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Pre-Trip Extension Itinerary
YOUR O.A.T. ADVENTURE TRAVEL PLANNING GUIDE® Enhanced! Northern Greece, Albania & Macedonia: Ancient Lands of Alexander the Great 2022 Small Groups: 8-16 travelers—guaranteed! (average of 13) Overseas Adventure Travel ® The Leader in Personalized Small Group Adventures on the Road Less Traveled 1 Dear Traveler, At last, the world is opening up again for curious travel lovers like you and me. And the O.A.T. Enhanced! Northern Greece, Albania & Macedonia: Ancient Lands of Alexander the Great itinerary you’ve expressed interest in will be a wonderful way to resume the discoveries that bring us so much joy. You might soon be enjoying standout moments like these: As I explored the monasteries of Meteora, I stood in awe atop pinnacles perched in a boundless sky. I later learned that the Greek word meteora translates to “suspended in the air,” and that’s exactly how I felt as I stood before nature’s grandeur and the unfathomable feats of mankind. For centuries, monks and nuns have found quiet solitude within these monasteries that are seemingly built into the sandstone cliffs. You’ll also get an intimate view into two of these historic sanctuaries alongside a local guide. Could there be any place more distinct in Europe than Albania? You’ll see for yourself when you get a firsthand look into the lives of locals living in the small Albanian village of Dhoksat. First, you’ll interact with the villagers and help them with their daily tasks before sharing a Home-Hosted Lunch with a local family. While savoring the fresh ingredients of the region, you’ll discuss daily life in the Albanian countryside with your hosts. -
Department Town Address Postcode Telephone Etoloakarnania Agrinio
Department Town Address Postcode Telephone Etoloakarnania Agrinio 1, Eirinis square, Dimitrakaki street 301 00 2641046346 Etoloakarnania Mesologgi 45, Charilaou Trikoupi street 302 00 2631022487 Etoloakarnania Nafpaktos 1, Athinon street 303 00 2634038210 Etoloakarnania Amfilohia Vasileos Karapanou street 305 00 2642023302 Argolida Argos 12, Danaou street 212 00 2751069042 Argolida Nafplio 35, Argous street 211 00 2752096478 Argolida Porto Heli Porto Heli Argolidas 210 61 2754052102 Arkardia Megalopoli 15, Kolokotroni street 222 00 2791021131 Arkardia Tripoli 48, Ethinikis Antistaseos street 221 00 2710243770 Arta Arta 129, Skoufa street 471 00 2681077020 Attica Athens 316, Acharnon street & 26 Atlantos street 112 52 2102930333 Attica Agios Dimitrios 54, Agiou Dimitriou street 173 41 2109753953 Attica Agios Dimitrios 276, Vouliagmenis avenue 173 43 2109818908 Attica Agios Dimitrios 9 - 11, Agiou Dimitriou street 173 43 2109764322 Attica Agia Paraskevi 429, Mesogeion avenue 153 43 2106006242 Attica Athens - Piraeus 153, Piraeus Avenue 118 53 2104815333 Attica Athens - Aristeidou 1, Aristeidou street 105 59 2103227778 Attica Athens 79, Alexandras avenue 114 74 2106426650 Attica Athens - Plateia Viktorias 2, Victoria square 104 34 2108220800 Attica Athens - Stadiou 7, Stadiou street 105 62 2103316892 Attica Egaleo 266, Iera Odos street 122 42 2105316671 126, Vasilissis Sofias street & 2, Feidippidou Attica Abelokipoi street 115 27 2106461200 Attica Amfiali 32, Pavlou Fissa street 187 57 2104324300 Attica Palaio Faliro 82, Amfitheas avenue -
Real Democracy in the Occupy Movement
NO STABLE GROUND: REAL DEMOCRACY IN THE OCCUPY MOVEMENT ANNA SZOLUCHA PhD Thesis Department of Sociology, Maynooth University November 2014 Head of Department: Prof. Mary Corcoran Supervisor: Dr Laurence Cox Rodzicom To my Parents ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is an outcome of many joyous and creative (sometimes also puzzling) encounters that I shared with the participants of Occupy in Ireland and the San Francisco Bay Area. I am truly indebted to you for your unending generosity, ingenuity and determination; for taking the risks (for many of us, yet again) and continuing to fight and create. It is your voices and experiences that are central to me in these pages and I hope that you will find here something that touches a part of you, not in a nostalgic way, but as an impulse to act. First and foremost, I would like to extend my heartfelt gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Laurence Cox, whose unfaltering encouragement, assistance, advice and expert knowledge were invaluable for the successful completion of this research. He was always an enormously responsive and generous mentor and his critique helped sharpen this thesis in many ways. Thank you for being supportive also in so many other areas and for ushering me in to the complex world of activist research. I am also grateful to Eddie Yuen who helped me find my way around Oakland and introduced me to many Occupy participants – your help was priceless and I really enjoyed meeting you. I wanted to thank Prof. Szymon Wróbel for debates about philosophy and conversations about life as well as for his continuing support. -
William Chislett
ANTI-AMERICANISM IN SPAIN: THE WEIGHT OF HISTORY William Chislett Working Paper (WP) 47/2005 18/11/2005 Area: US-Transatlantic Dialogue – WP Nº 47/2005 18/11/2005 Anti-Americanism in Spain: The Weight of History William Chislett ∗ Summary: Spain’s feelings toward the United States are the coldest in Europe after Turkey, according to a poll by the German Marshall Fund. And they have been that way for a very long time. The country’s thermometer reading on a scale of 0-100 was 42º in 2005, only surpassed by Turkey’s 28º and compared with an average of 50º for the 10 countries surveyed (see Figure 1). The same degree of coldness towards the United States was brought out in the 16-country Pew Global Attitudes Project where only 41% of Spaniards said they had a very or somewhat favourable view of the United States. This surprises many people. After all, Spain has become a vibrant democracy and a successful market economy since the right-wing dictatorship of General Franco ended in 1975 with the death of the Generalísimo. Why are Spaniards so cool towards the United States? Spain’s feelings toward the United States are the coldest in Europe after Turkey, according to a poll by the German Marshall Fund. And they have been that way for a very long time. The country’s thermometer reading on a scale of 0-100 was 42º in 2005, only surpassed by Turkey’s 28º and compared with an average of 50º for the 10 countries surveyed (see Figure 1). -
Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division
Order Code RS21855 Updated October 16, 2007 Greece Update Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division Summary The conservative New Democracy party won reelection in September 2007. Kostas Karamanlis, its leader, remained prime minister and pledged to continue free-market economic reforms to enhance growth and create jobs. The government’s foreign policy focuses on the European Union (EU), relations with Turkey, reunifying Cyprus, resolving a dispute with Macedonia over its name, other Balkan issues, and relations with the United States. Greece has assisted with the war on terrorism, but is not a member of the coalition in Iraq. This report will be updated if developments warrant. See also CRS Report RL33497, Cyprus: Status of U.N. Negotiations and Related Issues, by Carol Migdalovitz. Government and Politics Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis called for early parliamentary elections to be held on September 16, 2007, instead of in March 2008 as otherwise scheduled, believing that his government’s economic record would ensure easy reelection. In August, however, Greece experienced severe and widespread wildfires, resulting in 76 deaths and 270,000 hectares burned. The government attempted to deflect attention from what was widely viewed as its ineffective performance in combating the fires by blaming the catastrophe on terrorists, without proof, and by providing generous compensation for victims. This crisis came on top of a scandal over the state pension fund’s purchase of government bonds at inflated prices. Under these circumstances, Karamanlis’s New Democracy party’s (ND) ability to win of a slim majority of 152 seats in the unicameral 300-seat parliament and four more years in office was viewed as a victory. -
0714685003.Pdf
CONTENTS Foreword xi Acknowledgements xiv Acronyms xviii Introduction 1 1 A terrorist attack in Italy 3 2 A scandal shocks Western Europe 15 3 The silence of NATO, CIA and MI6 25 4 The secret war in Great Britain 38 5 The secret war in the United States 51 6 The secret war in Italy 63 7 The secret war in France 84 8 The secret war in Spain 103 9 The secret war in Portugal 114 10 The secret war in Belgium 125 11 The secret war in the Netherlands 148 12 The secret war in Luxemburg 165 ix 13 The secret war in Denmark 168 14 The secret war in Norway 176 15 The secret war in Germany 189 16 The secret war in Greece 212 17 The secret war in Turkey 224 Conclusion 245 Chronology 250 Notes 259 Select bibliography 301 Index 303 x FOREWORD At the height of the Cold War there was effectively a front line in Europe. Winston Churchill once called it the Iron Curtain and said it ran from Szczecin on the Baltic Sea to Trieste on the Adriatic Sea. Both sides deployed military power along this line in the expectation of a major combat. The Western European powers created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) precisely to fight that expected war but the strength they could marshal remained limited. The Soviet Union, and after the mid-1950s the Soviet Bloc, consistently had greater numbers of troops, tanks, planes, guns, and other equipment. This is not the place to pull apart analyses of the military balance, to dissect issues of quantitative versus qualitative, or rigid versus flexible tactics. -
The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974
THE GORDIAN KNOT: AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE: 1952-1974 Michael M. Carver A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Dr. Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor Dr. Gary R. Hess ii ABSTRACT Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor This study examines the role of both the United States and Great Britain during a series of crises that plagued Cyprus from the mid 1950s until the 1974 invasion by Turkey that led to the takeover of approximately one-third of the island and its partition. Initially an ancient Greek colony, Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th century, which allowed the native peoples to take part in the island’s governance. But the idea of Cyprus’ reunification with the Greek mainland, known as enosis, remained a significant tenet to most Greek-Cypriots. The movement to make enosis a reality gained strength following the island’s occupation in 1878 by Great Britain. Cyprus was integrated into the British imperialist agenda until the end of the Second World War when American and Soviet hegemony supplanted European colonialism. Beginning in 1955, Cyprus became a battleground between British officials and terrorists of the pro-enosis EOKA group until 1959 when the independence of Cyprus was negotiated between Britain and the governments of Greece and Turkey. The United States remained largely absent during this period, but during the 1960s and 1970s came to play an increasingly assertive role whenever intercommunal fighting between the Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations threatened to spill over into Greece and Turkey, and endanger the southeastern flank of NATO. -
Name Address Postal City Mfi Id Head Office Res* Greece
MFI ID NAME ADDRESS POSTAL CITY HEAD OFFICE RES* GREECE Central Banks GR010 Bank of Greece, S.A. 21, Panepistimiou Str. 102 50 Athens No Total number of Central Banks : 1 Credit Institutions GR060 ABN Amro Bank 348, Syngrou Avenue 176 74 Athens NL ABN AMRO Bank N.V. Yes GR077 Achaiki Co-operative Bank, L.L.C. 66, Michalakopoulou Str. 262 21 Patra Yes GR056 Aegean Baltic Bank S.A. 28, Diligianni Str. 145 62 Athens Yes GR014 Alpha Bank, S.A. 40, Stadiou Str. 102 52 Athens Yes GR100 American Bank of Albania Greek Branch 14, E. Benaki Str. 106 78 Athens AL American Bank of Albania Yes GR080 American Express Bank 280, Kifissias Avenue 152 32 Athens US American Express Yes Company GR047 Aspis Bank S.A. 4, Othonos Str. 105 57 Athens Yes GR043 ATE Bank, S.A. 23, Panepistimiou Str. 105 64 Athens Yes GR016 Attica Bank, S.A. 23, Omirou Str. 106 72 Athens Yes GR081 Bank of America N.A. 35, Panepistimiou Str. 102 27 Athens US Bank of America Yes Corporation GR073 Bank of Cyprus Limited 170, Alexandras Avenue 115 21 Athens CY Bank of Cyprus Public Yes Company Ltd GR050 Bank Saderat Iran 25, Panepistimiou Str. 105 64 Athens IR Bank Saderat Iran Yes GR072 Bayerische Hypo und Vereinsbank A.G. 7, Irakleitou Str. 106 73 Athens DE Bayerische Hypo- und Yes Vereinsbank AG GR105 BMW Austria Bank GmbH Zeppou 33 166 57 Athens AT BMW Austria Bank GmbH Yes GR070 BNP Paribas 94, Vas. Sofias Avenue 115 28 Athens FR Bnp paribas Yes GR039 BNP Paribas Securities Services 94, Vas. -
Revolt and Crisis in Greece
REVOLT AND CRISIS IN GREECE BETWEEN A PRESENT YET TO PASS AND A FUTURE STILL TO COME How does a revolt come about and what does it leave behind? What impact does it have on those who participate in it and those who simply watch it? Is the Greek revolt of December 2008 confined to the shores of the Mediterranean, or are there lessons we can bring to bear on social action around the globe? Revolt and Crisis in Greece: Between a Present Yet to Pass and a Future Still to Come is a collective attempt to grapple with these questions. A collaboration between anarchist publishing collectives Occupied London and AK Press, this timely new volume traces Greece’s long moment of transition from the revolt of 2008 to the economic crisis that followed. In its twenty chapters, authors from around the world—including those on the ground in Greece—analyse how December became possible, exploring its legacies and the position of the social antagonist movement in face of the economic crisis and the arrival of the International Monetary Fund. In the essays collected here, over two dozen writers offer historical analysis of the factors that gave birth to December and the potentialities it has opened up in face of the capitalist crisis. Yet the book also highlights the dilemmas the antagonist movement has been faced with since: the book is an open question and a call to the global antagonist movement, and its allies around the world, to radically rethink and redefine our tactics in a rapidly changing landscape where crises and potentialities are engaged in a fierce battle with an uncertain outcome. -
Heraklion (Greece)
Research in the communities – mapping potential cultural heritage sites with potential for adaptive re-use – Heraklion (Greece) The island of Crete in general and the city of Heraklion has an enormous cultural heritage. The Arab traders from al-Andalus (Iberia) who founded the Emirate of Crete moved the island's capital from Gortyna to a new castle they called rabḍ al-ḫandaq in the 820s. This was Hellenized as Χάνδαξ (Chándax) or Χάνδακας (Chándakas) and Latinized as Candia, the Ottoman name was Kandiye. The ancient name Ηράκλειον was revived in the 19th century and comes from the nearby Roman port of Heracleum ("Heracles's city"), whose exact location is unknown. English usage formerly preferred the classicizing transliterations "Heraklion" or "Heraclion", but the form "Iraklion" is becoming more common. Knossos is located within the Municipality of Heraklion and has been called as Europe's oldest city. Heraklion is close to the ruins of the palace of Knossos, which in Minoan times was the largest centre of population on Crete. Knossos had a port at the site of Heraklion from the beginning of Early Minoan period (3500 to 2100 BC). Between 1600 and 1525 BC, the port was destroyed by a volcanic tsunami from nearby Santorini, leveling the region and covering it with ash. The present city of Heraklion was founded in 824 by the Arabs under Abu Hafs Umar. They built a moat around the city for protection, and named the city rabḍ al-ḫandaq, "Castle of the Moat", Hellenized as Χάνδαξ, Chandax). It became the capital of the Emirate of Crete (ca. -
Athens Biennale 2015 ― 2017 OMONOIA) and Will Take Place at the Onassis Cultural Centre - Athens (27 May) and at Bageion (28 May)
Athens Biennale 2015 ― 2017 Synapse 2: Rethinking Institutional Critique – Α View from the South INTERNATIONAL SUMMIT Ιn this Summit, we explore the role of art institutions and cultural organisations, as well as that of the bio-poli- tics and political economy of late capitalism. In the current context of global dispossession, austerity, inequality, indebtedness, conspicuous consumption, zero hour work, extreme financialisation and privatisation of life, what kind of institutions should art biennials be? Where should they look for their public and political constituen- cies? What kind of practices should they nurture? What forms of sociability, relationality and political imagi- naries should they foster? Where shall they draw the boundaries, if any, between their inside and their outside? We invited leading international scholars, artists, activists and cultural organisations to think together new insti- tutional formats, value forms and ways of working together by embracing the perspective of Europe’s south. This south is not a fixed locality, but a broad geopolitical formation that includes the Middle East and Eastern Europe and exists outside Europe’s centre and from which we ask the speakers to situate themselves and find a common vocabulary as a new point of departure. Co-programmed by Massimiliano Mollona and Stephanie Bailey The Athens Biennale 2015 – 2017 OMONOIA continues its creative collaboration with the National Theatre of Greece, which hosts the Summit of Synapse 2 on Friday April 15th at the New Rex. April 15, 2016 Venue: -
Justice in Times of Transition: Lessons from the Iberian Experience
Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #173 (2009) Justice in Times of Transition: Lessons from the Iberian Experience Omar G. Encarnación Professor and Chair of Political Studies Bard College Division of Social Studies Annandale-on-Hudson, New York 12504 E-mail – [email protected] Abstract A key contention of the transitional justice movement is that the more comprehensive and vigorous the effort to bring justice to a departed authoritarian regime the better the democratizing outcome will be. This essay challenges this view with empirical evidence from the Iberian Peninsula. In Portugal, a sweeping policy of purges intended to cleanse the state and society of the authoritarian past nearly derailed the transition to democracy by descending into a veritable witch-hunt. In Spain, by contrast, letting bygones be bygones, became a foundation for democratic consolidation. These counter-intuitive examples suggest that there is no pre-ordained outcome to transitional justice, and that confronting an evil past is neither a requirement nor a pre-condition for democratization. This is primarily because the principal factors driving the impulse toward justice against the old regime are political rather than ethical or moral. In Portugal, the rise of transitional justice mirrored the anarchic politics of the revolution that lunched the transition to democracy. In Spain, the absence of transitional justice reflected the pragmatism of a democratic transition anchored on compromise and consensus. It is practically an article of faith that holding a departed authoritarian regime accountable for its political crimes through any of the available political and legal means is a pre-requisite for nations attempting to consolidate democratic rule.