed include general and structural condition of units and buildings, quality of materials, workmanship and adequacy of water and sanitation systems, and state of roads. 6.3.2.1: Structure:
The flooring at the entrance and ground floor of the buildings visited was damaged. This may be due to improper compaction of the plinth and improper bedding for flooring.
At a few places such as the staircases, external walls, common passages and terraces the plaster had come off from walls and ceilings. This may be attributed to insufficient roughening of the base surface. Re-plastering of the damaged surfaces may be undertaken with adequate roughening of surface to ensure bonding.
w -5; .. - -- . hO 1R.3
66
66 0r
In about 95% of the flats observed during the visit, gaps were noticed between the doorframe and wall. This may be due to inadequate anchorage of the doorframes with walls. Over time, the gaps may widen and lead to dislocation of the door.
During construction openings are provided in the RCC slabs (in common passages) for electrical conduits. These have not been closed post-construction, due to which reinforcement bars are exposed and may get corroded. This may also lead to human injury.
Cracks were observed in the toilet flooring in few of the units. This may I be due to poor quality of materials used for filling of toilet sunks and bad workmanship.
Of the PAPs interviewed, less than half were contented with the quality of construction where as a majority was satisfied with design of the individual units. Some of the PAPs also mentioned carrying out major and minor changes within the units. As discussed in Section 2.2.1, modifications to units that alter the load- bearing capacity or load on the buildings may have adverse impacts on the structure. However, the buildings at Anik comprise of beam-column framed structure and RCC block work for walls and hence may not be significantly impacted.
6.3.2.2 Water & Sanitation: Leakages were noticed in 50% of the sewage (soil and wastewater) pipes observed on the external wall-face of buildings. Also, adequate
67 A,-. clearance has not been provided between the wall-face and pipe faces. Such leakages from pipes may cause unhygienic conditions such as algae formation.
Another important point to be considered during design is selection of materials for pipes. Cast iron pipes are recommended from first floor to ground floor and PVC pipes for the upper floors. Use of PVC pipes from first to ground should be avoided. Also, all pipes should be clamped in brackets fixed to wall and quality of workmanship should be ensured during execution.
In 7CV, of the observed units, damp patches were observed on the ceiling of kitchens, bathrooms and toilets. The issue of dampness may be due to poor quality of waterproofing or leakages from pipes.
Sewage was overflowing from inspection chambers around the buildings in about 40% of the areas observed and also spilled over on the roads and storm water drains at some places. The spillage could be attributed to choking and/or inadequate capacity of the ' pipes. Stagnation was observed in - the open storm water drains contaminated with sewage leading to stinking and unhygienic __ conditions.
Proper design and selection of material for pipes prior to construction; execution as per the design; regular maintenance of the sewage system and awareness amongst PAPs post-construction would help prevent or alleviate the problem. Also, the width and depth of these storm water drains was observed to be more than I m. Such wide and open drains were not fenced or covered which may lead to accidents. Cross-contamination of drinking water may occur due to leakages in inspection chambers located near the water tanks. The quality of drinking water in the tanks
68 may be verified to ensure potability. In future, appropriate placement of water and waste water systems should be ensured. About 10% of the PAPs interviewed were not satisfied with the quality of water as compared to their previous location.
The rising mains from underground water tank are not routed properly and the horizontal mains are above ground. Hence, any water stagnation on the ground may lead to contamination of drinking water. It appears that no proper planning has been done at the design stage for piping layout. This issue needs to be addressed.
6.3.2.3.Roads: Pooling of water due to inadequate drainage facility and poor workmanship may have lead to the potholes and deteriorated condition of internal roads, as observed during the visit.
T'he review of PMC reports indicated that the quality of workmanship at Anik was not satisfactory, particularly with respect to plastering, roadwork and plinth filling. The corrective actions undertaken by the contractor for the shortfalls, pointed out during construction, was also not up to the required level. As per the documents, the contractors are bound to maintain the waterproofing of building for 7 years after construction. However, after the first year of contract period, the contractors for Anik are not responding to problems arising due to poor water proofing as in the case of Lallubhai Compound.
Modifications required to rectify some of the above inadequacies at the site may involve financial investments and major civil and plumbing works at this stage. Hence, in future projects, the recommended measures should be adopted.
6.3.3. General Environment and Surroundings
6.3.3.1 .Environmental Quality: About a half of the PAPs interviewed found no change in the air pollution level while less than 15% perceive air quality to be worse in the locality compared to their previous accommodation.
69 Majority (nearly 88%) of the PAPs interviewed consider their houses relatively more peaceful with respect to the noise levels.
To fuirther improve the environmental quality at Anik, the following measures may be undertaken: * Creation of awareness amongst the PAPs on the importance of good maintenance of their premises * Compilation of a building user manual enumerating best practices and Do's and Don'ts for circulation among the residents. * Plantation of trees within the compound.
6.3.3.2.Solid Waste Management: The collection and management of solid waste at Anik is similar to Lallubhai compound. Waste accumulation and unhygienic conditions were observed on the road around the two community bins provided for disposal of solid waste. It is inferred that the number of bins and frequency of waste collection are inadequate. Littering, improper cleaning and garbage disposal practices also cause choking of storm/waste water drains and pipes, thereby creating in sanitary conditions.
The following measures should be adopted to ensure effective solid waste management in the resettlement areas: * Frequency of collection and the number or capacity of bins provided for solid waste disposal should be increased * PAPs should be educated to maintain cleanliness within as well as outside the buildings. The focus of such awareness programs should be on the adverse consequences of their actions such as breeding of disease- spreading mosquitoes due to stagnation of wastewater/water. * Employment opportunities may also be generated by training PAPs on simple waste treatment methods such as segregation, composting and recycling of municipal waste.
70 6.4. MAJAS RESETTLEMENT (JOGESHWARI)
Developer: B.E. Billimoria & Co. Consultant: Dalal Mott MacDonald
6.4.1. Architectural Aspects: Based on the site visit and examination of site drawings for Majas, the general architectural aspects such as building and unit layouts, amenities, daylight, ventilation and space provision for shops and utilities appear to be in order.
However, on one side of the layout a hill is abutting the rear side of building, obstructing daylight and ventilation. The clearance between the building and the hill seems to be very small (0.45-1.0 m). In case of
emergencies, this will hamper I % - - emergency response actions. Also, - due to inadequate clearance and lack of abetting structures for the hillside, i the building does not have any protection in the event of a landslide. Appropriate measures should be taken to avoid any disasters.
Open space in front of the ground floor shops in the building seems to be encroached by the shopkeepers, thereby causing inconvenience for movement of public.
More than 80% of the interviewed PAP's were satisfied with the architectural features in their present living arrangements.
71 6.4.2. Civil Work/Construction Aspects: The overall quality of structures; water & sanitation arrangements and roads were found to be satisfactory as compared to Lallubhai and Anik sites.
About 40% of the tenants have carried out changes to their units such as modification of separation walls, tiling, sanitary fittings etc. In a few units damp patches were observed in the ceilings. It may be verified if this is due to modifications carried out by the tenants after occupation.
The buildings at the site have been constructed using Mayvon technology i.e. all the walls are made up of concrete and are load bearing structures. Hence, the above changes may have a major impact on the structure of the building in the case of demolition or modifications to load-bearing separation walls. Horizontal or vertical additions to the walls may also increase the load on structure. Other minor changes like addition of grills or change in tiling or flooring may have minimal impact if done without damaging the structure or increasing the load.
A structural audit may be conducted in all units to document the changes, extent of impact and corresponding corrective measures required. Also, the PAPs should be made aware that alterations in their residences could have a major effect on the entire building structure. In future, any proposed construction or changes (in the units) may be verified by a competent technical consultant/auditor prior to execution. A standard procedure for the same may be developed and communicated to the PAPs.
The common infrastructural facilities were in good condition probably due to good workmanship and proper and frequent maintenance.
6.4.3. General Environment and Surroundings: Awareness was created amongst the PAPs on the importance of good maintenance of their premises and a building
72 rnaintenance manual was provided to the PAPs. The maintenance Manual contains: * Instructions to users * Daily, weekly, monthly, half yearly and yearly maintenance schedule and instructions * Do's and Don't * List of all agencies and suppliers * List and copy of all approvals ( Occupation certificate, water supply, drainage, storm water drain completion certificate, Lift License) * List and copy of all drawings
The buildings and vicinity were observed to be in a healthy environment condition except in the case of solid waste management facilities. Only one community bin of insufficient capacity has been provided, which gets overfilled and causes littering of garbage around on the road. Also, garbage was found littered in the open spaces between the buildings.
T. A.
- . t- -S _ .______
To ensure effective solid waste management, the frequency of collection and the number or capacity of bins provided for solid waste disposal should be increased. Also, PAPs should be made aware of need for proper waste disposal
6.5. SUMMARY
The overall condition of the buildings and infrastructure at Majas was good and much better compared to Lallubhai and Anik sites. The quality of civil work and
73
-. ------.-.---- water and sanitation facilities at Lallubhai and Anik are poor and need to be addressed. The facilities for solid waste management need to be improved and green development needs to be undertaken at all the three sites.
The interview with PAPs provided their perspective about the project at all the three locations. Overall, they found the houses better than their prior living conditions: peaceful, well-ventilated and lighted, less/ more polluted depending on location, inadequate in water supply but better water quality and not much change in health conditions of individuals.
74 Chapter VII
RESETTLEMENT UNDER MUTP VERSUS SRA / MUIP
7.1. Methodology
In order to make a comparative study of R&R under the MUTP with that under the SRA / MUIP schemes, at each of the three sites, a SRA / MUIP scheme of approximately the same vintage was identified. At Anik (Chembur) it was an MUIP scheme while at the other two sites, these were the SRA schemes. The HH survey was carried out for all the tenements in one building under the MUTP, and one under the SRA / MUIP at each site. The distribution of households covered for this aspect of the study is given in (Table 7. 1). Table 7.1 Distribution of PAPs Taken up for a Comparative Study
No. of HHs covered S. Site 1 building 1 building No. under MUTP under SRA / Total MUIP i) Anik (Chembur) 70 69 139 ii) Lallubhai Compound 97 51 148 (Mankhurd) ii) Majas (Jogeshwari) 39 85 124
Total 206 205 411
The questionnaire which had been framed for the main HH survey, was utilised for this comparative study, with necessary modifications.
In the MUTP building, a majority of the PAHs (79.1%) had shifted from the transit camps, while in the SRA / MUIP buildings, this proportion was negligible.
7.2. Entitlements A major point of difference between the two schemes was the basis for determining the entitlements. Proof of stay and community verification (58.3%) as well as the BSES (18.9%) were important in the case of MUTP scheme, while for the SRA / MUIP
75 schemes it was generally the proof of stay (72.6%) in the relocated slum structure (Table 7.2). Table 7.2 How Entitlement to House was Decided S.No. How Entitlement was MUTP building MUIP / SRA Decided building i) Through proof of stay 18.4% 76.2% ii) Through proof of stay 58.5% 8.2% and community verification ii) Through govt. 4.4% 4.8% officials iv) Through BSES 18.9% 10.2%
It is heartening to note that in neither case, there were disputes regarding the entitlements. Again, in both the schemes, about 85% of the respondents reported that their opinion was taken into consideration in deciding the site of resettlement. The method used for determining the allotment was different under the two schemes. In the case of MUTP, it was primarily through the joint decision of CBOs/NGOs and Government (83.5%), while in the case of the SRA / MUIP, it was mainly through the drawing of lots (83.7%).
The time that elapsed between the allotment and the shifting was generally less than one month in both the cases. In terms of assistance for shifting, PAHs in the MUTP buildings are better off, with 52% of them reporting assistance in the form of either cash payment or transport. On the other hand, almost all the respondents from the SRA / MUIP building (98%) reported that they did not receive any assistance for their shifting.
73. Level of Satisfaction Regarding Allotted House The level of satisfaction regarding the location of house in terms of site and specific floor was again high in both the cases. Overall, 79.1% of the respondents in the MUTP buildings and 88.7% in the SRA / MUIP buildings felt that the resettlement houses were better than their former houses.
76 There is no difference of opinion between the two groups regarding the positive aspects of the resettlement house i.e. good, pucca house, and a better living environment. The main negative features in both cases are considered to be the increased financial liabilities consequent on payments for basic services and for travel to job. While almost all the respondents from MUTP buildings (99%) approved of living in multi-storeyed buildings, the corresponding proportion is slightly less in the case of SRA / MUIP buildings (88.8%). This information is rather unusual as in the FGDs or among the civil society groups in particular, there prevails a negative attitude for the multi-storeyed structures for the resettled slum dwellers. In fact, during the survey also, there was enough evidence for preference on the part of PAPs to opt for the ground floor houses.
7.4. Basic Services The tenements under both schemes have individual water connections with a society common meter and fixed monthly charges.
There is not much difference in duration of water supply, which is generally less than 2 hours a day. Increase in water consumption is characteristic of the SRA / MUIP buildings, with 75.6% reporting an increase (as against 38.3% in the MUTP buildings). However, an improvement in supply of water and its quality is perceived more in the MUTP buildings. Still, there are complaints during the FGDs about the lesser duration supply of water, and exorbitant water bills.
Each tenement has an individual metered electricity connection. A larger proportion of respondents in MUTP buildings claimed that they pay more for electricity now (68.4% as against 44.9% in the SRA and the MUIP buildings). The reasons in both cases are the higher rates, greater consumption and shift from kerosene to electricity for lighting. The proportion of HHs using LPG for cooking is higher in the MUTP buildings (63.6%) compared to SRA / MUIP buildings (52.2%). In both cases, respondents felt that the availability of cooking fuel is better now. It is relevant to mention here that the monthly charges for housing societies are not so high. However, the electricity charges now
77 amount to approximately Rs.300 to 500 a month. This is partly because the use of fans is needed in congested structures.
In both cases, garbage is primarily disposed off in society bins, which in most cases, are cleared daily. Respondents from both groups feel that garbage removal is better now, but it is also a complaint (in FGDs) that the garbage bins are smaller and inadequate in number.
The discontent with accessibility to the main road and railway stations is higher in the MUTP buildings. In fact, there appears to be a higher degree of satisfaction in respect to basic services in the SRA / MUIP buildings with 65.4% rating them better than at the old site, in contrast to 48% in the case of MUTP buildings. Residents from Anik and Mankhurd show dissatisfaction due to odd locations of their buildings, resulting in extra burden of travelling expenses and the time.
7.5. Public Amenities The dissatisfaction with public amenities is common to respondents from both the schemes. However, it appears to be greater in the MUTP scheme. The contrast is most evident in terms of schooling facilities, PDS, market facilities and health facilities. Need of better schools is echoed everywhere.
This is clearly reflected in the fact that while 80% of the MUTP respondents rated public amenities as worse at the present site compared to the earlier site, the corresponding figure for the SRA / MUIP is 37.6%. This is mainly due to the fact that the pre- settlement structures were located in close vicinity of regular buildings and the markets. The new settlements will take a couple of years before the public amenities come up to the mark.
In this connection, it must be noted that differences between the sites are also very great; for e.g., Majas (Jogeshwari) is more favourably located as compared to Anik (Chembur). The closeness of Majas resettlement to the 'export processing zone' (SEEPZ) and IT
78 units has resulted in distinct advantage to the PAPs, several of whom are eager to rent out their tenements which can fetch a monthly rent of Rs.3000 to 5000.
The most important public facility missing at the resettlement sites is considered by both groups to be the health facility. It is followed by the lack of transport in the case of the MUTP scheme and schools in SRA / MUIP scheme. This is reflected in the lower proportion of children who have joined schools in the resettlement area among the latter group as well as a higher proportion of the drop-outs.
7.6. Livelihood Issues Significantly, a majority of the heads of households has retained their earlier jobs; the proportion is higher for the SRA / MUIP (91%) as compared to the MUTP (84%).
A larger proportion of families in the MUTP buildings had persons engaged in supplementary jobs prior to shifting. Loss of such supplementary jobs in several cases characterises both groups; however, its incidence is greater in the MUTP buildings.
The average monthly HH income varies considerably between the three sites (Table 7.3). It is evident that Majas stands out with a higher HH income. It is also worth noting that on the whole, the SRA / MUIP households are better off financially than the MUTP households.
Table 7.3 Mean Monthly Income of Households in Selected MUTP and SRA/MUIP Buildings
Mean Monthly HH Income (Rs.) S.No. Site MUTP Building SRA/MUIP Building i) Anik 5222 5137 ii) Lallubhai Compound 4834 5394 iii) Majas 8909 8092 Total 5737 6426
79 Among the HHs which reported an increase in their monthly income, the reason in both groups appears to be overall improvement in the earnings in last 3 to 4 years due to the booming economy. Self-employment jobs like masonry, carpentry, plumbing and electric repairing fetch better earnings. This is also applicable to those hawkers who have a 'regular' place for selling their items like vegetables and readymade garments. It is significant to mention here that these better earnings are not due to the relocation but better earnings from their employment or self-employment. On the other hand, those who have suffered financially mainly attribute it to the increased liabilities. About 15% of the respondents felt that opportunities were there for new economic ventures, such as opening of tea shop, phone booth etc., if they are granted permission to use open spaces inside the building premises.
Acquisition of new assets is higher by HHs in the MUTP buildings (50.5%) as compared to the SRA / MUIP buildings (40.5%). However, the nature of assets acquired does not differ, being primarily a colour T.V., a mobile phone or the cooking gas.
The incidence of vulnerable HHs is higher in the MUTP buildings (17%) as compared to the SRA / MUIP (7.8%). All such PAHs, in the latter group, felt that their status had declined after the resettlement while this opinion was voiced by about a half of the respondents in the MUTP buildings. It is evident that the specific concerns of this section of PAHs have not received adequate attention.
7.7. Community Development The attempt to preserve the community is evident from the fact that families from the earlier neighbourhoods are resettled at the same site, and in many cases, in the same building. This is particularly the case in the MUTP buildings. Though respondents from both schemes opined that friendliness of neighbours was the same as at the old site, interaction appears to have decreased, especially in the MUTP buildings. Regarding company for children, only about one-third of the respondents felt it is better now (33.5% in the case of MUTP and 28.3% in the SRA / MUIP).
80 7.8. Assessment of Quality of Civil Works Contrary to the expectations, there is a slightly higher degree of satisfaction with the quality of construction of houses in the case of SRA / MUIP. The same is true of design of their houses. This probably arises from the fact that since the builder sells some flats in the open market, they have to be good enough to attract customers. A major reason for dissatisfaction in the MUTP is that the toilet is in front of the kitchen. The SRA / MUIP buildings are perceived to be better ventilated, while the MUTP neighbourhoods appear to be less noisy. The leakage problems are frequent in the case of MUTP buildings.
7.9. Conclusion It is evident that different procedures were adopted in the two schemes for determining the entitlements and allotment procedures. However, on the whole, the level of satisfaction appears to be slightly higher among the SRA / MUIP respondents with respect to both the basic services and the public amenities. This is probably partly due to the result of higher expectations among the occupants of the MUTP buildings.
81 Chapter VIII ISSUES WITH REFERENCE TO COMMERCIAL PAPs
8.1. Occupancy Status of Commercial Establishments The survey of shops/commercial structures was done twice, as there was under-reporting of the data from the initial visits. The number of commercial PAPs who have been allotted shops at the three sites is 582*. The majority of them are in Lallubhai Compound (Table 8.1). It is disappointing to note that several of the shops (44%) are rented out. Another 12% are locked out. Thus, only 42% of the shops are occupied by PAPs and operational. The differences between the three sites are very sharp. Majas stands out with a large proportion of shops not occupied by the PAPs. Striking are the proportions rented out in the Anik and the Majas. It is alleged that some shops have been sold out; however, no objective assessment is possible in a research study. A sample of 52 shops was selected for an indepth study. It constitutes 21% of the total shops occupied by PAPs. Table 8.1 Occupancy Status of Commercial Establishments Site S. Variable/Activity Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) No. Occupied by 5 224 18 247 PAPs & (27.8) (47.4) (19.6) (42.4) Operational ii) No. Rented Out 12 192 54 258 (66.7) -40.7) (58.7) (44.3) iii) No. Sold Out 1 4 2 7 (5.6) (0.8) (2.2) (1.2) iv) No. Locked 0 52 18 70 (0.0) (11.0) (19.6) (12.0) Total No. Allotted 18 472 92 582 . (100.0) (100.0) (100.0) (100.0) N.B.: Figures in brackets are
This number of allotted shops has been changing all these months due to adding of fresh entitlements of shops.
82 8.2. Location of Shops Prior to Resettlement 8.2.1. Prior to the resettlement, a majority of the shops were located along the SCLR or the JVLR. Thus, in the case of commercial establishments, the displacement was primarily due to the two road projects (Table 8.2). The PAPs from SCLR have been resettled in Lallubhai Compound and those from JVLR at Majas. Almost all the shopkeepers were in possession of a license. They had been living at the old site for over 5 years, and in some cases, for more than 10 years. Table 8.2 Location of the Shop Prior to Shifting Site S. Location of the Anik Lallubhai Majas No. Shop (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Total (Mankhurd) i) JVLR 0.0% 0.0% 100.0% 17.3% ii) SCLR 0.0% 94.9% 0.0% 71.2% iii Others 100.0% 5.1% 0.0% 11.5% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 4 39 9 52
8.2.2. The area of the shops varies considerably. This is true both of the pre- resettlement period and the present (Table 8.3). It is evident that a large proportion of the shops (46.1%) were less than 150 sq.ft. prior to the resettlement. Now the number in this group has decreased to 43.9%. There has been an increase in the proportion of shops with an area of 225 sq.ft. and above in Anik and Lallubhai Compound. Table 8.3 Shop Area (sc.ft.) Site No Area (sq.ft.) Anik (Chembur) Lallubhai Comp. Majas Total No (Mankhurd) (Jogeshwari) Past Present Past Present Past Present Past Present i) <150 100.0% 50.0% 51.2% 48.9% - 22.2% 46.1% 43.9% ii) 150- 174 - - 10.2% 5.2% 11.1% 22.2% 9.7% 7.7% iii) 175 - 199 - 25.0% 2.6% 23.2% 11.1% 22.2% 3.9% 23.0% iv) 200 -224 - - 5.1% - 22.2% - 7.7% _ v) 225 and - 25.0% 12.9% 23.1% 55.6% 33.3% 19.2% 25.0 above vi) Not - - 18.0% - - - 13.4% - -- available - N 4 39 9 52
83 8.3. Entitlements and Allotment 8.3. 1. Entitlement: Contrary to the claimants for housing structures, about a half of the shopkeepers (53.8%) indicated that their entitlement was disputed. It is a reflection on the pressure from vested interests to allot shops to false claimants. Some of them were due to the realignments which resulted in 'grey' areas as pointed out in Chapter II, while several others were due to the commercial structures being listed as residential in the BSES. The FGDs brought into focus some of the issues with reference to this group of PAPs. There are cases of flour mill owners and butchers being allotted houses instead of shops. This is surprising, in view of the fact, that during the FGDs conducted for the households, a complaint frequently voiced was the absence of such facilities in the resettlement areas. There are still several disputes on shop allotments and 25% of the respondents indicated that they had approached the GRCs, and 2% even had recourse to legal action. The contentious issues in the case of commercial PAPs are reflected in the large proportion of allottees who have not occupied the shops, as is clearly evident from Table 8.1. In spite of these disputes, it is heartening to note that according to the PAPs, no money changed hands.
8.3.2. Allotment: The decisions regarding allotment of shops were, according to the respondents generally joint decisions and 90.4% of them stated that they were consulted. The location of the shop has been a major bone of contention, as it affected the business. The low occupancy rates at Anik and Lallubhai Compound are due to the unfavourable location of these two sites; hence they are the least preferred. Over 30% of the respondents indicated that they were dissatisfied with the allotted shop (Table 8.4a). Again, within the site, naturally it was the shops in the 'front' of a building which were in main demand. Though 'lots' decided the allotment of a building location, those left out with unfavourably located shops
84 Table 8.4a Satisfaction with Shop Being in this Locality
Satisfied with Shop Site S. Being in thsAnik Lallubhai Majas Total No. eity this (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) Locality (Mankhurd) i) Highly satisfied 0.0% 7.7% 0.0% 5.8% ii) Satisfied 75.0% 20.5% 11.1% 23.1% iii) Moderately satisfied 25.0% 38.5% 55.6% 40.4% iv) Dissatisfied 0.0% 25.6% 33.3% 25.0% v) Highly dissatisfied 0.0% 7.7% 0.0% 5.8%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 4 39 9 52
Table 8.4b Satisfaction with Shop Being in the Specific Building/Block
Satisfied with Shop Site
No. N. BeingBuilding/ in Specific Block (Chembur)Anik CompoundLallubhai (Jogeshwari)Majas Total (Mankhurd) i) Highly satisfied 0.0% 12.8% 0.0% 9.6% ii) Satisfied 100.0% 35.9% 33.3% 40.4% iii) Moderately satisfied 0.0% 23.1% 22.2% 21.2% iv) Dissatisfied 0.0% 25.6% 44.4% 26.9% v) Highly dissatisfied 0.0% 2.6% 0.0% 1.9%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 4 39 9 52
are highly dissatisfied. This is reflected in the fact that about a half of the respondents (Table 8.5) complained about the 'odd' location of their shops. During the FGDs, there were a few allegations that the 'favorites' of 'field staff of NGOs got better shops. 25% of the respondents have been allotted houses in the resettlement area while earlier 50% had houses in the area where the shop was, perhaps jointly, located. Some shopkeepers continue to live in their old house which may, of course, being far from the resettlement sites. Thus, some of them, who had enjoyed the benefit of the house-cum-shop at the earlier site are now deprived of it.
85 Table 8.5 Overall Perception about the Present Location of Shop Compared to Previous One
Site _
Total S. OverallNo. Perception ~~(Chembur)Anik CompoundLallubhai (oehaiMajas (Mankhurd) (oehai i) Much better 0.0% 10.3% 0.0% 7.7% ii) Better 50.0% 30.8% 0.0% 26.9% iii) Same 50.0% 12.8% 11.1% 15.4% iv) Worse 0.0% 23.1% 88.9% 32.7% v) Much worse 0.0% 23.1% 0.0% 17.3%
Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% N 4 39 9 52
8.4. Disadvantages Experienced After Resettlement It is not surprising, in view of the above, that a majority of the respondents (84.6%) have stated that the number of customers has now reduced (Table 8.6). On the other hand, their Table 8.6 Rating of Viability of Activity at Present Location Compared to Previous One Site S. VraiiyAnik Lallubhai Majas Total No. Variability (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Decrease in size of 50.0% 84.6% 100.0% 84.6% clientele ii) Increased expenses 25.0% 51.3% 33.3% 46.2% on community iii) Increased electricity/ 75.0% 82.1% 100.0% 84.6% maintenance charges iv) Decrease in overall 25.0% 76.9% 100.0% 76.9% viability N 4 39 9 52 expenses on overhead charges have increased (84.6%). Therefore, most of the PAPs (76.9%) felt that the overall viability of their business had been reduced, due to the decrease in profitability. Moreover, some of them feel that the supporting infrastructure is not adequate (Table 8.7). This is particularly true of the Majas resettlement.
86 Table 8.7 Supporting Infrastructure Rated Worse than at Earlier Location Site S. Variable Anik Lallubhai Majas Total No. (Chembur) Compound (Jogeshwari) (Mankhurd) i) Source of purchase 0.0% 43.6% 33.3% 38.5% of goods ii) Facilities for 0.0% 53.8% 22.2% 44.2% movement of goods iii) Help for loan 25.0% 56.4% 55.6% 53.8% iv) Financial support 0.0% 41.0% 77.8% 44.2% v) Security 0.0% 43.6% 55.6% 42.3% vi) Garbage disposal 25.0% 41.0% 0.0% 32.7% vii) Electricity 25.0% 12.8% 44.8% 19.2% viii) Water supply 25.0% 25.6% 66.7% 32.7% ix) Phy. Environment 0.0% 23.1% 0.0% 17.3% x) Toilet facilities 25.0% 5.1% 66.7% 17.3%
N 4 39 91 52
The previous business is not necessarily viable at the 'new site', and switching over to new items needs money. Huge losses have been reported in this transition phase; in 25% of the cases, these are over rupees one lakh. None of them have received any financial compensation. Respondents are of the view that it will take 4-5 years for their business viability to emerge. Till then, shops are likely to be rented out or locked. Where the business is a "family activity", source of survival is a major cause for concern. In the case of 44% of the shops, which have been rented out due to poor business prospects, allottees are stated to have opened new shops close to the pre-resettlement sites. Within a building or block, the shops at front site are considered much favourably located than in the rear portion of a building.
8.5. Employees In the majority of cases, 'other family members' are also involved in the activity (Table 8.8). Hence only 57.7% of the shopkeepers employ any worker in the shop. On the other hand, BSES data indicates that all the shops engaged employees previously; in most cases one or two. In such cases, the PAPs have not been able to retain the workers employed
87 previously. Thus, many shops are run as a family activity; very few have appointed employees, particularly since the business has yet to pick up. Table 8.8 Number of Employees in Shops
Site No Number of Anik (Chb) Lallubhai Comp. Majas Total Employees (Mankhurd) (Joge hwari) Past Present Past Present Past Present Past Present j) 1 75.0% 25.0% 33.3% 38.5% 33.3% 22.2% 36.6% 34.6% ii) 2 0.0% 25.0% 33.3% 10.2% 33.3% 11.1% 30.8% 11.5% iii) 3 25.0% 0.0% 7.7% 10.3% 11.1% 0.0% 9.7% 7.7% iv) 4 0.0% 0.0% 7.7% 2.6% 11.1% 0.0% 7.6% 1.9% v) 5 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 11.1% 11.1% 1.9% 1.9% vi) Self & other 0.0% 50.0% 0.0% 38.4% 0.0% 55.6% 0.0% 42.3% family members vii) Not 0.0% 0.0% 18.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 13.4% 0.0% available N 4 39 9 52
8.6. Monthly Income In the 52 commercial establishments taken up for the study, the monthly income varies considerably (Table 8.9). A comparison was made with the income prior to resettlement (based on BSES data corrected for inflation) (Table 8.9). Table 8.9 Mean Monthly Income of Commercial Establishments
SN Monthly Income Proportion of Establishments (Rs.) Present BSES* i) Upto 5000 25.0% 7.7% ii) 5001 to 10,000 28.8% 3.8% iii) 10,001 to 20,000 30.8% 30.8% iv) Above 20,000 15.4% 44.2% v) Not Available - 13.5% Total 100.0% 100.0% N 52 52 * BSES data has been corrected for inflation between 1999-01 and the present based on CPI of Industrial Workers in Mumbai.
It is evident that earlier three-fourth of the respondents earned over Rs.10,000/- per month while a significant proportion earned over Rs.20,000/-. There has been a marked
88 decrease in the proportion of the latter group after the resettlement, while there has been an increase in those earning less than Rs. 10,000/- per month. This is brought into sharp focus by the fact that the mean monthly income for the 45 establishments for which data was available from BSES has decreased from Rs.33,500/- prior to resettlement to Rs. 14,033/- at present, a reduction of over 50%.
During the FGDs, some of the shopkeepers opined that a minimum monthly income of Rs.10,000 - 15,000/- was required to make the business viable. A respondent who was an auto mechanic earlier had his shop at a road junction in Chembur. His complaint has been that in the resettlement colony, demand is less, and his earnings have drastically reduced. He has to go to the highway to contact old customers. While income has been reduced, liabilities have increased in terms of electricity bills, maintenance charges to society etc. Hence, such PAPs are unable to keep any employees. They feel that for persons doing business in auto spare parts etc. it will take a few years for the activity to become viable. The commercial activities which appear to be viable at present are shops dealing with grocery, cloth, electrical, medicines, etc.
It is not surprising in view of the above that 38% of the shops surveyed have changed the business activity after resettlement. For e.g. a moulding shop has become a readymade clothes shop, a tours and travels has converted into a jewellery shop etc. The latter appears surprising at first sight as the jewellery is higher order goods. However, in FGDs it emerged that they offer credit against mortgage of articles. On the other hand, those wh1o had "kirana" shops earlier have not changed, though in some cases, they have added an STD facility.
8.7. Other Issues 8.7.1. Some of the issues with reference to shopkeepers which emerged during the FGDs were: 'tenant-shopkeepers' not paying required monthly charges; shopkeepers not disciplined to respect civic responsibility as a part of 'housing society' management of buildings; even a case of breaking open the compound wall for attracting customers; some 'unhygienic' activities like tea-stalls or noise
89 generating shops resented by residents; no separate toilets/water connection to shops, leading to clashes between residents and shopkeepers; and houses on ground floors, and even a few on upper floors being converted into the shops.
8.7.2. Overall, it is evident that the resettlement of commercial activities is a long drawn process. It takes a longer time for business viability to emerge. Shopkeepers have, in some cases, resorted to litigation, to avoid their displacement. As pointed out in Section 8.2, most of them had to be resettled due to the two road projects i.e. SCLR and JVLR, where contentious issues have resulted in considerable delay. The question therefore arises as to whether the authorities should consider other policy alternatives for this group of PAPs. However, the views of officials from MMRDA vary. For them, a majority of the claimants for larger areas of their shops or very favourable locations in close vicinity to the existing markets have in fact encroached the public lands. They therefore have 'no right' to claim compensations in millions of rupees or shops with huge areas (more referring to a few 'godowns' owned by PAPs needing their demolitions). These officials also contrast clairns of the World Bank for a favourable solution to the strong lobby of these shopkeepers (mainly of the Kismat Nagar area). For the officials, a sympathetic view should be taken for the housing structures of the poor families and not for those who earned huge profits through their business on encroached lands.
In contrast, the shopkeepers carry a general grouse that several official missions and research organizations have been approaching them to learn their woes but no help is visible from any side. They seek an in-situ solution for their resettlement.
90 Chapter IX INSTITUTIONAL MECHANISMS AND THEIR EFFECTIVENESS
9.1. MMRDA as anl R&R Implementing Agency - Past Experience Way back in 1988 itself, the High Court in response to a 'public interest litigation' (PIL), had directed the government to provide a time-bound plan for shifting the encroachers along the safety zone of railway tracks and resettle them. This resulted in undertaking the pre-project (MUTP) resettlement implementation by the MMRDA during the period April 2000 to June 2001. In response, MMRDA purchased some 4000 already constructed houses from the MHADA, and in addition undertook construction of about 6000 transit houses for shifting the families close to the railway lines. In addition, 145 persons were offered alternative commercial structures. Thus, 3935 households were resettled in 48 permanent buildings in four different locations. Another 6125 families were shifted (by 2003) to the transit housing, eventually to be shifted to permanent houses within a period of three years.
This 'pre-MUTP resettlement' by MMRDA, under the then formulated R&R Policy for the proposed MUTP project, gave it adequate experience to handle the very sensitive and challenging task of resettling and rehabilitating the 'project affected persons' (PAPs). In fact, this successful effort brought the MMRDA due legitimacy to emerge as a key agency for implementing R&R under the MUTP project, with part of its funding by the World Bank, and tlherefore, preparing itself to follow stringent norms set forth by the World Bank for achieving a good R&R. Consultants of the present study, the TISS did 'a review of the initial phase of R&R implementations for the MUTP' implemented by the MMRDA. The R&R project was, perhaps undertaken for the first time at such a large scale in the urban context, implemented (by MMRDA) through a NGO, the SPARC. Though beyond the present TOR, the findings of earlier study in fact endorsed the role of MMRDA as an effective government based organization (the R&R Unit) for a successful outcome of the resettlement process: "An overwhelming majority of then PAPs felt that they received their due entitlements. There was a high degree of satisfaction with allotments at sites, buildings and floors. This was possible due to a participatory
91 approach followed by the MMRDA, where the people, their communities and the NGO (SPARC) decided on the individual entitlements". There were also a few shortcomings that emerged from the earlier study. These were more in terms of lack of coordination among concerned government departments, lack of physical infrastructure (more so the public utilities), more financial liabilities due to the monthly maintenance charges to be paid for basic services, and depletion of supplementary incomes of PAPs due to the odd locations of new resettlements. It was expected that in due course of time the PAPs, through the rehabililation efforts and improved infrastructure, would improve (or restore) their pre-relocation socio-economic status. Overall, the MMRDA established its credibility as an effective institutional set up for achieving a satisfactory R&R in a highly challenging situation in a city like Mumbai, where a majority of people are pitted against each other for their inere survival. More significant, it emerged during the evaluation that the implementing NGO confronted a situation where more than five claimants emerged for each of the structures. These fake claimants seeking entitlement to a 'pucca' house in resettlements were backed by local slum lords, politicians, brokers or even government officials. In such a difficult situation, the NGO and the MMRDA performed a successful task of entrusting the entitlements to the right PAPs.
9.2. A Review of Resettlement Systems in MMRDA - The Approach One of the objectives of present study was 'to assess improvements in the resettlement systems in MMRDA during the past one year (2005-06), by reviewing the systems and processes followed, and improvements made in them'. The systems and processes pertaining to computerization of information, dissemination of information, co-ordination between the civil works and resettlement (involving MMRDA, NGOs, PIAs and PMCs), allotment procedures, grievance redressal in MMRDA through FLGRC, SLGRC and IMP, etc. were to be studied. In addition, the evaluation of improvements in resettlement systems was to include the capacity and skills available in MMRDA to deal with the R&R implementation, and need of further remedial measures.
In order to evaluate the institutional mechanisms for an effective R&R, the present approach consisted of formal discussions with the involved stakeholders/actors into the
92 process. The first hand information collected through the household survey of the PAPs and their representatives - through the focus group discussions, led to the key observations and issues related to various dimensions of R&R, i.e. the entitlements, grievance redressal, resettlement, status of infrastructure, role of housing societies and CBOs, rehabilitation of the vulnerable families, CEMP, and so on. These issues were then raised in formal discussions with the team leaders of implementing agencies, i.e. SPARC and SRS, and concerned officials from different departments and sections of MMRDA, like the CDOs, Civil Works department, Finance Department and the Chief, R&R Unit. In addition to the above discussions, views were sought from the concerned individuals, from the above NGOs and departments in MMRDA on the effective functioning of MMRDA as an institutional mechanism for implementing the R&R.
In addition to the above, team leaders of the grievance redressal groups (FLGRC & SLGRC) and the Independent Monitoring Panel (IMP) were either interviewed or their proceedings were attended as observer. Detailed discussion on various issues was held with the Chairman, IMP. Moreover, the minutes of the GRCs and IMP were scrutinized for relevant information. The Action Plan Status prepared by the R&R Chief, the Implementation Manual prepared by the ILFS Consultants, and written statements submitted by the NGOs (SPARC & SRS) about their experiences with the MMRDA and other concerned government departments, were perused through. This way, a wide range of information was available to the TISS for evaluating MMRDA's role as an effective R&R implementing agency. It may not be relevant to present all the above data and information. Instead, only the key findings and observations related to the evaluation are analysed here, more for general observations and recommendations.
9.3. Involved Assumptions in Evaluation Given the complexity of living of people in slum structures in the city of Mumbai and their struggle for contesting their life chances, it is quite likely that the resettlement process is marred by prevailing interest groups, the slum lords, the brokers and real estate agents, the politicians pushing their 'favoured' persons, the PAPs 'owning' multi- structures (on encroached lands) and individuals (not PAPs) seeking a permanent house
93 through paying bribes. The situation was further compounded by owners of commercial structures with lucrative business, staking claims for large shops at strategic locations (or huge compensation money in lieu of the replaced structure). Immaterial, these structures might have been on encroached government lands. Then, there were those who did not find the locations of resettlements suitable or have large families (to live with or support) and therefore tend to sub-let the allotted houses and even sell them. Lastly, the 'baseline
socio-economic surveys' (BSES) were conducted at different periods - in some cases well in advance, while in the others at short notices. These leave scope for minor errors in the names of occupants, giving an opportunity to some occupants to manipulate the structure by partitioning it into a shop and a living portion (for the double claim) or BSES involving even structures which did not fall within the realignments for roads or railways.
The purpose of stating all this is that a large chunk of the time of NGOs and concerned MMRDA officials (including the GRCs) was likely to be wasted in dealing with such controversial issues, which are mainly the product of fierce battle among the millions of slum dwellers in the city to contest a life time opportunity -getting a 'pucca' house under such schemes. In contrast, when such projects are implemented in rural areas, there are only genuine claimants for R&R benefits -be they the land losers or those whose homesteads are demolished. Overall, searching an effective and satisfactory R&R in a complex situation like the R&R project under MUTP should be quite similar to searching a moral solution in an amoral society. These were the relevant issues which posed a challenge to the government. These were also the challenges within which the MMRDA and NGOs struggled for a fair R&R implementation under the MUTP.
9.4. The R&R Unit at MMRDA The enclosed Orgonogram (Fig. 1) of the R&R Unit at MMRDA for implementing the MUTP project shows now a well-developed institutional framework with adequate skills and expertise for achieving effective results. The Project Management Unit (PMU) is well supported by concerned departments within MMRDA, in addition to the pooling of outside expertise through the IMP, GRCs, Environmental Management Consultant, Dy. and Asstt. Registrars of Coop. Housing Societies, P.R. Consultant, and so on. Posts of
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S ~m:%2Ul Dy. Registrar of Housing Societies, Social Development Scientist, Special Land Acquisition Officer and Data Base Manager have been filled over last one year period. Environment Management Consultant has also been appointed. Two posts of Asstt. Estate Managers are yet to be filled, so also the post of Dy. Land Acquisition Officer. Thus, the R&R Unit at MMRDA is now well constituted with the skills and requisite expertise.
9.5. Computerisation of Information Significant and positive change is observed by the Consultants with regard to the use of computers, since the time TISS did the evaluation of earlier resettlements in 2003. In the last one year, significant improvement in the use of computers is observed. In fact, it is well recalled that while negotiating the present study by TISS almost a year ago, the team leader was having a meeting in the office of R&R Chief in MMRDA. The official shared an application, under 'right to information act' of the association of shopkeepers from the Kismat Nagar locality. Through the application, they sought information on almost all the aspects of resettlements under the MUTP, including the tender process, costs, contracts awarded, and so on. The baffled officer expressed more frustration than anger, and was frank enough to express that most of the sought information would need to be collected manually from various departments, and would need more than three months to get it. It fact, for him, the sought information was no less than a research project.
Today, a lot of such information is available on the web-site of MUTP. In this respect, the guidance of World Bank and its emphasis on the need for using appropriate software in the MMRDA has shown positive results. With the strengthening of IT staff, Oracle software is installed. A major part of the data is entered into the computers. Recently, the LAN has become operational, though the internet lease line has yet to be initiated. The suggestion from World Bank of introducing the DBMS data base is considered by the MMRDA as a recent suggestion, and not very much useful for present requirements. It is conceded by the MMRDA that presently the IT-system is not upto the mark. There is a great scope for improving the use of software. Presently, the R&R Unit does not
96 have a separate server. The data from BSES is complicated and not comparable, more so due to the conducting of these surveys by different NGOs or other organizations at different time intervals. No doubt the organization of data by SPARC is much superior and systematic than the SRA or other organizations. The process of integrating all the R&R data is on but at slow pace.
One significant outcome of putting the data on various aspects of R&R (including the list of all PAPs under various settlements) on the web-site of MUTP is the transparency in the process, in addition to streamlining various processes under R&R. This will reduce otherwise, the rush of many fake claimants for resettlement, and thus lessen the burden on MMRDA and the grievance redressal committees in handling numerous such issues. It would also alert the staff of MMRDA or the implementing NGOs against extending favours to vested interests.
9.6. Dissemination of Information Information related to the entitlements of PAPs, resettlement procedures, supportive help through transport or in cash, forming housing societies, provision of 'revolving' or maintenance funds, location of resettlements, etc was vital for helping the PAPs for their smooth resettlement, and mitigating negative effects of shifting to a new location. It also should have allayed fears in the minds of PAPs of losing their chances of getting the entitlements for a new 'pucca' house or shop. The survey data showed, as discussed in previous chapters, that a large number of PAPs were not well informed about the details of R&R policy, which protected them from adverse impacts of their displacement. Prior to 2006, the information on above aspects was mainly displayed at MMRDA, or the offices of NGOs.
Under the instructions from World Bank, the 'public information centres' (PICs) were set up at all the locations and managed by the NGOs. In addition, individual notices were served to the affected families. In spite of all this, all kinds of rumours floated around, bringing stress and uncertainty in the minds of several PAPs. In future, both the
97 MMRDA and the project implementing agencies (NGOs) should show better coordination in disseminating relevant information to the PAPs.
It is also recommended that those families whose structures are partly affected or included in the BSES but not to be affected (due to realignment, etc.) should be well- informed and taken into confidence to avoid mis-information and all kinds of rumours. This will also reduce the role of 'middle men' or brokers who exploit the innocent (and non literate) PAPs, by promising them houses at better locations or buildings.
9.7. Coordination between Civil Works and Resettlement Within MMRDA, coordination among the concerned departments, like the R&R Unit, Civil Works (Engineering) Department and Finance Department has increased significantly. Movement of papers/files is at a faster pace. However, at times the field staff gets bogged down with field based problems and is not able to move papers on time. There have been complaints (more so from the NGOs) about delay in payments by the Finance Department. The Civil Engineering Department is also targeted by the PAPs and their representatives for not attending to various complaints related to the civil work within the houses or their buildings. In response to various issues raised by the present Consultants during formal discussions with the concerned departments of MMRDA, the following observations/comments emerged which are presented in relation to the roles of concerned departments.
9.7.1. Finance Department: About the delay in direct payment to the PAPs towards the revolving fund/maintenance funds (in case of the buildings occupied by PAPs under the SRA schemes), the process has to initiate from the CBOs, along with the NGOs, to be approved by the R&R Unit and the Project-Director, then only the payments could be made. This process has yet to begin as the identity cards verification for individual PAPs (now occupying the houses) takes lot of time.
98 The Finance Department had to make payments towards the arrears for electricity bills which otherwise should have been paid by the builders. Sanctions for such payments are time consuming.
As regards the payments towards the concerned NGOs, the Finance Department moves on the matter only when the submitted bills are properly presented, bills with necessary documents are attached, and finally such bills are processed by the CDOs, R&R Unit, and so on. Once bills are not in proper order, the procedure of payment is disturbed due to re-processing of such papers. The Finance Department stated that in the case of bills by one NGO, payments were made within a week. In contrast, some bills of the other NGO are not even claimed by it, and the Finance Department should not be blamed for it.
In this regard, there are several issues towards pending payments to one of the NGOs, related to supply of water by tankers, electricity bills of builders paid by the NGO, facilitating children's transport to schools, and even amounts pending towards BSES surveys, shifting allowance, and repairs of buildings. NGOs feel that timely payments are not made to them by the MMRDA and they have no option but to share their concern with the World Bank. For the NGOs, direct contacts with the World Bank are usually frowned upon by the MMRDA. For them, the battle for getting old pending bills paid by the contractor or MMRDA is much too long. It also causes undue hardship to the resettled families. The process of community capacity building and rehabilitation work is adversely affected, as the NGOs have to waste lot of time on dealing with such red-tape.
However, the Finance Department of MMRDA does not think so. According to the concerned officials, if bills are properly documented and justified, the payments are made within 2 to 4 weeks' time.
9.7.2. Civil Engineering Department: One major source of dissatisfaction among a large number of PAPs from all the resettlement sites -more so the Anik and
99 Mankhurd sites - is due to the leakage problem in their houses from upper floors. It has been reported in various ways: through the GRCs, written complaints to Engineering Department of MMRDA, through the present TISS- survey (including the assessment by Consultant Engineer on the TISS-study), and during the interaction with involved NGOs. By and large, it is considered that the building structures at all the resettlement sites are sound and satisfactory, but the water-proofing works (inside the toilets, kitchen and terrace) are of sub-standard quality. This has led to leakage problems in several houses. By the time several of the buildings were handed over by the SRA to MMRDA, the builders had withdrawn from these buildings. This resulted in the responsibility of carrying out civil repair works falling mainly on the MMRDA. Then there were related problems like the builder not strictly adhering to the design-plans, bad workmanship, and some planned provisions missing in the structures, like the partitions between the buildings. According to one of the implementing NGOs: "Some contractors got away with crossing prescribed distances between the buildings, leading to over-crowding, lack of light and ventilation as well as enhanced danger in case of fire or other calamities".
In response to repeated dissatisfaction among the PAPs due to the problems of leakages and other poor civil works, the views of officials from Engineering Department of MMRDA have been of a mixed nature. They stated that in the last one year or so, the MMRDA has been attending to rectify many such problems. For them, whenever the GRCs have instructed them to respond to such complaints, the department has been doing the needed repairs. According to them, more than 4000 such complaints have been attended by the Engineering Department of MMRDA. However, they stated that the PAPs are not used to the ,apartment/building culture'. They wash their clothes in the living room, prepare food on the floor, and so on. This spoils the tiles, resulting in leakage of water. Officials also remind that the entire structures are made with concrete, without use of bricks. It is the latest technology called 'plasterless' structures. If such
100 hollow concrete walls are drilled -for putting nails, frames, etc, it may create damage to the structure.
Officials of the Engineering Department also state that they are heavily burdened with the work of creating infrastructure in the Mumbai region. Priorities of such works take heavy toll on their timings. They therefore stress the point that the housing societies and the occupant-PAPs of the buildings should now take up the responsibility of maintaining their structures and buildings. They also remind that the buildings procured under the SRA are not properly monitored for their quality construction and created infrastructure. This leads to defects and need of frequent repairs. Further, they pointed out that in the case of some buildings, the contractors did attend the complaints about water leakages, broken tiles in kitchens, and so on.
Overall, they are satisfied that the overall quality of structures of buildings in the resettlements is much better than the earlier ones. This more applies with the creation of drains, water tanks, etc.
As regards the coordination with other government departments, it is again pointed out that the officials of Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM) work at their own pace and priorities. It is not so easy to get prompt response from them in the matters of adequate water supply, solid waste disposal, clearing of drains, etc. Through continued efforts of senior officials of MMRDA (and also of the involved NGOs), they have now started attending to those complaints of PAPs that are related to their responsibilities. Even in the matters of setting up new schools, police chowki or health sub centres, one has to make sustained efforts for achieving such public utilities through the MCGM.
9.8. Allotment Procedures The present outcome of R&R under the MUTP, which should bring satisfaction to all the involved organizations - governmental or non-governmental -is the significant fact
101 that most of the entitlements are rightly identified and entrusted to the eligible PAPs. This has emerged through the present study and also through the views of implementing NGOs, the GRCs and the MMRDA. Though several PAPs approached 'grievance redressal committees', the final result points to a successful outcome of a highly challenging and complex task. As expected, it happened due to the adopted transparency in deciding the entitlements and an integrated and concerted effort on the part of implementing NGOs, the CDOs, the R&R Unit of MMRDA, and above all, the praiseworthy role of the IMP and GRCs. The allotment procedure is discussed in detail, in the earlier chapters of present Report.
As a part of the present study, a small survey was conducted of a few of those who were denied entitlements at one stage or the other. As discussed in the relevant chapter of this report, the claims for entitlements were denied on valid grounds, mainly due to the fake claims or double claim (both for a house and a shop) in spite of owning a single structure, or somebody claiming entitlement for a house or shop which for years was occupied by a tenant.
9.9. Mushrooming Middlemen/Brokers As mentioned earlier in the present chapter, the R&R process was to be achieved in a society where over a half of the population lives in slum structures and where thousands for them contested this opportunity (through the MUTP) to get a 'pucca' house with clear entitlement. This attracted many brokers and middlemen who found it a good opportunity to make money from the homeless and vulnerable people. Instances were reported in the city newspapers where a few brokers even occupied a shop or house within the resettlement with a signboard as a broker or real estate agent, for helping slum people (not necessarily the PAPs) to get a house or shop on rent or sale. So spread the rumours of 'helping' (at a price) the PAPs to move to a 'preferred' location or a floor (within the building). It was inevitable in such a situation that the names of staff members of NGOs or MMRDA would be mentioned by these middlemen, for such illegal transactions. Whether any staff of NGOs or MMRDA joined such unscrupulous elements, was not the focus of present study. Such impressions and statements of some
102 PAPs were reported to the concerned NGOs and MMRDA. The fact remains that several houses in each resettlement are rented out; and a few are also sold out. It is also worth mentioning here the concern of one of the implementing NGOs that a few vested interests are keen to malign its image before the public.
9.10. Kudos to the IMP and GRCs The grievance redressal mechanism and its framework adopted by the MMRDA proved to be a valuable asset in achieving a good R&R under the MUTP. From the process of deciding entitlements to creation of infrastructure, and housing societies, or attending to individual complaints of several PAPs about various inadequacies in their houses: schooling of children, water supply and so on, the 'independent monitoring panel' (IMP) and the field level and senior level grievance redressal committees (FLGRC & SLGRC) performed a praise-worthy task, though under difficult conditions (in terms of getting secretarial assistance or getting their recommendations implemented through the MMRDA, NGOs or concerned government departments). In fact, where even the PMU found it difficult to deal with the PAPs (like the shopkeepers affected under the JVLR or SCLR), the IMP pitched in to take the PAPs into confidence. The IMP also could take a few decisions, which would have otherwise invited litigation (from the PAPs) if government officials (including the PMU) had taken such a decision. For instance, according to the Draft Minutes of the IMP meeting held on June 21, 2007, the IMP directed the MMRDA that in the case of 'the PAPs from squatter category occupying structures separately in the BSES would be treated as single PAP and given only one structure as per the Policy, irrespective of the number of structures occupied by them'. IMP also directed the MMRDA that the multiple allotments made in the past 'need not be reopened or revoked'. In the case of complex issue of shopkeepers of Kismat Nagar, the IMP played an important role as mediator between them and the MMRDA.
According to the information provided by MMRDA, as on September 15, 2007, the FLGRC alone heard more than 1000 complaints (of various kinds) of the aggrieved PAPs from the three re-location sites. Significantly, all the three grievance redressal committees, as stated earlier, heard all kinds of complaints of the PAPs and their
103 representatives and worked hard to make the R&R a transparent and accountable process. In fact, their combined minutes can form a good resource data about the kind of issues (to be) confronted under such a complex process, and also the possible remedial solutions. It is recommended that, for future R&R implementations, such committees are formed and strengthened for serving the purpose. It is also recommended that these committees are provided adequate secretarial support like preparing minutes, informing the PAPs to be present on specific dates, and so on. Presently, with minimum support in this regard, the GRCs performed very effective role.
9.11. Maintenance and Infrastructure Related Matters In the preceding pages, the role of Civil Engineering Department of MMRDA in addressing various grievances of PAPs and also making efforts to coordinate with the concerned government departments, more so the Municipal Corporation, for the redressal of various issues was discussed. Here, a few observations are made in relation to the public utilities and 'community environment management plan' (CEMP) and its implementation. The issue of forming housing societies for taking over the maintenance and services of respective buildings is also discussed.
As regards the formation of housing societies, it emerged that in the initial phase of occupying the buildings, delay was mainly caused due to the red-tape in office of the Registrar of Cooperative Housing Societies. Later on, on the advice of World Bank and the pressure from NGOs and the PAPs, the Registrar's Cell was opened within the MMRDA for speedily registering the societies. However, it is also felt by the officials of MMRDA that some of the residents of buildings are avoiding the registration of their societies in order to avoid (or delay) the paying of monthly society charges.
As regards the creation of infrastructure, more so the regular water supply, new schools (and "balwadis"), transportation, and clearing the solid waste, contradictory views emerge from the concerned government departments and the NGOs. For the NGOs, in some of the resettlement cases, sudden demand came for shifting specific number of PAPs to the buildings where even water was not available. Likewise, the assessment of
104 need of new schools by NGOs was not heeded by MMRDA (more so by the Municipal Corporation). The transportation facilities grew very slowly in relation to the needs (due to odd locations at the Anik and the Mankhurd Resettlements). The issue of shopkeepers was altogether different. Due to the odd locations, they lost their customers and therefore the business. Storm water drains were not functioning properly. Lifts remained unused mainly due to reluctance on the part of PAPs to pay for their servicing. All these factors compounded and got reflected in heated reactions from the PAPs in 'focus group discussions'.
The viewpoint of MMRDA is a bit different. For them, growth of infrastructure is a gradual process even in regular settlements which were created in the past by Housing Boards or Development Authorities. They made all efforts in persuading the Municipal Corporation to perform its task, as it had started collecting property tax from these buildings. Better transport, markets etc. according to them, will emerge in due course, while the tendency among the PAPs is to keep on pressurising for various demands. Even the NGOs are pressurised. Though sympathetic towards various demands of PAPs, they state that a few PAPs complain if there is delay in payment of transport cost or other funds. But they are not bothered that huge amounts of funds of NGOs get blocked due to delays of one kind or the other in their payments by the MMRDA.
It is also true that certain needs like adequate water supply or better schools, health and transport facilities need improvement in the resettlements.
Though there is a provision of creation of 'community environment management committees' (CEMCs) for improving overall environment in the resettlements, including the planting of trees, improving open spaces and playgrounds, such Committees are yet to be formed or if formed, are not very active. Efforts are being made by MMRDA, through appointing Consultants, to achieve concrete results in this regard.
105 9.12. The Issue of Rehabilitation The rehabilitation task is most crucial and also most difficult to achieve. This can be understood from the fact that at the Mankhurd Resettlement alone, there are some 150 families of beggars or poor vendors. About one-third of the resettled families in general are economically very vulnerable, and if sustained efforts are not made, it would be difficult for them to 'retain' their houses. This way, the 'resettlement process' in their context will be a 'recycling of poverty', if the poor families' conditions are not improved. In this regard, it is a pleasant surprise to find some congruence between the thinking of NGOs and also the R&R Chief at MMRDA. According to the incharge of one of the implementing NGOs: "As an organization, we are very much in favour of rehabilitation. We believe that rehabilitation, if done properly, is the best starting point to improve the quality of life of people. The most important criterion to make the rehabilitation a success is the possibility for participation of PAPs in resettlement and post-resettlement phases... However, due to delays in the process of resettlement and inadequate infrastructure, there emerge tensions between the PAPs and the NGOs (and also the MMRDA). This delays the post-resettlement rehabilitation work.....Our experiences have taught us that post-resettlement activities need time, and the six months period as per our contract turned out to be insufficient". According to the other NGO, "....our contract with the MMRDA/MUTP ended many years ago. Whatever presence we have of our field staff in R&R colonies has nothing to do with MMRDA nor is there any payment being made for their services. These are services we are providing because of our commitment to the cause".
In this context, it is worth-mentioning that the MMRDA has invited the Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) for 'planning and facilitating the rehabilitation process' in the resettlement. TCS is expected to train the committees of housing societies for managing their buildings, environment and services; capacity building of CBOs; identifying the income generation programmes for the vulnerable sections of PAPs; and training them for enhancing their meager incomes. Thus, both planning and rehabilitating process have to take shape in the resettled communities. Meanwhile, ad hoc rehabilitation programmes
106 for the poorest are being pursued by the project implementing NGOs, like savings programmes through the 'mahila milan' groups and distributing free ration to them. Rehabilitation is undoubtedly a tedious task which can be achieved through sustained efforts over a longer period.
9.13. The R&R Unit within MMRDA The R&R Unit, as shown in Fig. 1 (in the Organizational Chart), one way, consists of all the concerned departments of MMRDA and PMU. The observations on the functioning of related departments like the finance, engineering, estate office, etc. are already made in preceding sections of this chapter. In this section, the focus is more on the R&R Cell, as it directly interacts with the PAPs, implementing NGOs and related stakeholders. Thus, the removal of structures and negotiations for the same, identifying (and entrusting entitlements) through the NGOs and communities, facilitating the process of resettlement, and looking after the post-resettlement processes and functions come directly within the purview of R&R UJnit under the R&R Chief. The Land Acquisition officers; Estate Managers, P.R. Consultant; P.M. R&R; CDOs and Dy. CDO; Dy. & Asstt. Registrars of Housing Societies, etc. all work under over all supervision of the R&R Chief. The R&R Unit, in general, within MMRDA has now adequate staff, as per the observations of the former R&R Chief. Two posts of Asstt. Estate Managers are vacant which need to be filled in. [t would have been more effective if these Asstt. Estate Managers were appointed and had their offices in the Resettlements for at least two years in order to deal with routine problems of civil work (repairs, etc.) and infrastructure development.
It is also felt by the R&R Unit that the MMRDA has limited role in the post-resettlement phase. One day it has to exit from the Project, otherwise, it would lead to over- dependency. According to MMRDA, the PAPs keep on grumbling so that they get services at subsidized rates. The R&R Chief also mentioned certain steps, out of the way, taken by the MMRDA, which helped the process of R&R. For instance, MMRDA had to intervene to provide relief to PAPs. MMRDA managed to get the property tax of Municipal Corporation reduced to the level of developed properties under the SRA schemes in the city (for the slum dwellers).
107 The R&R Unit made certain other observations about the future resettlement:
- The present limited area of house does not provide any scope for innovation in design, and therefore, needed privacy in the family. The future R&R policy can have 300 sq.ft. area for house, with a part of the contribution to be made by the PAP for the enhanced area.
- There should not be free housing or shop to those who have encroached public lands, more so the commercial structures and have been making fortunes all these years.
- In some cases, people managed to get more than one tenement. At the time of providing entitlements, some slumlords managed to get more than one tenement, by forcing the occupant-tenants not to make claims for their occupancy of such structures. This needs to be handled firmly in future.
- In some cases, PAPs managed to get more than one tenement by showing separate ration card or ID card. This can be avoided in future. - There have been cases where names have been entered incorrectly in the documents. Around 1000 PAPs' names had such errors, many of which were rectified but it delayed their getting the entitlements. - In general, the R&R Policy lacks principles of equity, as the rich or the poor both are treated the same way.
The R&R Unit expressed its satisfaction with the outcome of resettlement process under the MUTP and showed us the Certificate of Award which was issued by the Chairman of the Railway Board, which stated: "...MMRDA and MRVC have taken excellent initiatives in resettling 16,000 PAPs..."
9.14. Role of CDOs As regards the role of two CDOs, the R&R Chief stated that all these years, the MMRDA made all efforts to achieve a good resettlement, with an under-staffed Social Workers' team. Till recently, there were only two 'community development officers', who were over-worked. Now, one Dy. CDO has joined the team and the newly appointed person is
108 assigned the task of supervising the work being carried out by the TCS in resettlements. Independent of the above view of Chief (R&R), the NGOs show some level of dissatisfaction with the CDOs. According to one of the NGOs (implementing the resettlement):".... the role of CDOs from MMRDA in some cases is harmful to the rehabilitation process. Based on experience it can be stated that the CDOs got arbitrary decisions carried out in allotment of tenements on lower floors, location and allotment of amenities, i.e. "balwadis", welfare centres and housing society offices. Files related to rehabilitation of the affected families are usually in the offices of the CDOs. Even bills submitted for payments by NGOs land in CDOs' offices and get forgotten or misplaced".
During the discussions with the CDOs, it emerged that in a last few years, on an average, allotment of almost 100 structures a day was carried out. This brought lot of pressure on their role performance. This was also to be achieved where several people tended to contest the claim for entitlement of a house by hook or by crook. The CDOs helped NGOs scrutinise such claims. According to them, there was a tendency among some claimants to forge their documents, like the ration card and shop licenses. Since the 'grievance committees' more depended on the document verification for claims, there could have been errors in allotment if all the claims were not probed through the BSES and surveyed structures. For the CDOs, this was a complex process and consumed a lot of their time. According to them, the NGOs have rather lower quality field staff. There are no bribes involved in performing their (the CDOs') duties. Lot of rumours float around due to the disgruntled elements, and there are many of them that are active. They also emphasised that such difficult resettlement process in a city like Mumbai was possible because of the partnership between government, the implementing NGOs and the community. In communities where people (the PAPs) are politicised, the work gets delayed due to hurdles by interest groups and high aspirations of people. Sometimes, this creates tension between the NGOs and the government staff. They mentioned of being threatened by people on several occasions. Above all, there is lot of paper work which they have to process. In such a situation, delays are inevitable. Finally, they stated that the rehabilitation work is not easy and needs systematic efforts.
109 9.15. Interface between the NGOs, MMRDA and the World Bank One of the main dissatisfaction of the project implementing NGOs has been the undue delay in taking decisions both at the MMRDA and the World Bank levels. For them, .... the time over-run on projects is notorious and sometimes more than double the contract time. For instance, we (one of the NGOs) are still waiting for clearance from the World Bank and the completion of construction work before we can shift the PAPs. After nearly two years, we hear that the contract needs to be extended or else no payments can be made. Two years without payment cannot be sustained and we are running at a loss and have to work out a suitable solution with the MMRDA and the World Bank. The role of World Bank was of tremendous help in the R&R project. Their international experience has provided a useful framework of rehabilitation on the whole favourable to the affected people... .more regular contact with the World Bank might have reduced delays and improved payments in the projects".
According to the MMRDA, in certain matters which have large funding implications or which result in various queries from concerned departments within MMRDA or other government departments, the delays are inevitable. Though during the last one year, several delays were avoided by time-bound decisions, as instructed by government or World Bank (or even the legal courts), which are reported to the World Bank through the monthly 'action reports'. The presence of the representative from World Bank at MMRDA has helped in several ways in avoiding the red-tape. However, when decisions or proposals are contested by the affected people or their representatives (associations and even political groups), the delay is bound to occur. The issue of commercial structures affected under the SCLR, is a case in point.
110 Chapter X CONCLUSION: SCOPE FOR INTERVENTION/REVIEWING POLICY GUIDELINES
10.1. The Outcome of Resettlement Process 10.1.1 The present study of over 9000 households which were displaced in the second phase of the MUTP project in city of Mumbai, along with over 580 commercial structures (mostly the shops), has mainly evaluated the outcome of the resettlement process under the guidance of a 'resettlement & rehabilitation' (R&R) Policy formulated for the purpose. Based on a sample survey, focus group discussions and case studies, it examined various aspects of R&R of the above families and the shop owners, that is, deciding their legitimate entitlements, allocating tenements/shops at three resettlement - sites, shifting the families to new sites, providing civic services and public amenities, training communities for their environmental management, and finally initiating steps towards restoring/improving their socio-economic status. The strategy adopted for resettlement was a participatory one where two leading NGOs in the city implemented the process by involving the affected families, under over-all supervision of the government-based organization, MMRDA, and the external funding agency, the World Bank.
10.1.2. The over-all outcome of above resettlement (and rehabilitation) of the PAPs was evaluated and partly contrasted (in relevant situations) with the earlier resettlement process of above 4000 families affected under the MUTP, which was also evaluated by the present Consultants. The key outcome of resettlement of PAPs carries significance due to the complexity of situation, within which the process took shape. Thousands of people contested their entitlements -whether genuine or fake; several intermediaries and brokers emerged on the scene for tampering with entitlements and luring the PAPs to rent or sell out their structures (houses or shops); pressure was exerted by slum lords, local politicians and influential persons for such irregularities; some PAPs themselves made
111 dubious claims through over-night partitioning their pre-resettlement structures into a house and a shop; owners of commercial structures resisted against their shifting to new resettlements due to uncertainty of business there; and some claimants for entitlements even presented forged documents for getting benefit under the scheme. Given such odd challenges, it was really a difficult task before the implementing agencies to achieve a successful and genuine resettlement of PAPs under the MUTP.
10.1.3. Significantly, the over-all outcome of the process is fairly successful and a model for such future resettlements of affected people under infrastructure projects, in a mega city like Mumbai. Most of the allotted houses and shops have gone to genuine claimants. Those, a few, who contested such entitlements to grievance redressal committees, were victims of faulty entries of their names in the 'baseline socio-economic surveys' (BSES) or sought favourable locations of sites or floors within the multi-storeyed resettlement structures. The shifting to new sites was achieved within a month's period for over 80% families. The basic services are provided to all the resettlements. Process of forming 'cooperative housing societies' is in advanced stage. Self-help groups (SHGs) are formed for improving family incomes. Community environmental management has been initiated, though with limited success. The allottees of shops are not so lucky due to odd locations of a large number of their shops, where the business has yet to pick up. The rehabilitation process, particularly for the 'vulnerable' families has yet to be achieved, though ad-hoc interventions by the concerned NGOs are visible.
10.1.4. The role of MMRDA as an institutional agency for overall execution of R&R has been more effective compared to its performance during the 'earlier' resettlements. Through the improved computerization process, the relevant data on BSES, entitlements and related aspects is now available on its website, thus making the process more accountable and transparent. The previously lacking coordination between the concerned municipal departments and the MMRDA is
112 overcome to some extent. Within MMRDA, concerned departments are sensitized and more responsive to the emerging issues in resettlements. The created 'grievance redressal committees' and the 'independent monitoring panel' (IMP) played commendable role in resolving contentious issues about entitlements, improvement of infrastructure and directing the concerned organizations to attend to complaints about the civil work. The task of a systematic improvement in economic status of vulnerable PAPs is assigned to an out-side agency (TCS). The role of World Bank has been crucial in providing continued feedback towards achieving a successful resettlement of the affected families.
10.2. The Inadequacies and Scope for Improvement 10.2.1. Involuntary displacement needing resettlement of affected families and restoring their pre-displacement socio-economic status is a difficult and long-drawn process. The outcome is usually wanting for various factors. Inspite of overall success of the present resettlement process, several inadequacies are evident. These relate to flaws in implementation of resettlement process, inadequacies of needed provisions, interference by vested interests, and inadequacies within the policy framework. All these require interventions at two or three main stages: improvements in implementation process, review of existing R&R Policy (for MUTP), and related issues in the context of achieving R&R in a complex society (the city of Mumbai).
10.2.2. The outcome of R&R process presents scope for further intervention and guidelines for such future resettlements: need of entries of correct names of PAPs in the BSES and the computerized lists; not allowing interference by vested interests for pushing 'fake' PAPs; allotting ground floor tenements to the aged couples and vulnerable families; more say of the PAPs in choosing sites; strengthening grass-roots staff of NGOs implementing the R&R process; sustained efforts for rehabilitation of the vulnerable families; efforts for capacity building of- CBOs for achieving an effective community environmental
113 management; improving quality of basic services; providing missing/inadequate public utilities; and above all, attending to needed civil works like re- waterproofing of leaking tenements and even terraces of a few buildings. The issues of spending more on travelling to the job place, adverse impact on business of shopkeepers, and renting out houses due to lack of privacy or small area are discussed under the section on 'policy implications'. Table 10.1 presents the issues and scope for improvement in the resettlements.
10.3. Issues of In-situ Resettlement/Integrated Settlements 10.3.1. In the preceding section, certain important issues, like bleak business prospects for shop-owing PAPs, increased time and costs of traveling for PAPs to their job locations, loss of supplementary jobs (like hawking and house work by females) and spending more money on visits to doctors are not discussed as these are very much related to odd locations of resettlement sites. New habitat settlements take time to develop -more so in terms of developing public amenities, markets, new job opportunities, and so on. The present sites of resettlements have emerged as isolated localities of the poor families. The result is that there is very poor in-flow of customers to the allotted shops of PAPs. As if this is not enough, several PAPs have partitioned their allotted tenements for creating small shops at ground floor (and even on upper floors) of their buildings. Females in the family who previously used to earn money by doing house work in the middle and upper class buildings (in the vicinity of their huts) are now far away from the new sites. Absence of such buildings of high income groups is a big loss for such opportunities.
114 Table 10.1 Issues/Inadequacies and Scope for Improvement
S.No. Issues/Inadequacies Scope for Intervention/ Organization to be Improvement Involved i) BSES of different Standardized and uniform NGOs and MMRDA communities need to be indices for data base to be comparable followed ii) Interference by local Alert IMP and vigilance by IMP and MMRDA, GOM politicians, slum lords, government brokers, corrupt officials iii) Faulty entry of names in Scrutiny and cross-checking of NGOs and MMRDA BSES & Computer entry of names and data iv) Tendency of fake claims by Close vigilance during BSES NGOs/CBOs/MMRDA some PAPs/ outsiders and relocation v) For 'vulnerable groups', Sustained efforts for NGOs/TCS resettlement more 'recycle rehabilitation of poverty' leading to renting/selling out house vi) Allotting extra open spaces Feasibility survey by MMRDA as hawking pitches to MMRDA for appropriate vulnerable families decision vii) Improving community Sustained training of CBOs NGOs/TCS environmental management and housing societies viii) Improving coordination Need of setting up Estate MMRDA between MMRDA and Management Cells for initial Municipal departments two years, at Sites ix) Leakages in several houses Compelling the Builders for MMRDA/Builders of from toilets and even ratifying such defects, under buildings terraces supervision of Engineers from MMRDA x) Effective functioning of Providing adequate secretarial MMRDA GRCs assistance, and timely payments to the GRC members xi) Absence or inadequate Need of health centres, MMRDA/Municipal public amenities, like health schools and police posts Corporation and education xii) Delayed payments resulting Settling timely payment of MMRDA in lack of motivation among bills of NGOs NGOs
xiii) Time over-run in awarding Awarding contracts without MMRDA/World Bank contracts, resulting in inordinate delays uncertainty xiv) Avoiding conflicting Need of better coordination NGOs/MMRDA assurances to PAPs by between CDOs of MMRDA, various authorities/NGOs NGOs and R&R Cell xv) PAPs making alterations in Need of 'user manuals' for TCS/MMRDA/NGOs structures which may PAPs and training them about weaken them 'dos' and don't'
115 10.3.2. Another inadequacy of tenements in the resettlements is its one-room design. No doubt the area (225 sq.ft.) of present houses, in majority of the cases, is higher than the area in the previous house. However, several families had partitioned their previous house by a temporary mezzanine floor for privacy. Alternatively, in slum areas, ground floor spaces were used by the elders in family for staying out late hours at nights. This also gave them a feel of village like environment and community bondage. Now, in multi-storeyed buildings, such opportunities are lost. The result is that several large families have preferred to rent out their tenements and they themselves have shifted to some other slum areas. There are also families who have higher earnings and now live in double floor slum- houses. A few other families have preferred to live in nearby slum areas of their previous housing sites, due to closer locations of their jobs.
10.3.3. In view of the above factors, it becomes quite evident that 'isolated resettlements' are not very feasible and viable options, more so from the views of the ordinary families (the PAPs). This is more so for the shop owners who may not be able to make their business viable for years together. Under the circumstances, there is a need of re-thinking on the issue of sites of resettlements. While stating so, the Consultants are well aware that in-situ developments may not be possible due to the non-availability of lands, so may be the difficulty in re-settling the PAPs close to their original sites. However, the fact remains that a viable resettlement will be the one which is 'integrated' with the existing habitats from different strata of populations. This is a difficult proposition but the key to a successful resettlement project. This argument is supported from the fact that the resettlement site at Majas is considered as a "preferred" site (by the PAPs), as it is located amidst the already existing residential and commercial hubs in the city.
10.4. Policy Interventions In the above context, and also keeping in mind the fact that 20 to 30% of the families in slums in the city have better earnings (and therefore 'affordability'),
116 there is a need of re-looking at the existing R&R Policy for the MUTP. This also becomes imperative due to the issue of 'equity' raised by a few senior officials of MMRDA. For them, it is unreasonable that the legal owners of shops are treated on par with those who encroached commercial lands, and areas of a few such encroached commercial structures are even 1000 sq.ft. or above. For them, there is a need of differentiating an encroacher-businessman from the legal one, and accordingly the rehabilitation package should be different for the two.
Keeping all these factors in mind, a few changes in the existing R&R Policy are recommended as per the (Table 10.2). Table 10.2 Recommended Changes in Present R&R Policy for MUTP S.No. Need for Policy Change Rationale Recommended Change in R&R Policy i) Large families seek large Better affordability and At least 25% houses of larger house-area privacy in family area (350-400 sq.ft.); charging extra area at market
-_ costs ii) Shopkeepers allotted a shop Shopkeepers prefer shop and Allotting a house and but not a house, need both house in same settlement for charging at market costs reducing costs iii) Legally owned commercial Need of rationalizing equity in Legal commercial structures structures need separate terms of legal status of to be compensated at market benefits than the encroached commercial structures costs, or with equivalent area commercial structures of shop; encroached structures to be allotted uniform area of 225 sq.ft. and additional area at market
- -_ costs iv) Legally owned housing Need of rationalizing equity in Legally owned house to be structures (in future) to be terms of legal ownership of a compensated at market costs compensate(d differentially house and a slum structure or with higher area v) Some occupants of slum Need of controlling the slum Only one house and/or shop structures own more than lords and vested interested to be allotted to one one housing or shop 'owning' several structures household . structures and sub-letting them vi) Odd locations of settlements Resettlement needs to be In-situ re-settlement, or its main hurdle in re-storing integrated with existing location in proximity should 'pre-settlement' socio- habitat-settlement be the norm economic status
117 Annexure - I Survey of a Few Persons Denied 'Entitlements' as the PAPs (their names changed)
Ms. Sheikh Sitaran Ali is a 65 year old lady who earns her livelihood through domestic work. According to her, she has already been staying at the Kokari Agar Transit Camp (for last 3 years) meant for the PAPs under MUTP. She had submitted her request for a permanent house and was promised the same by the SPARC. Meanwhile, a few PAPs who petitioned denial of resettlement in a permanent house were accommodated on a priority basis, and she has been left out from resettlement. She has a ration card since 1999 and electricity bills for her house structure, since 1992. She has now complained to the FLGRC against not getting a regular house. She now awaits the result of her complaints.
Mr. Bhoir Dnyaneshwar Shripati's case is a bit different. Presently his family has been staying in the Wadala Transit camp for last seven years. They have all the necessary papers for shifting to the regular house. In fact, Mr. Bhoir was offered a regular house but his financial situation is not good. He himself is 67 years old. The family depended solely on his wife, who earns Rs. 1200 from domestic work. They were not sure that if shifted to Anik, they would be able to make both ends meet. Mr. Bhoir therefore requested to defer his 'shifting' to a regular house till a new building under the MUTP comes up near the Wadala area. In fact, it is informed that some other families have preferred to stay in the transit camp, for a suitable location (near Wadala) for their regular shifting. Though this is not a case of 'denial of entitlement', it brings into focus the issue of 'proper location'.
Mr. Mohin Ahmed Khan is a 50 year old owner of a chicken shop which is located at the entrance of Vikhroli Station (East). Presently it is a temporarily made shop. This area is known as Tagore Nagar. According to Mr. Mohin, he had a big structure where he had a shop and he used to stay in the back portion of the shop. He has ration card, since 1987, the survey receipt of 2000 and a Pass-book of a Sangli Bank from the same area. He claims that the NGO (SPARC) has not numbered his structure and therefore he has not received any alternative allotment at the resettlement site. He has made several complaints to the SPARC office and had also approached the FLGRC, where his claim was rejected due to no I.D. number given in the map. He also claims that he had employed 7 employees in his shop, who are presently unemployed. He also stated that ultimately he plans to approach the Court and fight for his rights.
Mr. Peer Dinmohammed Teli is presently residing in his village. He is 67 years old and a retired person. His son Iqbal Peer Dinmohamed Teli is staying in the old structure which is 'half demolished by MMRDA under the MUTP. They had a Pillow shop which was attached to their present house, which is demolished. They have received a house in Anik Village as an alternative, but they are claiming for the commercial structure instead. Mr. Iqbal states that he had a shop in the old structure itself. He also approached FLGRC but there is no reply to his complaint. He also claims that as his shop has closed down, he has no income and he has to work as a labour in another's shop.
118 Ms. Deepa Gangadhar Sanga is 28 year old, and a commerce graduate, presently staying at Kanamwar Nagar, Vikhroli at her father's place. She works as a customer service executive in Mahalaxmi. She was been staying in Hariyali Village, Vikhroli before her house was demolished under the MUTP. She states that the NGO had allotted her a tenement in the Wadala Transit Camp. When she went and saw the house, she locked it and came back. The next day, when she (with her father) went there to stay, she found that the house was already occupied by some other PAP. According to the documents in her possession, she had bought her Vikhroli house from a man named Mr. Sopan Dnyandeo Kathar in November 1997. The entire deal was carried out by his son Mr. Appasaheb Kathar who is employed with the Signal Core in Indian Army. Ms. Deepa has approached FLGRC as she has not received any accommodation as yet. When she attended the hearing from FLGRC, she was inforrned that Mr. Appasaheb is eligible for the allotment as he has all the proofs of residence. Presently Ms. Deepa has made an affidavit stating that as Mr. Appasaheb is posted on the border of Ladakh he is unable to maintain his residence and therefore he has given all the possession rights to Ms. Deepa. Later, Ms. Deepa, states that she even bribed one lady for getting the house in the resettlement site but it was of no use.
Mr. Shyamlal Harijan is a 55 year old man, working as a fitter in Central Railway at Parel Workshop. He had an attached shop and house in Amarnath Sahdev Tiwari Chawl No.1 at Pratap Nagar, Jogeshwari, which was demolished under the MUTP. Initially the NGO promised that he would get residential and comrnercial structures at the resettlement site, but later he was given only a residence. On this, he approached the FLGRC. The committee stated that there could be allotment only of the residence, as the shop was built later for the purpose of a claim. Mr. Shyamlal has a commercial electricity bill since 2002. He also has a Bombay Shops and Establishment Registration since 1998. According to his papers, he had a grocery shop. Presently he is unemployed and planning to file a case in a civil court against the MMRDA.
Ms. Maimunnisa Khan is a 28 year old lady who was staying with her parents in the original structure between Sewri and Wadala. She had worked for SPARC for about 5 years. Later, she got married and was pregnant, so she left the job and became a house-wife. Her husband works as a contractor with an A.C. Plant. He travels frequently and comes home rarely for about 7-8 days in a month. Her parents had two houses in the original structure. Her elder sister, according to her, bribed some middleman and got two flats in her own name. Therefore there is a constant conflict in the family. As Maimunnisa has been working with SPARC, she was given a temporary accommodation in Wadala Transit camp where she is staying for the last 7 years. According to her husband, he can get a permanent accommodation in few minutes if he pays Rs.40,000-50,000 to a broker. She is waiting to get a regular house.
Mr. Mohammed Hanif Sheikh is a 65 year old construction worker on daily wages. He has all the necessary proofs of stay but as there was a spelling mistake done in the BSES by the NGO, his name does not match with his other documents. He is stranded for last 7 years in the Wadala Transit Camp. Ilis name was there in the 1995 survey as well, but the name was wrongly written. He has four children. When he came to know that his name does not appear in the list of allottees, he complained to the concemed NGO. He also complained to the SLGRC but could not pursue it mainly due to ignorance. Inspite of assurances from the NGO, his family has not been able to get a permanent house. Now he is advised by his well- wishers to approach the R&R Chief with his grievance.
119 Ms. Noorijahan Sayad is a 30 year old lady, who was staying in Mazgaon railway compound before the demolition was done for railway line project. She has been staying at Wadala Transit Camp for last 3 years. Her husband is a taxi driver. Her neighbours were sent to Anik. Sayad's family has been told by SPARC that there is no house ready for them at present. When the house is ready they will be shifted. Her complaint is that there is no proper school nearby for her children. They have not yet complained to MMRDA officials. No adequate reason has been given to them, as to why they have not been shifted to the permanent tenement.
Ms. Suchandra Shahu is a 30 year old lady, whose right leg is affected by polio. She claims to have all the legal documents of her demolished structure but her claim is not accepted by the MMRDA. According to her, she had a structure in front of her father's house, which is demolished under the MUTP railway line project. But MMRDA and SPARC officials deny her an alternative accommodation as according to them, the structure which they demolished was just a toilet. Suchandra is a computer trainer and her husband works as a security guard. Her financial condition appears to be good. Her father has even written a letter to the President of India. Even some NGO person from disabled community came to check the problem. She also applied to the FLGRC, but her claim was rejected. Later, she went for SLGRC, under which she attended a hearing on 5h June'07. Presently, she is waiting for a reply from the SLGRC. According to her, some people in her area got an alternative flat for their toilets. She is also taking a chance to see if she succeeds in her efforts.
Mr. Ramesh Salvi is a 40 year old who works in a Call Center. He and his family had bought a house in Hariyali village in 2000. Their house comes under the MUTP railway line project. As they have not got an alternative house, they did not allow the MMRDA officials to demolish their house. Their name was not included in the 1995 BSES, but it appears in the 2000 revised survey. Mr. Salvi applied to FLGRC, which aclvised the SPARC people to verify his claim. Presently, he is waiting for a reply from the FLGRC.
Mr. Lalji Vishwakarma is a 40 year old blacksmith by profession. He had a shop in the Hariyali village, which was demolished under MUTP railway line project. He was offered an accommodation in the transit camp, but he did not want to go there. He claims that he had both, a shop and a house. Therefore he should get both the premises at the same site. He contacted FLGRC. He was advised to go to the transit camp till his case was examined. He was at his native place when the 1995 BSES was carried out. However, he was present during the 2000 revised survey. He has all the necessary proofs since 1990 onwards. Presently he has made a temporary arrangement and has been staying in the same place where he had his old structure.
120 Mr. Nokhai Yadav is 57 year old. He has a milk business. He had two structures at a short distance from each other. One of the structures which he used as a shop, came under the MUTP railway line project. He has all the proofs like the ration card of 1992, voting card since 1995. He also has the shop license. MMRDA had given him an alternate accommodation at the Mankhurd Transit Camp. As his shop was not numbered, he is not given a permanent shop. He applied to the FLGRC which observed that the I.D.No 78. (Mr. Lalita Prasad) has got the accommodation; therefore Mr. Nokhai's claim has been rejected. But there is no link between I.D. No 78 or Mr. Lalita Prasad and Mr. Nokai. They were only neighbours and nothing else. The FLGRC assured him that if he shifts to the transit camp, he will be given a permanent shop. But Mr. Nokhai is not sure if MMRDA will keep its word. He is doing his milk business from the other structure which he uses as his house. This structure does not come under the MUTP project. His business has been affected due to the change in location of his shop. This has made him depressed.
Mr. Sunil Vishwakarma is 48 year old who had two structures in Sariput Nagar. Both of his structures were affected by the JVLR project. He got an alternate house at Majas site, as his house was demolished. When he did not get an alternate shop for the other structure which comes under the JVLR project, he did not allow the MMRDA people to break his shop. He has a spare part shop, which he operates in the evening, when he comes back home from his job. MMRDA has demolished half of his shop and intends to demolish the rest. He complained to the SRS people, and is now waiting for their reply. If nothing comes out of it, he will go to MMRDA for grievance redressal.
Mr. Vastupal Jain is 42 year old who has a business of selling mattresses and upholstery at Amarmahal in Chernbur. He had a shop and a house behind it at Panchasheel Nagar in Chembur since 1990, which came under the SCLR project. He got an alternative shop at Lallubhai Compound which he has rented out, as he states that nobody comes to Lallubhai Compound to buy mattresses and upholstery. SPARC contends that he has made a partition in his structure just to claim for two premises. Presently, he has rented a flat in Chembur Naka. When he noticed that his shop was going to be demolished under the SCLR, he bought a shop in the same area. As Mr. Jain is financially strong, the demolition has not affected him financially or emotionally.
Mr. Gangaprasad Tiwari is a 51 year old, has completed M.A in English. He is a rickshaw driver by profession. He claims that he had a structure in Hariyali village, Vikhroli which was demolished under the MUTP project. He has all the necessary documents like ration card since 1984, electric bill since 1995. He also had electric bills before 1995 but felt that it is of no use preserving the old bills. He claims that his family has not got any alternate entitlement, but when he approached the NGO they replied that his son had already got the entitlement, hence he could not get another house. His concern is whether his name has been included in the family list? If the original entitlement was in his name then how is it that the alternative entitlement has been given to his son?
121 Ms. Ahmedabi Kuresi, 40 years old, is staying in Wadala Transit Camp, with her son and a daughter. According to her, her son works in a mutton shop and earns around Rs. 1200 per month. They had a house in Tata Nagar, Govandi, near the railway line, which was demolished under the MUTP project. She claims that nobody was present in her house when the baseline survey took place. Therefore they did not get any receipt of the survey. She also claims that her other documents like ration card, electric bills etc were washed off during the heavy rains of 26h July, 2005. Hence MMRDA has rejected her eligibility for the entitlement due to lack of proper documents. Later, when she approached a politician (Mr. Nawab Malik, MLA), SPARC representatives accommodated her in the Transit Camp.
Ms. Shantabai also has the same story as above. Again, Mr. Nawab Malik and SPARC representatives were involved in accommodating her in Wadala Transit Camp.
Also in the case of Mr. Shukla Gulabchand, he has no proofs but only a receipt of BSES. However, he is accommodated in Wadala Transit Camp.
(The above cases highlight the fact that some persons without adequate proofs are accepted for their entitlements, while a few others are denied the benefits).
Mr. Suryakant Babu Mithbavkar is a 34 year old; he works as a steward in a hotel at Byculla. He was staying in Patra Chawl at Byculla before his house was demolished in 1989. He has a ration card since 1991 but the head of the house is his brother Mr. Govind Babu Mithbavkar. He also has a receipt of BSES and a Pass-book of Mahila Milan. He and his family came to stay in the Transit Camp along with 75 other people 3 years ago. They all were told that they would have to stay in Transit Camp for six months and after that they would be shifted to the permanent residence. All his neighbours, except him and 6 other families, were shifted to Anik. When he approached the SPARC representatives, he was told that there was some work left to do on their files due to which his case was delayed in shifting to the permanent accommodation, and they have to wait. He is unaware of any grievance redressal committee. He is also finding it very difficult to travel all the way to Byculla from Wadala Transil Camp.
Mr. Dwarkaprasad Yadav has a very different story compared to the others. He is 63 years old and has a well settled business of making various types of paper boxes. When we went to the site, we saw that in Gazi Nagar, the rest of the houses were demolished except his one storey house. He has all the necessary proofs and in fact has been given an alternate accommodation. But Mr. Dwarkaprasad claims that his house is 320 sq. ft and therefore he should also get the same area in the alternate accommodation. He has been in touch with the World Bank and its officials also advised him to accept the offer of 225sq. ft. house as per the entitlement policy. However, Mr. Yadav has not budged from his demand.
122 Annexure - II The Host Community
General Background The host community is found only in Anik (Chembur). All 14 tenants from the Nandubai Chawl have been staying at the original site since the last 30 to 35 years. The criteria used for allotment of new houses were somewhat the same as for other PAPs. They checked whether the ration card, electric bills, election card were dated before 1995, which all the tenants had. People are overall happy about the 'pucca house' they have now got in their own name, whereas in the chawl they were the tenants. There was no allowance given to the host community for shifting. But they are promised a 'Revolving Fund'. Many people from the host community are unaware about the role of SPARC. They have hardly interacted with the field staff of the NGO. They are invited by the SPARC to participate in the Mahila Milan, housing societies, social functions like Ganpati, Id etc. Several people from the host community stated that the Building No.7 is the first building which was built in the Anik village. Though the construction of the remaining floors including the ground and the first floor was pending, they first constructed the second floor, and shifted them (the host families) quickly.
Liabilities There are no changes in the income of host community after shifting to the new site. Minor changes were observed, and that too, due to promotion or retirement of specific occupants. There is not much change in their standard of living, except for their complaints about monthly maintenance charges of Rs.200 per month and the increased electricity bills. People are complaining that their electricity bills have increased by more then 100% i.e. people who were paying Rs. 100-150 per month are getting the electricity bill of Rs.400-500 per month, which they consider as the additional expenditure. At the original site, they used to get water for 8 hours a day, whereas presently they get water only for half an hour per day. Overall, they are satisfied about the quality of the present house. The only complaints are about leakages and plaster peeling off in a short span of time. The housing society in Building No.7 does not seem to be efficient, as people are
123 not satisfied with its functioning. People also complain about the society members not sharing accounts of the money they have paid; many repair works are pending and the society members do not get along well. On the other hand, there are instances of some of the occupants not paying the society charges.
Community Life Though there is now a mixed community at the original site, people engage in equal participation in various festivals. However, the host residents have also stated that though there are no quarrels among the residents, it will take time before the two different communities integrate. They have also complained that the slum people are not used to maintaining cleanliness. They wash clothes and cook food burning the wood as a fuel in the corridors. Their sense of civic responsibility is not good. There are many drunken youth around and they unnecessarily scream, abuse, quarrel and fight with others, which affects the peaceful environment. The members of the host community have complained that the place is not safe especially for their children and the women. There are many idle people standing on the roadside. These are mostly alcoholics and gamblers, and they need money. They are the major cause of insecurity. Therefore to get money they enter the houses through windows and steal cell phones, gold chains, cash etc. And when people park their vehicles below the buildings, these people steal the petrol from the vehicles. They complained that it is an everyday occurrence for the community. If they complain to the police, they are beaten or threatened by these anti social elements. Most of the host members have stated that due to the above problems, they do not encourage interaction with the new residents, and have more contact with members of the host community only. They have also mentioned about the prostitution problem going on in their own building, which affects their family life. Some of these are 'dance bar girls'. They suggest that it is necessary to have a police station, which the area lacks. Also the facilities like transport, and better sewage are needed. The most important suggestion from the host community is for training the new people to maintain hygiene in their own houses as well as to keep the sulTounding area neat and clean.
124 Annexure - III Case Studies of Vulnerable PAPs (their names changed)
Mr. Bashir Ahmed, Lallubhai Compound (Mankhurd) Mr. Bashir Ahmed is 17 years old. His native place is Ananthpur in Andhra Pradesh and his family was staying in Kurla before being shilted to Mankhurd. He has passed his tenth standard Board exams with a distinction grade; he has meritoriously passed the Maharashtra Talent Search exam; he has won the best actor award from the Kaifi Azmi Academy of Arts. He has always dreamt of being an engineer.
Mr. Salim, a well wisher of many used to run free education classes for tenth standard and it is he who identified the talent and determination of Bashir Ahmed. He urged him to study hard and motivated him to dream big to become an engineer. Bashir had lost his mother in the year 2005 and his father provided him both emotional and financial support.
The year 2006 was a crucial year for Mr. Ahmed. He had to win the battle of scoring good marks in science to secure a seat in a technical science institute, and he did, he got 90% in his physics, chemistry and maths and an over all distinction. He was a true winner. Before his tenth standard results were out, his father who had been the sole support in his life passed away. Bashir and his sister were left all alone. As his sister was very young, he sent her to his uncle's place in Mankhurd where they (his uncle and his family) were allotted a house. He had given up all hopes of pursuing an engineering course. But with some encouragement and financial support from his relatives and friends, he took admission in one Polytechnic College.
Bashir had to wait and request several of his friends and relatives to pay the first year fees which amounted to Rs. 10,000. After this, was the requirement of money for the books. He could not ask anyone as he had already received support from his friends and relatives so he had to struggle without text books for first three months. He managed by borrowing the text book from his friends and making notes from it. He struggled a lot when he had to pay Rs.700 for his examination and enrolment fees and was very anxious when things were uncertain at the time of examination.
He has to manage most ot his expenses from the rent he receives for the house which was allotted to his family. From the Rs. 1500 he also has to pay the maintenance and manage the expenses for his sister and himself. He has to be on guard always as there could be unexpected expenses whenever he is on his field visits or if he has to do some assignments. Though his uncle helps him, he does have limitations as he has to take care of three children with a monthly income of Rs.6000.
I-lis uncle had approached the housing society requesting to exempt them from paying the maintenance of the house which belongs to Mr. Bashir, so that money can be used to cover the expenses of Bashir and his sister. But the housing society is of the opinion that if they exempt one they might have to do the same for many and the society cannot afford to pay the bills with the little money they get as maintenance from the residents.
Mr. Bashir says that it is good in a way to have been shifted in buildings as cleanliness can be maintained in the surroundings of the house. But he also points out that it is very difficult to sustain a living by paying maintenance every month. His immediate concem is to pay the fees of Rs.10,000 to continue his third semester in the Polytechnic. He sees very little hope of getting help from his friends and relatives as they would find it difficult to help him again. Since conditions in the village are very difficult, relatives in the village would also be unable to lend support. When asked about his aspirations to be an engineer he says that it is getting difficult for him pay a fee of Rs. 10,000 and he wonders how he will manage to pay a sum of Rs.50,000 for an engineering course.
125 Nancy D'Souza, Anik (Chembur) Nancy D'Souza is 24 years old and has been staying alone in Anik for the past two years. She earlier stayed in Wadala at Azaad Nagar. She lost both her parents when she was eight months old and since then her father's brother looked after both Nancy and her sister. Though her uncle was looking after them affectionately inspite of his already having three daughters, his wife did not feel the same way about them. Nancy worked hard to support her uncle's family from a very young age. She was giving tuitions from 9(h standard, and she worked hard for five years and saved Rs.50,000. She gave the entire money to her uncle.
After their houses were demolished and they were allotted the house in Anik, Nancy transferred the ownership of the house which belonged to her family, in her uncle's name and continued to stay with them. However, after her uncle's death, she was thrown out of the house as her aunt held Nancy's sister responsible for her uncle's death, as she had eloped with someone and got married, an incident that affected his health.
Once Nancy was thrown out of the house, she tried staying in hotels and at the same time started taking training in a call centre company. It was very difficult to manage her finances with having to pay for stay in hotels as she was not earning during the training period. Along with the financial crunch she also had to face harassment from men while she was living in hotels. After some days she shifted to some of her friends' house with the support of the church. But even there she had to cook food for the entire family and also give the entire money to them. She found it difficult to stay there as even there when she was alone men used to harass her a lot. She finally shifted to her sister's place. However, she was ill treated by her brother-in-law and therefore was forced to shift from there too. Finally she requested her aunt to give her the keys of the house in Anik and allow her to stay independently in the house.
Once she started staying there she began working full time in the call centre. She goes for the night shift, as the pay is high for the night shift. Her financial condition improved and she started to earn Rs.15,000 every month along with attendance incentives of Rs.2000 every month. In spite of her honest and hard way of earning for herself she has to face the odds from the residents of the building. The people residing in the building have misconceptions of her working in a night bar. As she stays alone in the house, men take advantage of her and speak to her in abusive language.
On one occasion when she faced harassment from some of the boys in the building, she reacted and slapped them. All the members of the building got angry and tried to barge into her house and beat her up. Further to take revenge on her, the society members locked up her house when she went to work. She was shocked and furious to find her house locked when she returned from work. Without saying anything to anyone she broke the lock with a hammer and entered her house. Later she went and complained to the Police. As her friend's father is a Police Officer, he assisted her. There was immediate response from the police and women who tried to beat her up were fined.
The society member who is in charge of releasing water in the building wants to block water to her house. When she complains to him, he asks her to come and meet him alone in his house in the evening. All her neighbours who were staying with her in Azaad Nagar slum in Wadala have been allotted houses in a different area. So she knows nobody in the building and none of the members of the housing society cooperate with her.
She has no financial problems to pay the maintenance or the electricity bills but has to face a lot of problem from the residents of the building. She has no other option but to stay in the building as she knows how difficult it is for a woman to live by herself in Mumbai without a house.
126 Salma Hanif, Anik (Chembur) Salma Hanif is busy making papads under the hot sun along with her children sitting in front of the building. Fortunately it is holiday time for her children, so with their help she can make an extra two kilos of papad and earn Rs.40 more. Every day Salma gets up at 4:30 in the morning and goes to Wadala to get the dough from the Lijjat Papad centre. Out of Rs.60-70 that she earns, Rs. 10 goes for the oil and another Rs.10 goes for the bus fare. Her husband is a daily wage construction labourer; he gets paid Rs.80 per day for his work. Sometimes he does not have any work and stays at home and on those days the family survives only on her earnings.
They have been in Mumbai since their birth and were earlier living in a slum settlement in Borivili. Two of her children are in the ninth standard and go to Bharthi Nagar School. Najma says that her youngest child is not admitted in any school as the municipal school in Vashi Naka is too far away and she cannot afford to spend her time in walking to the school and dropping her child as she has to make as many papads as possible every day and feed her family.
The monthly school and tuition fees of her children come to Rs.450. She also adds that most of the people who have been shifted from Borivili do not have work here.
Every day Salma has to leave her two and one year old child alone in the house to go and get the dough for making papad. She is also afraid that something may happen to her children as her house is on the fifth floor. Salma complains that while in slum the electricity bill used to be Rs.100-150, now it easily shoots up to Rs.500 to 600. She also adds that there is no municipal hospital nearby and because their house is very close to the HP gas plant, they feel suffocated and feverish sometimes. Many children have had problems because of this and residents are forced to take them to private hospitals.
When asked whether she was happy about getting a house she stated so, but it is no use having a beautiful house if there is no source of income to live a decent life. She says that people are not allowed to put up any stall in front of the building as the municipal officials object to it and evict them.
She has not transferred her ration card yet as people are saying that the HP Company has won the case and all the buildings in the row are going to be demolished and people will be shifted to a new place. She says that they have not been getting ration at subsidized rates; they only get oil for subsidized prices.
Salma strongly affirms that people of this place have to be supported with some source of livelihood if they have to continue staying in these buildings otherwise people will be forced to sell and vacate their houses.
127 Vijaya Bani Shetty, Anik (Chembur) Vijaya Shetty, a widow, is staying in Anik for last three years. Her house has just one cot to sleep and very few vessels and utensils in the kitchen. She uses a kerosene stove to cook for herself. The roof of her house in the kitchen leaks and it gets worse during the rainy season.
Earlier, she used to stay in the slums of Matunga. She has been staying in Mumbai since 35 years. Her parents are from Andhra Pradesh and migrated to Mumbai in search of work.
Vijaya used to work in a textile mill but she stopped going to work after her marriage. Her husband also worked in a textile mill. He was also the president of the residents' association in the Matunga slum. Vijaya recalls about her husband that he was a very proactive person and always fought for the rights of the slum dwellers. He helped many in getting their ration cards and always stopped slum demolitions by confronting the officials. It has been 9 years since her husband expired and she single handedly got her three daughters married. While she was staying in the slum, she used to get the rent of Rs. 1500 from three huts they had in the slum and used to sell eggs and earn money. But now she has no source of income and is totally dependent on her daughters. She has transferred the other two houses in the name of her daughters and she expected her daughters to take her care. One of her daughters used to support her financially but she has stopped supporting as her expenses have increased after giving birth to a child.
Vijaya injured her leg while a stone fell on her leg when the slum was being demolished. Her leg was operated upon, but still she cannot walk properly and cannot stand for a very long time. Medically she is disabled and she has a certificate which acknowledges that her disability exceeds 40%. So she cannot work and earn her livelihood too.
After being shifted to Anik village, she finds that the railway station is far off and she has to take an auto if she has to go to the work. place and she cannot afford to pay the auto fare. She had also made an application to Sanjay Niradhar Yojana, but did not get any help from it too. She has come to a situation wherein she has been forced to sell some of her jewellery and household items to sustain her living.
Vijaya did approach the housing society members for help, to exempt her from paying the maintenance. She also asked them to explore the options of providing her loan facility so that she can repay it by starting some home based work. She tries to support herself by doing some embroidery work but the maximum she can earn in a day is Rs.30-40.
She also says that all her neighbours who used to stay with her in the Matunga slum are in Building No.2 and she knows no one here. So even in the time of emergency she cannot reach out for any one. She does not have the confidence to trust any one in the building as a Mahila Milan member in the building had approached her to fill up a form and pay Rs.100 and in turn promised her of getting her Rs.10,000 (out of which she would take Rs.2000 as commission). But it has been eight months and that women never returned with the money.
The only help Vijaya expects is a pension amount of Rs. 1000 per month so that she can live independently with dignity.
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