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Territorial Autonomy and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand
ICIP WORKING PAPERS: 2010/01 GRAN VIA DE LES CORTS CATALANES 658, BAIX 08010 BARCELONA (SPAIN) Territorial Autonomy T. +34 93 554 42 70 | F. +34 93 554 42 80 [email protected] | WWW.ICIP.CAT and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand Roger Suso Territorial Autonomy and Self-Determination Conflicts: Opportunity and Willingness Cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand Roger Suso Institut Català Internacional per la Pau Barcelona, April 2010 Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, 658, baix. 08010 Barcelona (Spain) T. +34 93 554 42 70 | F. +34 93 554 42 80 [email protected] | http:// www.icip.cat Editors Javier Alcalde and Rafael Grasa Editorial Board Pablo Aguiar, Alfons Barceló, Catherine Charrett, Gema Collantes, Caterina Garcia, Abel Escribà, Vicenç Fisas, Tica Font, Antoni Pigrau, Xavier Pons, Alejandro Pozo, Mònica Sabata, Jaume Saura, Antoni Segura and Josep Maria Terricabras Graphic Design Fundació Tam-Tam ISSN 2013-5793 (online edition) 2013-5785 (paper edition) DL B-38.039-2009 © 2009 Institut Català Internacional per la Pau · All rights reserved T H E A U T HOR Roger Suso holds a B.A. in Political Science (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, UAB) and a M.A. in Peace and Conflict Studies (Uppsa- la University). He gained work and research experience in various or- ganizations like the UNDP-Lebanon in Beirut, the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) in Berlin, the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights to the Maghreb Elcàlam in Barcelona, and as an assist- ant lecturer at the UAB. An earlier version of this Working Paper was previously submitted in May 20, 2009 as a Master’s Thesis in Peace and Conflict Studies in the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, Swe- den, under the supervisor of Thomas Ohlson. -
Africa Yearbook
AFRICA YEARBOOK AFRICA YEARBOOK Volume 10 Politics, Economy and Society South of the Sahara in 2013 EDITED BY ANDREAS MEHLER HENNING MELBER KLAAS VAN WALRAVEN SUB-EDITOR ROLF HOFMEIER LEIDEN • BOSTON 2014 ISSN 1871-2525 ISBN 978-90-04-27477-8 (paperback) ISBN 978-90-04-28264-3 (e-book) Copyright 2014 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Global Oriental and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Contents i. Preface ........................................................................................................... vii ii. List of Abbreviations ..................................................................................... ix iii. Factual Overview ........................................................................................... xiii iv. List of Authors ............................................................................................... xvii I. Sub-Saharan Africa (Andreas Mehler, -
Rwanda 20 and Darfur 10
Rwanda 20 and Darfur 10 New Responses to Africa’s Mass Atrocities By John Prendergast April 2014 WWW.ENOUGHPROJECT.ORG Rwanda 20 and Darfur 10 New Responses to Africa’s Mass Atrocities* By John Prendergast April 2014 COVER PHOTO A young Rwandan girl walks through Nyaza cemetery outside Kigali, Rwanda on Monday November 25, 1996. Thousands of victims of the 1994 genocide are buried there. AP/RICARDO MAZALAN * This Enough Project report expands on an earlier argument advanced in a Foreign Affairs article entitled “The New Face of African Conflict: In Search of a Way Forward,” by John Prendergast, published March 12, 2014. Introduction As commemorations unfold honoring the 20th anniversary of the onset of Rwanda’s genocide and the 10th year after Darfur’s genocide was recognized, the rhetoric of commitment to the prevention of mass atrocities has never been stronger. Actions, unsurprisingly, have not matched that rhetoric. But the conventional diagnosis of this chasm between words and deeds – a lack of political will – only explains part of the action deficit. More deeply, international crisis response strategies in Africa have hardly evolved in the years since the Rwandan genocide erupted. Until there is a fuller recognition of the core drivers of African conflict, their cross-border nature, and the need for more nuanced and comprehensive responses, the likelihood will remain high that more and more anniversaries of mass atrocity events will have to be commemorated by future generations. Conflict drivers need to be much better understood in order to devise more relevant responses. The band of crisis and conflict spanning the Horn of Africa, East Africa, and Central Africa is ground zero for mass atrocity events globally. -
Under Attack
UNDER ATTACK V IOLEN CE A GA INST HEALTH WORKERS, PATIENTS AND FACILITIES Safeguarding HUMAN Health RIGHTS in Conflict WATCH (front cover) A Syrian youth walks past a destroyed ambulance in the Saif al-Dawla district of the war-torn northern city of Aleppo on January 12, 2013. © 2013 JM Lopez/AFP/Getty Images UNDER ATTACK VIOLENCE AGAINST HEALTH WORKERS, PATIENTS AND FACILITIES Overview of Recent Attacks on Health Care ...........................................................................................2 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................5 Urgent Actions Needed .......................................................................................................................7 Polio Vaccination Campaign Workers Killed ..........................................................................................8 Nigeria and Pakistan ......................................................................................................................8 Emergency Care Outlawed .................................................................................................................10 Turkey ..........................................................................................................................................10 Health Workers Arrested, Imprisoned ................................................................................................12 Bahrain ........................................................................................................................................12 -
If Our Men Won't Fight, We Will"
“If our men won’t ourmen won’t “If This study is a gender based confl ict analysis of the armed con- fl ict in northern Mali. It consists of interviews with people in Mali, at both the national and local level. The overwhelming result is that its respondents are in unanimous agreement that the root fi causes of the violent confl ict in Mali are marginalization, discrimi- ght, wewill” nation and an absent government. A fact that has been exploited by the violent Islamists, through their provision of services such as health care and employment. Islamist groups have also gained support from local populations in situations of pervasive vio- lence, including sexual and gender-based violence, and they have offered to restore security in exchange for local support. Marginality serves as a place of resistance for many groups, also northern women since many of them have grievances that are linked to their limited access to public services and human rights. For these women, marginality is a site of resistance that moti- vates them to mobilise men to take up arms against an unwilling government. “If our men won’t fi ght, we will” A Gendered Analysis of the Armed Confl ict in Northern Mali Helené Lackenbauer, Magdalena Tham Lindell and Gabriella Ingerstad FOI-R--4121--SE ISSN1650-1942 November 2015 www.foi.se Helené Lackenbauer, Magdalena Tham Lindell and Gabriella Ingerstad "If our men won't fight, we will" A Gendered Analysis of the Armed Conflict in Northern Mali Bild/Cover: (Helené Lackenbauer) Titel ”If our men won’t fight, we will” Title “Om våra män inte vill strida gör vi det” Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--4121—SE Månad/Month November Utgivningsår/Year 2015 Antal sidor/Pages 77 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Utrikes- & Försvarsdepartementen Forskningsområde 8. -
Bibliography: Boko Haram
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 13, Issue 3 Bibliography: Boko Haram Compiled and selected by Judith Tinnes [Bibliographic Series of Perspectives on Terrorism – BSPT-JT-2019-5] Abstract This bibliography contains journal articles, book chapters, books, edited volumes, theses, grey literature, bibliog- raphies and other resources on the Nigerian terrorist group Boko Haram. While focusing on recent literature, the bibliography is not restricted to a particular time period and covers publications up to May 2019. The literature has been retrieved by manually browsing more than 200 core and periphery sources in the field of Terrorism Stud- ies. Additionally, full-text and reference retrieval systems have been employed to broaden the search. Keywords: bibliography, resources, literature, Boko Haram, Islamic State West Africa Province, ISWAP, Abu- bakar Shekau, Abu Musab al-Barnawi, Nigeria, Lake Chad region NB: All websites were last visited on 18.05.2019. - See also Note for the Reader at the end of this literature list. Bibliographies and other Resources Benkirane, Reda et al. (2015-): Radicalisation, violence et (in)sécurité au Sahel. URL: https://sahelradical.hy- potheses.org Bokostan (2013, February-): @BokoWatch. URL: https://twitter.com/BokoWatch Campbell, John (2019, March 1-): Nigeria Security Tracker. URL: https://www.cfr.org/nigeria/nigeria-securi- ty-tracker/p29483 Counter Extremism Project (CEP) (n.d.-): Boko Haram. (Report). URL: https://www.counterextremism.com/ threat/boko-haram Elden, Stuart (2014, June): Boko Haram – An Annotated Bibliography. Progressive Geographies. URL: https:// progressivegeographies.com/resources/boko-haram-an-annotated-bibliography Hoffendahl, Christine (2014, December): Auf der Suche nach einer Strategie gegen Boko Haram. [In search for a strategy against Boko Haram]. -
La Lutte Pour L'azawad: MNLA Public Relations Responses to Conflict In
LA LUTTE POUR L’AZAWAD: MNLA PUBLIC RELATIONS RESPONSES TO CONFLICT IN NORTHERN MALI, 2011-2014 SEAN NEIL CURTIS Intelligence and National Security Studies Program APPROVED: Damien Van Puyvelde, Ph.D., Chair Larry Valero, Ph.D. Jean-Philippe Peltier, Ph.D. Charles Ambler, Ph.D. Dean of the Graduate School Copyright © by Sean Neil Curtis 2015 LA LUTTE POUR L’AZAWAD: MNLA PUBLIC RELATIONS RESPONSES TO CONFLICT IN NORTHERN MALI, 2011-2014 By SEAN NEIL CURTIS THESIS Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at El Paso in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Intelligence and National Security Studies Program THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT EL PASO May 2015 Acknowledgements Thank you to my thesis committee, the faculty and staff of the University of Texas at El Paso’s National Security Studies Institute, my parents, my friends, Steven Seagal, and Jean- Claude Van Damme for all of their help and support during my graduate education. Thank you to Dr. Gerard Prunier and his work which was my introduction to the world of African studies. iv Abstract This thesis examines the Internet public relations content of Mali’s Tuareg rebel group, the Mouvement National de la Liberation de l’Azawad (MNLA). Content analysis grounded in speech act securitization theory is applied to the 259 posts on the MNLA’s primary French language website in order to determine if MNLA website posts correlate with the events occurring in the northern Mali conflict. The data reveals that various characteristics of MNLA statements do correlate with events in the conflict. -
Ibrahim Boubacar Keita
Ibrahim Boubacar Keita Malí, Presidente de la República Duración del mandato: 04 de Septiembre de 2013 - En funciones Nacimiento: Koutiala, región de Sikasso, 29 de Enero de 1945 Partido político: RPM Profesión : Politólogo y consultor ResumenLas elecciones celebradas en Malí en julio y agosto de 2013, tras año y medio de gravísima crisis nacional, sentaron en la Presidencia de la República a Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, veterano dirigente político que ya había intentado ganar el mandato en las votaciones de 2002 y 2007. El respetado Keita, un experto en cuestiones del desarrollo y con buenas conexiones en el exterior, se distinguió en la oposición a la dictadura de Moussa Traoré (1968-1991) y luego fue uno de los pilares de la democracia malí, a la que sirvió como cofundador del partido ADEMA, primer ministro (1994-2000) con el presidente Alpha Oumar Konaré y jefe de la Asamblea Nacional (2002-2007) con Amadou Toumani Touré. Desde 2001 lidera una formación, el RPM, orientada al centro-izquierda.A los ojos de la comunidad internacional y de la gran mayoría de sus paisanos, Keita, llamado habitualmente IBK, con su reputación de hombre firme y a la vez pragmático, es la única figura capaz de asegurar la integridad de este empobrecido Estado del área sahelo-sahariana, que en enero de 2012 vio saltar por los aires dos décadas de estabilidad considerada modélica.La revuelta tuareg -la cuarta o quinta desde la independencia en 1960- en las vastas regiones desérticas del norte, el inicuo golpe del capitán Sanogo, que derrocó al presidente Touré, la proclamación por los rebeldes separatistas del Estado Independiente de Azawad y el auge espectacular de la subversión jihadista al socaire de todo lo anterior dibujaron un aciago escenario de guerra civil, usurpación castrense y partición territorial de facto que la intervención internacional por etapas, civil y militar, de los gobiernos de la región, de Francia y de la ONU pudo revertir en buena medida, aunque no del todo. -
Are We Asking for Too Much from Mali?
Are we asking for too much from Mali? By Christos N Kyrou, Ph.D. As the French and Chadian troops are withdrawing from Mali, from the surface, one can be optimistic. The French troops within a few months only, through Operation Serval, together with Malian, Chadian and other nations’ troops, saved the south from Islamic extremists. Repelled them to the north, destroyed their hideouts there, and killed and captured them in great numbers. Now France and Chad claim their job is done and are withdrawing, leaving behind 1,000 French soldiers together with 6,300 UN sanctioned African Peacekeepers from Nigeria, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Niger, Togo, Benin, Ghana, and Guinea. In the meantime the European Union has begun training 2,000 more Malian troops for patrolling duty. The operation is supported and sponsored by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the European Union (EU) and other entities and it appears that logistically they are on top of the situation. In fact general elections are scheduled for as early as this coming July… What could possibly go wrong? First: Mali is a nation in fear, brought down to ruins. The United Nations (UN) Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said that, at minimum, another 11,200 troops might be needed to stabilize Mali. In the United States the assistant secretary of defense for special operations Michael Sheehan told the Senate Armed Services subcommittee that the ECOWAS force “isn't capable at all.[1]” But it doesn't take an expert. The people of Mali, especially in the north, are growingly nervous, if not desperate, as the French and Chadians withdraw.[2] Mali is left in ruins with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHRC) projecting for December 2013 up to 540,000 refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) only 230,000 of whom can hope for assistance by UNHCR. -
Mali's Political Crisis and Its International Implications
BULLETIN No. 53 (386) May 22, 2012 © PISM Editors: Marcin Zaborowski (Editor-in-Chief), Katarzyna Staniewska (Executive Editor), Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz, Beata Górka-Winter, Artur Gradziuk, Beata Wojna Mali’s Political Crisis and Its International Implications Kacper Rękawek Civil war and a coup d’état in Mali constitute a serious threat to the stability of Western Africa, a region bordering the “Arab Spring”-engulfed Northern Africa. The European Union should support African efforts aimed at resolving the crisis, and condition future aid for Mali on the results of political mediation organised by the country’s neighbours who are aiming to restore the country back to civilian rule. Mali is a Western African state inhabited by fourteen and a half million people. Up to 65% of Mali’s area is desert and it is one of the poorest countries in the world. However, during the last 20 years it had become a regional leader in democratic transition. The Tuareg Rebellion in Mali. Ten percent of Malians living in the northeast of the country lead nomadic lives. The mostly white Tuareg constitute the largest group of Malian nomads, who have a history of anti-state rebellions (in 1962–1964, 1990–1995 and 2007–2009) against the dominance of the black Mande tribes that inhabit the country’s southern part. The Tuareg rebellions were motivated by unfulfilled promises by the government in Bamako to provide the derelict North with necessary investment. In October 2011, various armed Tuareg groups formed the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), which aims to create an independent Tuareg state (Azawad) in northeast Mali. -
The Impact of Armed Conflict on Africa of the Democratic Republic of Congo
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by International Institute for Science, Technology and Education (IISTE): E-Journals Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.org ISSN (Paper)2224-5766 ISSN (Online)2225-0484 (Online) Vol.5, No.18, 2015 The Impact of Armed Conflict on Africa of the Democratic Republic of Congo Offu Peter Omaamaka, Ph.D. Agudiegwu Moses Ogbonna Department of Political Science, Federal University, Ndufu-Alike Ikwo, P.O. Box 1010, Abakaliki, Ebonyi State, Nigeria Abstract The incidence of armed conflicts in Africa and the consequences on its population have become not only worrisome, negatively impacted on the socio-economic, political resources of Africa but increasingly ideological across the continent. The Study aims to examine the impact of armed conflict on Congo DR as defining instance of African armed conflict. It identifies the major causal factors of conflict as external interference in domestic affairs and gross lack of political will to enforce and abide by regional agreements, anti-corruption measures, non provision of needed political goods, and the overarching impact of DRC natural resources. The consequences are prevalent low human capital development indices, poor socio-economic indicators, escalating national crises- high civilian death rate, sexual abuse, national apathy, displacement and humanitarian crisis. The study proffers effective regional reconciliation plan among other proactive measures for rehabilitating, re- orientating and reintegrating the warring factions as panacea to consolidating DRC leadership and democracy. Keywords: Armed Conflict, Congo DR, Human Development Index, State Failure 1. Introduction The Democratic Republic of Congo has experienced since the beginning of the 21 st century, various sums of national political implosions, regional instability, armed conflicts and proliferation, child soldiering, human and eco terrorism, insurgencies, corruption, poverty, diseases and humanitarian crises. -
EU State Building Contracts Early Lessons from the EU’S New Budget Support Instrument for Fragile States
February 2015 Report EU State Building Contracts Early lessons from the EU’s new budget support instrument for fragile states Myra Bernardi, Tom Hart and Gideon Rabinowitz • Early experiences in Mali and South Sudan reveal that the EU’s State Building Key Contracts (SBCs) have proved to be flexible instruments for rapid support to fragile states. There are, however, a number of areas for improvement. messages • There exists a design tension in the SBCs between supporting short-term stabilisation or crisis management, and longer-term state-building objectives. This can be resolved by clarifying objectives, and tailoring the instrument to the objectives. • Volatility is a key characteristic of fragile states, requiring closer and more frequent risk monitoring. Risk management can be improved by ensuring risks are monitored more holistically and regularly, and by adopting a wider definition of political risk. • The political economy of fragile states – especially fragmented authority within government – can hinder effective political dialogue around budget support. There needs to be sufficient broad buy-in by the partner country, or alternatively, verification that any triggers or indicators are within the control of the main dialogue partner. • Accompanying SBCs with technical assistance (or complementary support) is a positive step. Nevertheless, a more strategic and flexible approach, which links technical assistance to objectives and which is responsive to changing government requirements, could increase the impact of SBCs. Shaping policy for development developmentprogress.orgodi.org Acknowledgments We thank officials from the Governments of Mali and South Sudan; bilateral and multilateral agency representatives involved in Mali and South Sudan; and EU officials in Bamako, Brussels and Juba for giving their time for interviews during this study.