Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection

Tom Harper

Described quite correctly as ‘maps and fragments’,1 for the contents of a composite volume in the British Library known as Harl.5935 a more thorough evaluation is long overdue. These include printed maps from books dating from the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries, as well as cuttings from maps, engravings of scientific instruments, and at least three separately issued maps which are not known to exist elsewhere. The volume into which they have been attached is one of 129 scrapbooks of prints put together by the antiquary and book dealer John Bagford (1650-1716), an interesting character best known for accumulating parts of books rather than whole ones. Bagford was especially interested in title-pages and printing samples. These comprise the bulk of the collection, and it is upon them that attention has previously been focused. In the first comprehensive catalogue of the collection, for example, maps may eventually be found amongst proposals, colophons and adverts in a section entitled ‘some items of interest other than title-pages’.2 Clearly, as only five volumes of the collection are known to contain more than one map, it is understandable why they have been overlooked.3 A description of the volume in the ‘Rough List of the Contents of the Bagford Collection’ of 1902 gives special mention to Edward Wright’s 1599 two-sheet world map ‘of extraordinary rarity’, a sentiment also expressed by William Younger Fletcher in his biography of Bagford that same year.4 Equally scarce but previously unmentioned material includes a fragment of a map of the Holy Land, a single sheet of Jacob van Deventer’s wall map of Friesland and another from a version of Gaspar Vopel’s map of Europe, all from the sixteenth century, and these are placed amongst other maps which reflect in some way Bagford’s antiquarian interests. This is an intriguing but eccentric group of prints which has been principally overlooked since its incorporation into the collection. The present article will examine a number of them in detail, looking also at Bagford’s possible motives for acquiring them and why he might have thought them interesting. To begin with, it will be beneficial to chart the history of the Bagford collection from its acquisition by Edward Harley and accession to the British Museum to the present day. Bagford’s profession and interests complemented each other.5 As a prominent book dealer active from around 1686, he helped to build some of the great collections including the libraries of Sir Hans Sloane and Edward Harley. Through this he became acquainted with the major antiquarian figures of the time such as Harley’s librarian

1 Melvin Wolf (ed.), Catalogue and Indexes to the Title-Pages of English Printed Books Preserved in the British Library’s Bagford Collection (London, 1974), p. 495. 2 Ibid. 3 The five volumes containing more than one map are Harl.5935, 5956, 5957, 5972 and 5995. 4 A.W. Pollard, ‘A Rough List of the Contents of the Bagford Collection’, Transactions of the Bibliographical Society, vii (London, 1902-4), p. 28, reprinted in Wolf (ed.), Catalogues and Indexes, p. xxi, and William Younger Fletcher, English Book Collectors (London, 1902), p. 136. 5 Milton McC. Gatch, ‘John Bagford, Bookseller and Antiquary’, British Library Journal, xii (1986), pp. 150-71, brings together Bagford’s various interests.

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Humfrey Wanley (1672-1726), Thomas Hearne (1678-1735), and Richard Waller (c. 1660- 1715), with the latter of whom Bagford attempted to resurrect the Society of Antiquaries.6 Correspondence between Bagford and these figures reveals a man immersed in the historical issues of the day, and this is emphasized further in the journals of Hearne and Wanley, and in Bagford’s own published and unpublished work.7 It was in pursuit of an ambitious but ultimately unrealized scheme to write a history of printing that the book dealer turned collector, amassing some 4,600 printing samples and gathering them in volumes for use as primary source material for his grand work. It is in this context that the Bagford Collection should be understood, for in terms of its contents and purpose it is a very different collection to those Bagford helped to build. Perceptions of it have altered over time. Earlier biographers, for example, found it hard to reconcile Bagford’s love of books with his seeming disregard for them in removing bits he found interesting,8 despite the fact that the practice, especially with regard to maps, has never really gone away. In fact, the composite nature of the collection, and Bagford’s scholarly motivations for compiling it, implies a stronger affinity with leaf books and certain extra-illustrated volumes than the gatherings of traditional bibliophiles.9 Bagford’s collection enables us not only to study prints which have not survived elsewhere, but to evaluate changing attitudes towards prints, books and collecting. These changing attitudes are appreciable through an analysis of the history of the collection after Bagford’s death in 1716. Most of the material was purchased by Edward Harley,10 and it was as part of Harley’s collection of manuscripts that most of it reached the British Museum upon its foundation in 1753, to be housed in the Department of Manuscripts. There is, of course, a certain irony in a collection of specifically printed material being stored in a place reserved for non-printed items, and it was only in 1890 that the printed material was moved to the Department of Printed Books as part of an exchange between the two departments.11 This delay has much to do with inertia and inflexibility on the part of the British Museum, but it also suggests a particular impression of the Bagford Collection as somehow problematic, ill-suited or at worst irrelevant to the institution. It was, after all, made up largely of title-pages of books which the Museum either already owned or would subsequently purchase. But it was not completely without interest, for in 1814 some 1000 prints, and in 1900 a further 256 prints were transferred to a third party, the Department of Prints and Drawings.12 The folio volume bears testament to these episodes. It has been given the shelfmark Harl.5935, indicating its former ownership by Harley. It contains 125 folios numbered in ink, the watermarks of which suggest a date c. 1707,13 contemporary with Bagford and

6 Theodore Harmsen, Bagford, John (1650/51-1716) in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004; online edition, 2008). 7 Correspondence is contained in Harl. MS. 4966. Harmsen, Oxford DNB; Gatch, pp. 165-8; Thomas Hearne, Remarks and Collections, ed. C. E. Doble, D. E. Rannie and H. E. Salter (Oxford, 1885-1921); C. E. Wright and Ruth C. Wright (eds.) The Diary of Humfrey Wanley: 1715-1726 (London, 1966). 8 Thomas Frognall Dibdin, The Bibliomania; or, Book-Madness; Containing some Account of the History, Symptoms, and Cure of the Fatal Disease (London, 1809), pp. 12-14. Summaries of Bagford’s critics are provided in Gatch, p. 150, and Arthur Freeman, ‘Everyman and Others, part 1: Some Fragments of Early English Printing, and their Preservers’, The Library, 7th Series, ix (2008), p. 267. 9 Christopher de Hamel, ‘The Leaf Book’, in Christopher de Hamel and Joel Silver, Disbound and Dispersed: The Leaf Book Considered (Chicago, 2005), pp. 6-23; Freeman, p. 284. 10 Part of the collection was also bought by Sir Hans Sloane. See Margaret Nickson, ‘Bagford and Sloane’, British Library Journal, ix (1983), p. 51, and C. E. Wright, Fontes Harleiani (London, 1972), p. 59. 11 36 of the 129 volumes are manuscript. The exchange is dealt with in Fontes Harleiani, Appendix II. 12 Wolf (ed.), Catalogues and Indexes, p. ix; Antony Griffiths and Reginald Williams, The Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum: User’s Guide (London, 1987), p. 80. 13 Cf. E. Heawood, Monumenta Chartae Papyraceae Historiam Illustrantia: vol. i. Watermarks Mainly of the 17th and 18th Centuries (Hilversum, 1950), no. 3765 (pl. 506).

2 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection consistent with the dates of the constituent maps and prints, the latest being 1704. A note dated 1814 written on a front endpaper and signed by Henry Ellis and William Alexander14 states that one print has been removed to ‘the portfolios of the Print Room’. This statement is confusing, since eighty-seven pages bear evidence of having had prints attached to them, some still retaining the glued corners of these absent works. Establishing any Museum staff involvement in these removals is complicated by the fact that a further fifteen pages have prints stuck over the remnants of other prints, and we should acknowledge that Bagford would himself most probably have removed and attached prints from the volume. However, evidence for at least one undocumented alteration by the Museum concerns a print which bears one of the earliest British Museum stamps on its verso.15 As the print is glued on all four corners it could only have been stamped when it was not attached to the volume, indicating that it must have been attached, or else removed and reattached, after 1753. We may be sure, at any rate, that the contents of the volume have not been drastically altered since 1837, when it was certified to contain only one more than its current ninety- five items by Sir Frederic Madden. Madden became Keeper of the Department of Manuscripts in that same year, and one of his final tasks before his appointment would have involved the numbering of each print and fragment and marking as blank the pages displaying the remnants of removed prints.16 He certifies his work on folio 124v, dating it 1 January 1837. Madden’s diary, however, makes no reference to his work, for it is a Sunday, and Madden is otherwise engaged.17 Other volumes in the collection have endured a similar experience. Harl.5956, for example, has lost forty-eight prints to the Print Room according to Ellis and Alexander, and Madden numbered its contents in February 1837. But unlike Harl.5935, the internal evidence of Harl.5956 validates Ellis and Alexander’s statement. It is therefore likely that the bulk of removals from Harl.5935 occurred, possibly in a piecemeal way, between Ellis and Alexander’s transfers of 1814 and Madden’s checks of 1837. The one discrepancy between Madden’s 1837 checking of the volume and its present state is the print missing from folio 3. This is discovered to be an example of the world map from the 1482 edition of Ptolemy published in Ulm, which was amongst the later accession of prints to the Department of Prints and Drawings in 1900. The print is distinguished from others remaining in the volume by its contemporary colour, yet in its rarity and execution it is by no means superior to its former associates. Printed maps are of course still prints, and one would have assumed more correctly housed in the Department of Prints and Drawings than in the Department of Manuscripts. Furthermore, the Department of Prints and Drawings does hold a number of maps,18 and the quality, rarity and value of certain maps remaining in Harl.5935 would not have been lost on the Department’s staff.19 By leaving such cartographic treasures untouched, the Department of Prints and Drawings cannot be accused of having cherry-picked maps from the Bagford Collection. Instead, the impression is that the Department was simply not interested in maps, regardless of their rarity and execution. If this is illustrative of particular attitudes to maps, it should be remembered that the cartographic material in the Department of Prints and Drawings is mainly in the form of topographical prints and

13 Henry Ellis (1777-1869) was Under Librarian of Manuscripts from 1812 to 1828. William Alexander (1767-1816) was then assistant librarian in charge of prints. Dates are taken from P. R. Harris, A History of the British Museum Library: 1753-1974 (London, 1998) p. 64, p. 755. 15 The stamp is known to have been used between 1757 and 1809. See P. R. Harris, ‘Appendix I: Identification of Printed Books Acquired by the British Museum, 1753-1836’, in Giles Mandelbrote and Barry Taylor (eds.), Libraries Within the Library: The Origins of the British Library’s Printed Collections (London, 2009), p. 417 (no. 1c). 16 Nickson, p. 54, refers to Madden’s ‘valiant effort’ in sorting out other problems relating to Bagford volumes in the Sloane Collection. 17 The Diary of Sir F. Madden, Oxford: Bodleian Library, Ms.Eng.Hist.C.151, p. 269. Copy at BL Facs X.1012/13. 18 Griffiths and Williams, p. 133. 20 See n. 4 above.

3 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection bird’s-eye views, and these are conspicuous by their absence in Harl.5935. Whether these were the types of prints removed from the Bagford volumes remains to be discovered in the registers of the Print Room. The maps surviving in the volume sit amongst diagrams, engravings of scientific instruments, title-pages, a small number of proposals and pages relating to statistics and the post office. The relationship between these prints is better appreciable when one considers the links between maps and instruments in the wider arena of science and measurement.

Fig. 1. John Blagrave, Astrolabium Uranicum. Celestial chart published in Astrolabium Uranicum Generale… (London, 1596). Harl.5935.(14.)

Augustine Ryther, a fragment of whose print showing the defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1588 is included in the volume, was an important early English maker of nautical instruments as well as an engraver of maps. Star charts such as John Blagrave’s of 1596 (fig. 1) were produced to teach sailors the use of stars in navigation. Instruments and maps continued to complement each other throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and the distinction between them was far less pronounced than it is today. Bagford understood their relationship very well, and as if to illustrate his appreciation of this fact he attached to folio 41 two seated figures with measuring instruments cut from John Speed’s atlas map of Herefordshire of 1676. Many of the specimens in the volume may certainly be described as fragments; parts of maps which exhibit some geographical, decorative or scientific feature, or which show some relevance to the history of printing. The title cartouches of two atlas maps from John Seller’s

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Atlas Maritimus of 1675 have been added to one page, whilst three small world maps have been cut out around the hemispheres, leading, in the case of the 1628 Vaughan map of the world after Speed, to the loss of the decorative surround which would to many have constituted its main appeal (fig. 2). Elsewhere, two unidentified compass roses affixed to the same page show great differences in engraving technique. The selection of these fragments

Fig. 2. Three double-hemisphere maps on folio 19: Globus Coelestis Coeli Enarrant Gloriam Dei published by Johan Baptiste Vrients (, 1601), Harl.5935.(27.) ; A New and Accurate Mappe of the World … by Robert Vaughan (London, 1628), Harl.5935.(28.); Orbis Terrarum Cognitus Hodiernis Europaeis by Edward Wells (Oxford, c.1688), Harl.5935.(29.).

5 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection shows no real preference towards either decorative or geographical elements, and the impression one receives of the compiler is of someone with an interest in juxtaposition, similarities and contrasts. Just as Bagford took sections of individual maps which interested him, so he took whole maps from books or atlases. These comprise the largest number in the volume, and the economical Bagford seems to have taken more than one map from a single book on a number of occasions. Both the world and celestial maps by John Blagrave appeared in a treatise explaining the use of Blagrave’s new astrolabe, whilst Edward Wright’s two-sheet world map of 1599 was included in Richard Hakluyt’s Voyages, together with a map of the Azores from the 1657 edition of Certaine Errors in Navigation, also by Wright. Two maps by Hermann Moll of the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans were first published in Dampier’s Voyages and Descriptions in 1699, and two prints, including the woodcut world map, are from Hartmann Schedel’s Nuremberg Chronicle of 1493. Other single maps have been selected from books known to have contained more than one map, including world maps by Johannes Honter and Peter Apian, but the overall contents of the volume indicate that Bagford selected more than one map where he had more than one to choose from. A number of maps are from atlases, including examples from three of the major English publications of the seventeenth century: John Speed’s Theatre of the Empire of Great Britaine (first published in 1612), Great Britain’s Coasting Pilot by Greenville Collins of 1693 and John Ogilby’s Britannia of 1675.20 Maps from significant European works also make an appearance, such as four by Sebastian Münster from the 1538 edition of Solinus’s Polyhistor. Two maps by are especially interesting since they are known to have been published separately before inclusion in his historical atlas the Parergon in 1624.21 Any text that would have surrounded the atlas versions of the maps has in each case been trimmed away, but the absence of any text on the verso, which would have been present in those copies published in the Parergon, as well as the lack of any centrefold, indicates that these examples were indeed issued separately. Separately issued maps appear elsewhere in the volume, including Carr’s 1668 map of the post roads of , and a set of Venetian celestial globe gores of around 1560 by Demongenet. Three sheets of separate multi-sheet woodcut maps warrant more detailed attention, since they appear to be unique surviving portions of important maps produced in the Low Countries. The first fragment is part of a twelve-sheet map of the Holy Land by Herman van Borculo (d. 1578), produced in Utrecht in 1538 and apparently reissued in 1553 (fig. 3).22 No complete copies of the map are known, though we have a good impression of its structure from the map of 1590 by Christian van Adrichom which acknowledges van Borculo’s map in its list of sources. We are now able to assess the likely appearance of the original thanks to the identification not only of the present fragment, but also of a second sheet of a separate part of it, recently offered for sale in the Netherlands.24 It will be beneficial to establish the location of the fragment within the much larger framework of the map. Its size is 280 x 195 mm. with the printed area beginning approximately 5 mm. from the edge of the sheet on three sides, but with the right hand edge

20 Further examples from these atlases are contained in the following Bagford volumes: Harl.5956 for maps by Ogilby, Harl.5995 for Speed. 21 Marcel P. R. Van den Broecke, Ortelius Atlas Maps: an Illustrated Guide (t’ goy Houten, 1996), pp. 236–7. 22 I am most grateful to Professor Günter Schilder for informing me of the author of the fragment. 23 Published in Theatrum Terrae Sanctae… (, 1590). See Eran Laor, Maps of the Holy Land: Cartobibliography of Printed Maps, 1475-1900 (New York and Amsterdam, 1986), p. 1 (no. 7); Kenneth Nebenzahl, Maps of the Holy Land: Images of Terra Sancta through Two Millennia (New York, 1986), pp. 94-7 (no. 35). 24 Offered for sale by Leen Helmink in Amersfoort, Netherlands. Information supplied to me by Professor Schilder.

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Fig. 3. Fragment of a twelve-sheet map of the Holy Land by Herman van Borculo, first published in Utrecht in 1538. Harl.5935.(46.).

7 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection trimmed close with the loss of some print. This indicates that the fragment is one half of a sheet, which is corroborated by the second surviving portion, a full sheet measuring approximately twice the size. In accordance with the van Adrichom map it is oriented to the east. It shows part of the southern area of the Holy Land known as the Desert of Pharan, with Mount Sinai partially visible to the extreme right, suggesting that it is part of one of the southern or right-hand sheets (had it been complete it is probable that a border would have appeared parallel with its right edge). Assuming the 12 sheets to have been arranged as three rows of four, the fragment corresponds to the left-hand portion of the sheet to the furthest right in the middle row (fig. 4). The complete map would have measured approximately 840 x 1560 mm.

Fig. 4. Diagram showing the probable arrangement of sheets of Herman van Borculo’s twelve-sheet woodblock map of the Holy Land, with a) representing the position of the British Library’s half-sheet, Harl.5935.(46.), and b) the position of the second surviving sheet.

The recently uncovered second sheet, which constitutes the middle-left sheet on the bottom row, shows an area of the Mediterranean coastline and a large Venetian ship at sea. From these two portions of the original, and the evidence of van Adrichom’s copy, we can imagine the complete map to have been a spectacular panoramic view of the Holy Land stretching from Damascus in the north to Alexandria in the south. The most prominent features of the fragment are large illustrations of episodes from Genesis, the Exodus and the Nativity, accompanied by their appropriate passages from scripture, with further descriptive text in Dutch. Both Old and New Testament events such as the Death of Abel, the Visitation of Abraham, Moses Striking Water from the Rock and the Flight into Egypt appear as if occurring simultaneously in their correct locations, inviting cross-referencing with further episodes featured elsewhere on the map. It made perfect sense to portray these episodes in close proximity to one another, for even though they were spread chronologically across the entire time-span of the Bible, they were meant to be understood as a series of interlinked narratives, with New Testament events fulfilling the prophecies of the Old. Although it is common to find this narrative aspect in most Holy Land mapping traditions which co-existed throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, comparison of the fragment with other maps of the Holy Land reveals it to be quite unlike its contemporaries.25 The

25 A recently identified woodcut map of 1530 by Christoph Zell, showing the events leading up to the siege of , has a similar narrative function with oversized figures. See Peter H. Meurer and Günter Schilder, ‘Die Wandkarte des Türkenzuges 1529 von Johann Haselberg und Christoph Zell’, Cartographica Helvetica, xxxix (2009), pp. 27-42.

8 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection orientation and dramatic perspectives employed in wall maps by Lucas Cranach the Elder (1515),26 Gerard Mercator (1537)27 and Wolfgang Wissenberg (1538)28 had the effect of shrinking any figurative elements within the landscape and subordinating them to the terrain. In van Borculo’s map fragments the opposite is true. Figures are shown as equal in size to mountains and towns, and where topographical features do occur they either form part of the narrative, or act as settings for the events to unfold. Nor is the prominence and scale of illustration to be found in printed Holy Land maps of the preceding century, although other similarities between these and van Borculo’s map are apparent. The earliest, published by Lucas Brandis in 1475,29 and the expansive panorama of the Holy Land by Bernhard von Breydenbach of 1486,30 share with van Borculo the same orientation and extension further south than many later maps. An examination of the fragment with the corresponding portion of von Breydenbach’s map reveals a strong resemblance, the only major difference being that the fragment illustrates scenes which are described by von Breydenbach in text form. One feature, a curved double-line placed to the left of Mount Sinai, signifies perhaps the geographical division of Africa and Asia. This feature occurs in text form on the von Breydenbach map, whilst the black silhouetted creatures which are placed within the double-line bear stylistic similarities to figures present in the Brandis woodcut. More significantly, these earlier maps were both drawn from pilgrims’ eyewitness accounts of the Holy Land. Von Breydenbach visited the Holy Land with the Utrecht artist Erhard Reuwich in 1483-4, the map published by Brandis was based on the pilgrimage account by Burchard of Mount Sion of 1270, and Van Borculo himself is rumoured to have visited the Holy land on a pilgrimage during his formative years.31 Whether van Borculo visited the Holy land, or whether he simply produced a pictorial version of von Breydenbach’s map, his map would have gained authority from its incorporation of first-hand sources. But it is important to stress that it was not only the accurate positioning of places and topographical features that would have recommended it to the prospective purchaser, but the correct placing of religious events within this landscape. These were the aspects most important for enabling the viewer to contemplate such narratives as the Journey of the Israelites or the Passion of Christ, engaging with them in such a way as to embark upon a virtual tour of the Holy Land, a mental pilgrimage from the comfort of his or her own home. Examining the map in this way constituted a form of prayer. Thus the map became far more than a true representation of the Holy land to the viewer: it became the Holy Land itself. The concept of mental pilgrimage, and the creation of devices such as maps to enhance the imaginary experience, has medieval precedents.32 In particular, mental pilgrimage was practised by the late medieval religious movement known as the Modern Devotion, which placed great emphasis upon complex, meditative methods of prayer. Its lingering presence in Utrecht during the lifetime of Herman van Borculo suggests that he may have been aware

26 Laor, pp. 28-9 (no. 226).. 27 Nebenzahl, pp. 72-3 (no. 24). 28 Nebenzahl, pp. 74-5 (no. 25). 29 Published in Rudimentum Novitorum sive Chronicarum Historiarum Epitome (Lübeck, 1475). See Tony Campbell, The Earliest Printed Maps 1472-1500 (London, 1987), p. 146; Laor, p. 17 (no. 128); Nebenzahl, pp. 60-2 (no. 20). 30 Published in Peregrinatio in Terram Sanctam (Mainz, 1486). Campbell, pp. 93-5; Laor, p. 17 (no. 129); Nebenzahl, p. 63-4 (no. 21). 31 Louis van Empelen, ‘Kunst en Kaart: De Civitas Hierusalem 1538 van Herman van Borculo’, Caert-Thresoor, xxv:3 (2006), p. 73; R. Rubin, ‘The Map of Jerusalem (1538) by Harmannus Borculus and its Copies: A Carto Genealogical Study’ Cartographic Journal, xxviii (1990), p. 31 and n. 5. 32 Daniel K. Connolly, The Maps of Matthew Paris: Medieval Journeys through Space, Time and Liturgy (Woodbridge, 2009), p. 28.

9 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection of their ideas, and of the value of mental pilgrimage, for he is known to have communicated with the Humanists Cornelius Valerius and Lambertus Hortensius,33 both of whom had taught at the Modern Devotionalist Latin school of St Jerome in Utrecht.34 Van Borculo clearly intended his map to be used in such a way, for an inscription appears on the second surviving portion of the map recommending it as a convenient alternative to a Holy Land journey. However, whilst it is difficult to argue with the mapmaker over this point, the extent to which the map constituted the means for a mental pilgrimage of the arduous, complicated Modern Devotional variety is unclear. Pilgrimages were accepted by the as a means of obtaining clemency for sins, and were meant, in theory at least, to be precisely the punishing experiences that van Borculo’s map claims to avoid. As a devotional aid van Borculo’s map would have fulfilled a similar function to panel paintings produced for homes or private chapels in Northern Europe, particularly the Low Countries, during the fifteenth century. Further parallels may be drawn between their narrative and compositional qualities. A common storytelling device of these paintings involved the complementing of a central foreground scene with a number of related background episodes, which together enabled the history of a religious figure to be told in full. In much Early Netherlandish art these figures do not conform to a modern idea of scale, often being drawn in accordance with the medieval hierarchy of scale in which a figure’s size is dictated by its importance. These figures were placed within elevated, tilted landscapes which permitted the viewer maximum visibility of the unfolding events. This theatrical arrangement of figures within a specially constructed setting may be likened to the appearance and structure of pictorial maps. Although it is less densely packed with interwoven narratives, the panoramic landscape painting by the Bruges master Hans Memling (1433-1494), the Scenes from the Life of Christ and the Virgin of 1480,35 bears striking similarities with the surviving portions of van Borculo’s map, and the possible appearance of the whole. Here too, numerous groups of figures are placed in an elevated landscape, the cartographic properties of which may be likened with the bird’s-eye view format of fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century maps. Here too, the figures are necessarily large in order to be legible, and to reflect their relative importance. And here too, meditation upon the Passion, and the ability to embark upon a form of mental pilgrimage through viewing it, were strongly emphasized.36 Mention has previously been made of the influence of art upon van Borculo’s cartographic output. His only other surviving map, a woodcut of Jerusalem of 1538, has been identified as containing features of the Utrecht artist Jan van Scorel’s (1495-1562) 1527 painting of Christ’s Entry into Jerusalem.37 No such conclusive match has been found for his Holy Land map, though it is possible that another painting by van Scorel, many of which were destroyed during the , may have comprised the prototype. Firmer evidence for the influence of van Scorel on the Holy Land map concerns the style of the figures in the fragment, which exhibit a balance and proportion more in keeping with Italian art than with the often stiff, awkward poses of Early Netherlandish paintings of the previous century. Van Scorel was one of a number of Northern European artists who had visited Italy, and whose subsequent work integrated Classical notions of form with a Northern realism

33 Van Empelen, p. 78. 34 R. R. Post, The Modern Devotion: Confrontation with Reformation and Humanism (Leiden, 1968), pp. 571-2. 35 In Munich, Alte Pinakothek. For an image see Craig Harbison, Jan van Eyck: The Play of Realism (London, 1991), p. 187 (ill. 129). 36 Harbison, p. 187; Vida J. Hull, ‘Spiritual Pilgrimage in the Paintings of Hans Memling’, in Sarah Blick and Rita Tekippe (eds.), Art and Architecture of Late Medieval Pilgrimage in Northern Europe and the British Isles (Leiden, 2005), vol. i, pp. 29-50. 37 One example in Centraal Museum, Utrecht. See Van Empelen, p. 78.

10 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection through observation. Such knowledge is perceptible, in passing, in the figures contained in the fragment. Yet despite the stylistic similarities with van Scorel’s work, and van Borculo’s reliance upon him for his map of Jerusalem, it would be dangerous to place too much emphasis upon his singular influence. Van Scorel was certainly not averse to appropriating motifs from works he had seen in Italy for his own purposes, and one might justifiably search beyond his paintings for an ultimate source of imagery. Moreover, scenes such as the Flight into Egypt and the Spies of Moses Returning with Grapes were highly generic, with long histories in pictorial form, and it is very probable that contemporary and earlier illustrations had some bearing upon their appearance in the map. These might have included illustrations in Bibles, or woodcut illustrations produced in block-books. Block-books were short devotional tracts from the second half of the fifteenth century, a number of which are known to have been produced in Utrecht.38 Amongst those involved in their production, though not in Utrecht, were members of the Brethren of the Common Life, devotees of the Modern Devotion.39 The fact that these woodcut illustrations were influenced by Early Netherlandish painting,40 the same influences which coloured van Scorel’s early years, serves to emphasize the shared heritage of religious imagery in Northern Europe. Just as to isolate a single source for any one motif ignores the wider history of devotional images in printed, painted and written form, to view maps in isolation from other imagery misunderstands the circumstances in which they would have been made and used. Van Borculo’s map made use of a number of sources, from pilgrimage accounts, Biblical texts and commentaries, to illustrations and existing maps. The integration of all these within a geographical framework made the Holy Land map a highly effective hybrid object, crafted specifically for use as a devotional aid. Placed upon a wall, varnished, and exposed to light, soot and moisture, copies of it would gradually have deteriorated and eventually been lost. The possibility that further fragments in composite volumes may eventually resurface offers hope for a better appreciation of its enigmatic appearance. A further fragment in Bagford’s volume, pasted to folio 7 (no. 11), is part of a better documented map. It is the top left sheet of Jacob van Deventer’s (c. 1500-1575) nine-sheet woodcut map of Friesland, published by Bernard van den Putte (1528-1580) in Antwerp in 1559 (fig. 5).41 The sheet measures 176 x 289 mm. and is trimmed close on all four sides. The arms of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V and those of Friesland are placed over the area of the sea which is populated by two sailing vessels and four fishing boats. A tiny strip of land appears to the bottom right of the sheet. Attribution is confirmed by a comparison of the sheet with a 1941 facsimile of the only previously known example of the whole map, subsequently destroyed during the Second World War.42 Despite the heavy colouring of the lost Breslau copy and the resulting murkiness of the facsimile, one is able to make out an incidental feature common to both: the impression of a 20 x 23 mm. amendment to the top border of the woodblock, 200 mm. from the left edge. The Friesland map is one of five wall maps of provinces of the Netherlands produced between 1556 and 1560, copies of the maps by Jacob van Deventer of the and 1540s, none of which are extant today. The maps are significant since they constitute some of the

38 Arthur M. Hind, An Introduction to a History of Woodcut (New York, 1963), vol. ii, p. 559. 39 Adrian Wilson and Joyce Lancaster Wilson, A Medieval Mirror: Speculum Humanae Salvationis 1324-1500 (Berkeley, 1985), p. 21. 40 Wilson and Lancaster, p. 19; Hind, vol. i, pp. 142-3. 41 Described and illustrated in P. J. de Rijke, Frisia in Dominium: Kaarten van de provincie Friesland tot 1850, gescheidenis en cartobibliografie (t’goy Houten, 2006), pp. 86-9. 42 B. van ’t Hoff, De Kaarten van de Nederlandsche Provincien in de Zestiende Eeuw door Jacob van Deventer (’s Gravenhage, 1941).

11 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection

Fig.5. Top-left sheet of a nine-sheet woodcut map of Friesland by Jacob van Deventer. Published by Bernard van den Putte (Antwerp, 1559). Harl.5935.(11.).

12 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection earliest large scale regional maps to have been produced in Northern Europe for an official purpose, putting into practice the methods of triangulation developed in Louvain by van Deventer, Gemma Frisius and others.43 Van Deventer was geographer to Charles V, who clearly appreciated the administrative value of maps of the Northern Provinces, and van Deventer’s maps with their later copies would have fulfilled a governmental function which is relatable to the maps of English and Welsh counties produced by Christopher Saxton some decades later.44 The arms of Charles V, the main feature of the sheet, would therefore have been significant to the map even though he had died in 1558, one year before the publication of this second state. The following map in the volume shares a number of similarities with the Friesland sheet, not least through the inclusion of the arms – and a seated portrait – of Charles V, but also in its authorship by the same Antwerp woodcutter, printer and publisher Bernard van den Putte.45 The map is one of the bottom sheets of a twelve-sheet woodcut map of Europe entitled Europae Primae et Potentissimae Tertiae Terrae Partis Recens Descriptio (fig. 6), measuring 930 x 1340 mm. and first published in Antwerp in 1562.46 The sheet measures 327 x 426 mm. and has been trimmed close on all four sides, but with minimal loss of print. It shows a section of the ornamental border, part of North Africa, and a highly populated Mediterranean Sea with Sardinia, Sicily and the extreme south of the Italian mainland. A small panel of text below Charles records his victory at Tunis, with the date of 1535. The imprint of the map, which reads: ANTVERPIA, Impressum per Ioannem Baptistam Vrient, Anno Domini 1584, indicates that this is the earliest known cartographic involvement of the Antwerp engraver, printer and publisher Johannes Baptiste Vrients (1552-1612). Vrients was a major map publisher during one of the most active periods of map production in the Low Countries, and it is not surprising to find his name associated with still earlier maps, particularly maps by van den Putte, since he is thought to have served his apprenticeship under him from 1567.47 Vrients’s hitherto earliest surviving work is a separately issued broadsheet map of 1585 showing the Siege of Antwerp which occurred that same year.48 He had enrolled in the Guild of St Luke as an engraver in 1575, and is mentioned along with the publishers Gerard de Jode (1509-1591) and Filips Galle (1537- 1612) in a notorial deed of 1589 which gives his age as 37.49 Vrients would thus have been 32 years old when he published the Europe map, and it will be useful to recount its full history in order to understand the circumstances surrounding this unrecorded edition of it.

43 Günter Schilder, Monumenta Cartographica Neerlandica [henceforth MCN], vol. i (Alphen aan den Rijn, 1987), p. 84. 44 Peter Barber, ‘Mapmaking in England, ca. 1470-1650’, in David Woodward (ed.), The History of Cartography, vol. iii: Cartography in the European Renaissance, pt ii (Chicago and London, 2007), p. 1629. 45 For van den Putte see C. Depauw, ‘Enkele Gegevens Betreffende Bernaert vande Putte Figuersnyder’, in Gerard Mercator en de Geografie in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden (Antwerp, 1994), pp. 65-76. 46 For images of the whole map see H. A. M. van der Heijden, De Oudste Gedrukkte Kaarten van Europa (Alphen aan den Rijn, 1992), pp. 58-61; Günter Schilder, MCN, vol. viii (Alphen aan den Rijn, 2007), p. 220. 47 Anne Rouzet, Dictionnaire des imprimeurs, libraires et éditeurs des XVe et XVIe siècles dans les limites géographiques de la Belgique actuelle (Nieuwkoop, 1975), p. 180; Depauw, p. 71. 48 Schilder, MCN, vol. ii, p. 123. 49 L. de Burbure, Uittreksels uit de Archieven de Stad Antwerpen IV, 1589, fol.19. Schilder mis- transcribes the notarial deed as being from 1559. Schilder, MCN, vol. ii, p. 123.

13 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection 1 Sheet of a twelve-sheet woodcut map of Europe by Bernard van den Putte (Antwerp, 1584). den Putte (Antwerp, van of map Bernard 1 Sheet of woodcut Europe by a twelve-sheet Fig. 6.Fig. Recens Descriptio. Partis Tertiae Europae Primae et Potissimae Harl.5935.(12.).

14 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection

The map is in fact a copy by van den Putte of an earlier woodcut map by Gaspar Vopel (1511-1561) which was first printed in Cologne in 1555.50 No examples of this printing have survived, though the original woodblocks were re-used in 1597 by Willhelm Lutzenkirchen.51 Van den Putte both cut and published his copy of it in Antwerp in 1566, and published it again in 1572.52 In fact, van den Putte’s work was only occasionally original; as well as the Europe map he copied Vopel’s maps of the world (1566) and Germany (1570), and produced woodcut editions of Gerard Mercator’s maps of Europe (1570), the world (c. 1574)53 and the British Isles (1579).54 All of these maps appear in the archives of the Officina Plantiniana, the major printing company established in Antwerp by Christoffel Plantijn (1514 -1589) in 1551, and a major hub for the trade in maps and atlases, if not the production of them.55 The archives provide a unique record of which maps were bought and sold on the market, and the frequency with which maps appear gives some indication of which enjoyed the highest demand. Van den Putte’s map of Europe appears regularly in the archives, but it is not to be confused with the earlier map by Vopel which also appears in the archives during 1561. Van den Putte’s map is mostly described as ‘Europa Bernard’, and it appears intermittently throughout the late 1560s and early 1570s. In 1572 reference is given to ‘1 Europa Bernard’,56 presumably the second edition published that year. From this point the map appears more infrequently, and the last recorded transaction with van den Putte is in 1579, a year before his death in 1580.57 Although not proven until now, Vrients’s acquisition of the woodblocks of van den Putte’s maps has long been thought likely.58 However, we may initially question Vrients’s motivations for acquiring the blocks for the Europe map, because even before the second edition was published in 1572 its popularity had been waning. The fifteen-sheet copperplate wall map of Europe by Mercator of 1554 and 1572 was superior in terms of scientific accuracy, size and style.59 In the Plantijn archives it is referred to as ‘Europa Mercatoris’.60 Plantijn in fact obtained special patents for the Mercator map in 1569, and again in 1572,61 and it is against this level of competition that the decline in demand for the Europe map can be understood.

50 Gaspar Vopel and the map of Europe are discussed in Robert J. Karrow Jnr, Mapmakers of the Sixteenth Century and their Maps: Bio-bibliographies of the Cartographers of Abraham Ortelius, 1570 (Chicago, 1993), pp. 558-67. See also Schilder, MCN, vol. viii, pp. 217-20. 51 The only complete example is in the Newberry Library, Chicago. 52 One incomplete example of the 1566 edition exists in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France. For an image of the same sheet as that under discussion see Schilder, MCN, vol. viii, p. 219. The only example of the 1572 edition is in Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek. 53 Van der Heijden, pp. 53-7. A single sheet of this map is contained in a similar volume to Harl.5935 in the Royal Geographical Society, London. See Edward Heawood, ‘An Interesting Collection of Maps’, Geographical Journal, lxiv (1924), p. 59. 54 Cornelis Koeman, Günter Schilder, Marco van Egmond and Peter van der Krogt, ‘Commercial Cartography and Map Production in the Low Countries, 1500-ca. 1672’ in David Woodward (ed.), The History of Cartography, vol. iii: Cartography in the European Renaissance, pt ii (Chicago and London, 2007), Appendix 44.3 (p. 1377). 55 Koeman, Schilder, van Egmond and van der Krogt, p. 1300. 56 I have not studied the original accounts in the Plantijn-Moretus Museum. My information is taken from Jan Denucé, Oud-Nederlandsche Kaartmakers in Betrekking met Plantijn (Antwerp and ’s Gravenhage, 1912), vol i, p. 86; Plant. Arch, XVI, f. 177. 57 Denucé, vol. i, p. 86; Plant. Arch. LVII (Journal 1579) f. 126v. 58 Depauw, p. 75; Rouzet, p. 241. 59 Van der Heijden, pp. 53-7; Schilder, MCN, vol. viii, pp. 222-3. 60 Denucé, vol i, p. 85; Plant. Arch. XVI, f. 43. 61 Günter Schilder, MCN, vol. ii (Alphen aan den Rijn, 1990), p. 116; Schilder, MCN, vol. viii, p. 220.

15 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection

Denucé, making use of the Plantijn archives, observes that in 1583 the map was sold by Plantijn for 12 stuivers, compared with 4 guilders in previous years.62 This observation indicates that the Europe map was no longer an especially popular map on the market by 1583, and though the blocks would not have been expensive for Vrients to purchase, the financial gain from them would have been similarly low. Vrients’s acquiring of the blocks was therefore a gamble, but one with minimal risk attached. In this early action one may glimpse the opportunism which would later enable him to achieve a monopoly over atlas production in the Low Countries up to his death in 1612. Some uncertainty surrounds the date at which Vrients purchased the blocks of the Europe map, for if he had acquired them in 158163 it is unclear why he should have waited until 1584 to publish the map with his own imprint. The map is attributed to van den Putte as late as 1583 in the Plantijn archives, indicating perhaps that Vrients had at that time still not acquired the blocks. Of course, copies of the 1572 edition could still have been in circulation, and Vrients may therefore have had no cause to re-publish the map until 1584. The inventory of van den Putte’s estate in November 1580 notes Vrients as owing money for a number of maps,64 and if he already possessed copies of the Europe map it would presumably have made sense to sell them before producing a further edition from the blocks. One may also view the publishing date of 1584 as reflecting Vrients’s particular style of business. One of the major decisions of his career was, having bought the rights to two of the major atlases of the later sixteenth century in 1600 – de Jode’s Speculum Orbis Terrarum and Abraham Ortelius’s Theatrum Orbis Terrarum – to restrict publication of the former to increase sales of the latter.65 It may be no coincidence that in the year Vrients published the map of Europe with his imprint, de Jode had also brought out his own wall map of Europe,66 and it is tempting to see a competitive aspect to Vrients’s publishing activities, even in this earliest case. It is unclear exactly why John Bagford might have collected these three map fragments other than because they were available to him, or indeed whether they would have been the only sheets of these maps available. The uniqueness of the sheets today, and the historically poor survival rate of wall maps generally, would suggest that the maps, and even individual sheets of them, were rare in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. We should always bear in mind that what has survived is itself only a fragment of the entire range of cartographic production. It is entirely possible that Bagford would have appreciated their rarity. He was, after all, an expert in the history of printing, and this is clear from the frequency with which his advice is sought in Thomas Hearne’s diaries. His special interest in the rarity of maps moreover, particularly maps of the Holy Land, is evidenced by Hearne’s copying out of the title of Bernhard von Breydenbach’s map of the Holy Land for his attention,67 as well as mention of the map from Lucas Brandis’s Rudimentum Novitorum of 1475, which ‘deserves to be particularly considered by Mr Bagford’.68

62 There were twenty stuivers to one guilder. Denucé, vol i, p. 78.; Plant.Arch., LXI (Journal 1583), f. 62. I wish to thank Jacob Harskamp for his help in translating into English the relevant passages. 63 Rouzet, p. 241. 64 Depauw, p. 74. 65 Joint publication rights were secured with Plantijn in 1601, incidentally the first mention of Vrients in the archives of the Officina Plantiniana. 66 One example in Berlin, Staatsbibliothek. For images see van der Heijden, pp.107-8; Schilder, MCN, vol. viii, p. 224. See also Koeman, Schilder, van Egmond and van der Krogt, p. 1300-2 and Appendix 44.2 (p. 1377). 67 Hearne, Remarks and Collections, vol. v, p. 304. 68 Hearne, Remarks and Collections, vol. ii, p. 363.

16 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection

It is equally difficult to speculate how much Bagford knew about the mapmakers when he acquired the maps. It seems unlikely that Vrients’s imprint would have been his sole reason for acquiring the Europe sheet, though his surviving notes do show a preoccupation with the names of printers and publishers. In a number of instances he has compiled an alphabetical list of authors, printers and publishers amongst which a number of map publishers can be identified,69 but neither van Borculo’s, van den Putte’s or Vrients’s names are amongst them, nor do they appear elsewhere in Bagford’s writing. Although all three maps feature in the Plantijn archives, Bagford’s mention of Plantijn concerns his role within the context of printing history rather than as a distributor. One other map published by Vrients is included in Harl.5935, a small celestial map from the 1601 edition of Epitome Theatri Orteliani, and Bagford must have been aware of Vrients through the sheer quantity of cartographic material he published. Vrients’s work would have been available to Bagford in London, and during his journeys to Leiden, Haarlem and Amsterdam in search for material for his customers and his ‘history’. His friend and fellow book dealer John Bullord was based in Leiden and would have been on the lookout for material of interest to his associate. Bagford is recorded as having purchased maps by Hondius in Leiden in 1707,70 for example, and it is possible that during similar research trips Bagford would have become aware of Vrients, and acquired the present example of his imprint. In light of Bagford’s selection of similar elements of maps for inclusion in Harl.5935, perhaps the common feature of the arms of Charles V was the main reason for his collecting of the Europe and Friesland sheets. A simple approach to the contents of Harl.5935 may therefore be the best method of understanding its selection, its arrangement, and the mind of its compiler. Though he was interested in them, Bagford was not attempting to provide a history of printed maps, and this is clear from the absence of certain cartographic material which would have been seen as important in the late seventeenth century. There are, for example, no maps by Gerard Mercator or Jodocus Hondius, none by Christopher Saxton or the derivative county maps first published in Camden’s Britannia in 1607, or even the maps by Robert Morden from the same publication of 1695. The removal of the Ptolemaic world map in 1900 explains the absence of maps from Ptolemy’s Geographia, which were published in multiple editions including one during Bagford’s own lifetime.71 Bagford’s choice of maps appears to have been based, quite simply, on which interested him for their imprints or subjects, the fact that he had not seen them before, or some other reason which remains unclear. More obvious reasons can be found for Bagford’s inclusion of other prints in Harl.5935. Richard Waller’s Tabula Colorum Physiologica of 1686, one of the earliest colour charts, would have been acquired via Bagford’s acquaintance with Waller through the Society of Antiquaries, whilst his links with Thomas Rawlinson (1681-1725) are a likely cause for the incorporation of Carr’s 1668 map of the Post Roads of England, of which a number of examples exist in the Rawlinson collection in the Bodleian Library.72 The inclusion of a number of maps of ancient and scriptural geography relates directly to Bagford’s interests: the historical maps by Abraham Ortelius already mentioned, two woodcut maps from a German Bible (one showing the Garden of Eden), and three historical maps produced in Oxford by Edward Wells, all reflect Bagford’s preoccupation with the antique. The prints in Harl.5935 do not relate to each other in a way that suggests a coherent collecting strategy, but the volume’s eclectic nature may be better described as a piecemeal and opportunist gathering of printing samples than the product of indiscriminate collecting. For Bagford clearly knew a great deal about printing and about maps, and even his own admission that ‘when I first collected these sortes of fragments at first I was not sensiable of ye use of them’73 would not have

69 Harl. MS. 5982, ff. 2-8v. 70 Hearne, Recollections and Collections, vol. ii, p. 59. 71 There were re-issues of Mercator’s 1578 edition of Ptolemy in 1695, 1698 and 1704. 72 Material relating to Bagford may also be found in the Rawlinson Collection of the Bodleian Library, Oxford. 73 Sloane 1435, ff. 3v-4, transcribed in Nickson, p. 53.

17 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection meant that his antiquarian and book dealing expertise abandoned him when he acquired them. The frequency of rare and in some cases unique maps in Harl.5935 would appear to confirm that Bagford had a special eye for cartographic material of a scarce or significant nature, whilst the lack of cohesion in the volume, if not attributable to its handling after Bagford’s death, speaks of a man with more of an appreciation than an agenda.

Appendix: Collation of Harl.5935

Below are listed the contents of Harl.5935. Numbers in parenthesis are those given by Madden in 1837, and of these only no. 3 is not present. Madden’s numbers are used to identify the prints in British Library catalogues and for referencing them elsewhere. For example, John Blagrave’s Astrolabium Uranicum, occurring at f. 10v and numbered by Madden as no. 14, should be referred to as Harl.5935.(14.).

Harl.5935, Folio, bound in half calf, with a spine title in three compartments reading:

COLLECT. CONCERN THE HIST. OF PRINT. E COLL. BAGFORD / MUS BRIT. BIBL. HARL. / 5935 PLUT. L.F.

Stamp on rear endpaper: Re-backed 1933.

Pages showing the remnants of removed prints are: ff. 6v, 8v, 9, 9v, 11v, 15v, 17, 20, 20v, 21v, 23v, 24, 24v, 26v, 28v, 29v, 30v–34, 35, 36–39, *39, 42, 48v, 49v, 50, 50v, 52, 53v, 54v, 55, 56, 56v, 57, 57v, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63–67, 68, 69, 71v, 75, 77, 78, 78v, 79, 99, 100, 100v, 101v, 102v–104, 105v, 106, 109v, 110, 111, 111v, 113v, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120v. f. 2 (1) [Fragment of a view of an unidentified town] from Liber Chronicarum …, published by Anton Koberger, Nuremberg, 1493. f. 2v (2) [Colour chart] Tabula Colorum Physiologica tam Mixtorum quam Simplicium … by Richard Waller F.R.S., London, 1686. f.3 (3) [Print removed in 1900]. Identified as Ptolemaic world map by Johannes from Armsheim. Published in Cosmographia by Lienhart Holle, Ulm, 1482. British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings, 1900.1019,20 (Shirley no. 10). f.4 (4) [Woodcut map of the world] from Liber Chronicarum …, published by Anton Koberger, Nuremberg, 1493 (Shirley no. 19). f.4v (5) [World map] Universalis Cosmographia by Johannes Honter. Published in Rudimenta Cosmographica…, Zurich, 1546 (Shirley no. 86). f.5 (6) [World map] by Peter Apian, 2nd state. Published in Cosmographia …, Antwerp, 1553 (Shirley no. 96). f.5v (7) [Title-page] C. Julii Polyhistor… Published by M. Isingrin and H. Petri, Basle, 1538.

18 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection

(8) [Map of Italy by Sebastian Münster] Published in C. Julii Polyhistor… by M. Isingrin and H. Petri, Basle, 1538. f. 6 (9) [Map of Greece by Sebastian Münster] Published in C. Julii Polyhistor… by M. Isingrin and H. Petri, Basle, 1538. f. 7 (10) [Map of Asia by Sebastian Münster] Published in C. Julii Polyhistor… by M. Isingrin and H. Petri, Basle, 1538. f. 7v (11) [Top left sheet of a nine-sheet woodcut map of Friesland] by Jacob van Deventer. Published by Bernard van den Putte, Antwerp, 1559. f. 8 (12) [Europae Primae et Potissimae Tertiae Partis Recens Descriptio] 1 Sheet of a twelve-sheet map of Europe by Bernard den Putte. Published by Johannes Baptiste Vrients, Antwerp, 1584. f. 10 (13) [Cosmological diagram on the Ptolemaic system] Totius Corporeae Machinae Ex 12 Coelis …, London [?], c. 1620.

f. 10v (14) [Celestial chart] Astrolabium Uranicum by John Blagrave. Published in Astrolabium Uranicum Generale…, London, 1596 (Warner, pp. 32-3). f. 11 (15) [World map] Nova Orbis Terrarum Descriptio… by John Blagrave. Published in Astrolabium Uranicum Generale …, London, 1596 (Shirley no. 191). f. 12 (16) [A Description of all the Postroads in England] by R. Carr. C. Landts exc. London, 1668. Map only (Shirley British Isles ii, no. 2, Carr 1 p. 40).

f. 12v (17) A View of the General & Coasting Trade Winds in the Great South Ocean, H. Moll fecit. From Voyages and Descriptions … by William Dampier. Published by James Knapton, London, 1699. f. 13 (18) A View of the General & Coasting Trade Winds in the Atlantick & Indian Oceans. By . From Voyages and Descriptions … by William Dampier. Published by James Knapton, London, 1699. f. 14 (19) [Map of historical geography] Tabula Asiae Minoris Thraciae, Ins. Siciliae … by Edward Wells. Oxford, c. 1700. f. 14v (20) [Woodcut map of the Mediterranean Sea] Hydrographia Maris Mediterranei: Pertinens ad Paginam 1412 sub signo. From a Latin Bible, published in Herborn, c. 1615.

19 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection f. 15 (21) [2 maps of the Holy land on one woodblock] Ladtafel zu Neuen Testam: Gehorig. From a Latin Bible, published in Herborn, c. 1615. f. 16 (22) Woodcut map of Jerusalem with woodcut key surround. From a Latin Bible, published in Herborn, c. 1615. f. 17v (23) Woodcut fragment of a cosmological diagram, 16th century.

(24) Woodcut fragment showing an armillary sphere, 16th century. (These prints constitute two copies of the same folio, displayed as verso and recto) f. 18 (25) [Double hemisphere map with Garden of Eden] Planisphaerium Geographicum Exhibens Situm Europae, Africae & Asiae. Pertinens ad pag. 1412. From a Latin Bible, published in Herborn, c. 1615. f. 18v (26) Canaan by John Speed. Published in The Holy Bible by Bonham Norton and John Bill, London, 1619 (Laor no. 738). f. 19 (27) [Double hemisphere celestial chart] Globus Coelestis Coeli Enarrant Gloriam Dei. Published in Epitome Theatri Orteliani, Johan Baptiste Vrients, Antwerp 1601 (Warner, p. 277. An earlier version of Globus Coelestis … by J. Hondius, 1616).

(28) [A New and Accurate Mappe of the World, Drawne according to the Best and Latest Discoveries that have been Made] by Robert Vaughan. Hemispheres only, published in The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, London, 1628 (Shirley no. 326).

(29) Orbis Terrarum Cognitus Hodiernis Europaeis by Edward Wells. From Dionysii Geographia … by Edward Wells. Oxford, c. 1688 (Shirley no. 541). f. 19v (30) [A set of twelve celestial globe gores] by F. Demongenet. Printed in Venice, c. 1560 (An early, possibly proof state. Not in Warner). f. 20 (31) [Hemispheres from an unidentified world map], Amsterdam [?], c. 1690. (Similar to world map by Jacques Peeters, cf. Shirley no. 554).

Between ff. 20v-21 (32) Lumen Historiarum per Occidentem ex Conatibus Fran. Heraei Antuerpia by A. Ortelius. Antwerp, c. 1620 (Van den Broecke no. 185. Issued separately). f. 22 (33) A New Cart of France Drawn by ye French King’s Order According to the Observations of the Academy Royall engraved by J. Sturt. Published in Hydrographia Gallia, by R. Morden, London, 1695.

20 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection f. 22v (34) [Title cartouche only] Novissima et Accuratissima Insula Jamaicae by John Seller. Published in Atlas Maritimus or The Sea-Atlas … by John Darby, London, 1675.

(35) [Title cartouche only] A Map of the Regions & Countreys under and a bout the North Pole by John Seller. Published in Atlas Maritimus or The Sea-Atlas … by John Darby, London, 1675.

Between ff. 22v-23 (36) [Western hemisphere of a two-sheet map of the world] by Edward Wright, from The Second Volume of the Principal Navigations, Trafiques and Discoveries of the English Nation by Richard Hakluyt. London, 1599 (Shirley no. 221). f. 25 (37) [Eastern hemisphere of a two-sheet map of the world] by Edward Wright, from The Second Volume of the Principal Navigations, Trafiques and Discoveries of the English Nation by Richard Hakluyt. London, 1599 (Shirley no. 221). f. 25v (38) Unattributed copperplate map of the English Channel, printed in London, c. 1700. f. 26 (39) A Particular Platt, for Sailing to the Isles of Azores by Edward Wright. Published in Certain Errors in Navigation by Joseph Moxon. London, 1657. f. 27 (40) [Fragment of a map of the Thames Estuary with the coast of Suffolk and Norfolk] by Captain Greenville Collins. Published in Great Britain’s Coasting Pilot, London, 1693. f. 27v (41) [Map of China] Situs Provinciarum Imperii Sinici MDCLIV. Published in Bellum Tartaricum … Martin Martinius, by J. L Crook, London, 1654 (Reset type).

(42) [Title cutting] Sacred Geographie, or Scriptural Mapps by Joseph Moxon, London, 1671. f. 28 (43) [Introduction and woodcut initial] To the Reader… London, c. 1700.

Between ff. 28v-29 (44) A New Map of the Sea Coast of England, Holland and France by John Taylor, London, 1688. f. 30 (45) Lumen Historiarum per Orientem by A. Ortelius. Antwerp, c. 1620 (Van den Broecke no. 184. Issued separately). f. 31 (46) [Palestinae Sive Sacrorum Bibliorum Chorographia] Fragment of a woodcut map of the Holy Land by Herman van Borculo, Utrecht, 1538. f. 31v [Note by Madden: print moved to f. *39v]

21 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection f. 39*v (47) [English Royal coat of arms, taken from plate no. 7 of Adams’s Triumph over the Spanish Armada maps engraved by Augustine Ryther, London, 1588] f. 40v (48) Unidentified woodcut compass rose with English Royal coat of arms. English, c. 1580.

(49) Unidentified compass rose. English, c. 1600. f. 41 (50) [Figure at a table with globe and dividers] From Herefordshire Described ... by John Speed. Published in The Theatre of the Empire of Great Britaine, Bassett and Chiswell, London 1676 (Skelton, no. 92).

(51) [Figure at a table with scale bar and dividers] From Herefordshire Described ... by John Speed. Published in The Theatre of the Empire of Great Britaine, Bassett and Chiswell, London 1676 (Skelton, no. 92).

(52) [Imprint] From Herefordshire Described ... by John Speed. Published in The Theatre of the Empire of Great Britaine, Bassett and Chiswell, London 1676 (Skelton, no. 92).

(53) [Scale bar and imprint] From The Kingdome of England by John Speed. Published in The Theatre of the Empire of Great Britaine, George Humble, 1627 (Skelton, no. 16).

(54) [Unidentified fragment of a print illustrating the magnetic north pole, c. 1630] f. 41v (55) [Polar scene] Nova Sembla. Published in Auszug aus der Abrahami Ortely Theatro Orbis, by Levinus Hulsius and Jan van Keerbergen, Frankfurt-am-Main, 1604.

(56) [Nova Zembla] Published in Auszug aus der Abrahami Ortely Theatro Orbis, by Levinus Hulsius and Jan van Keerbergen, Frankfurt-am-Main, 1604. (Koeman/van der Krogt, IIIb, map 1270.333. Atlas 333:41). f. 42v (57) [Unattributed oval view of a yacht at sea] Een Speel-jacht t’geen Dickwils t’varen Heest Vermeert wert dus al Varende Verteert, Dutch, c. 1700. f. 43v (58) [Title-page] The Longitude not Found: or, an Answer to a Treatise, Written by Henry Bond Senior. 2nd edition, printed for Robert Harford, London, 1680 (corrected in ink to 1678).

Between ff.43v-44 (59) An Ephemeris Shewing the Day of the Month and Day of the Week &c For Ever / True Longitude Presented to the English Mariner by Ryner Hyvee, engraved by J. Sturt. London, c. 1703.

22 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection f. 44 (60) [Historical map] Imperium Cyri sive Tabula Accomodata ad Dilucidandum Xenophontis de Cyri … by Edward Wells, Oxford, c. 1700. f. 44v (61) A lunar calendar by Henry Sutton. London, 1650 (date on engraving).

(62) Engraving of a geometric quadrant, unattributed. English, c. 1650 f. 45 (63) [Privilege] From Grammelogia, or the Mathematicall Ring by Richard Delamain. London, 1631.

(64) Engraving of ‘The Navigators Hemisphere’, unattributed. English, c. 1630. f. 45v (65) Engraving of a compendium or ‘The Traveylors Jewell’, unattributed. English, c. 1650.

(66) Diagrams of horizon rings, unattributed. English, c. 1650.

(67) Meridian diagrams, unattributed. English, c. 1650. f. 46 (68) Engravings of the Pantometer, unattributed. English, c. 1650.

(69) Engraving of a compass or ‘The Compasse of Variation’, unattributed. English, c. 1650.

(70) Diagram pertaining to a traverse board, unattributed. English, c. 1650. f. 46v (71) [Engravings of 2 quadrants] 1658, Henry Sutton Londini fecit. From The Sector on a Quadrant, or, A Treatise Containing the Description and Use of Three Several Quadrants. London, 1658. f. 47 (72) Untitled numbered grid, 18th century. f. 48 (73) [Advertisement] The Longitude Found by Aid of the Dipping Needle by Henry Bond. London, c. 1670. f. 51v (74) [Unattributed fragment] A Catalogue of all the Shires, Cities, Bishoprickes, Market-Townes, Castles, Parishes… London, c. 1640.

(75) Fragment from a small book about commodities in England, unattributed. London, c. 1640.

23 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection f. 52v (76) [Title-page] Index Villaris: or, an exact register… J. & S. Sprint, J. Nicholson, T. Newborough, London, 1700. f. 53 (77) [Proposals for an unidentified two-volume atlas of the counties of England and Wales, c. 1690]. f. 55v (78) Advertisment to the Book-Binder, unattributed. English, c. 1700.

(79) [Introduction] A Note of such Arts and Mysteries as an English Gentleman, a Souldier and a Traveller is by Gods Assistance able to Perform … by John Bulmer, London, 1649.

Between ff. 57v-58 (80-81) Enquiries to be Propounded to the most Ingenious of each County in my Travels through England and Wales … by Robert Plot. Advertisement for The Natural History of Oxfordshire, 1st edition, 1677. f. 59 (82-83) [Proposal] Mr Ogilby’s Design for Carrying on his Britannia by John Ogilby. London, c. 1673. f. 67 (84) The Continuation of the Road from London to Barwick [pl. 6]. Published in Britannia by John Ogilby, London, 1676. f. 68v (85) [Fragment of text taken from A Description of all the Postroads in England by R. Carr. C. Landts exc. 1668]. See f. 12 (16).

(86) [Fragment of text taken from A Description of all the Postroads in England by R. Carr. C. Landts exc. 1668]. See f. 12 (16). f. 69v (87) [Title-page] A Collection for Improvement of Husbandry and Trade vol. 2 num. 26. Friday, January 27 1692-3. John Houghton. f. 70 (88) [Title-page] A Collection for Improvement of Husbandry and Trade vol. 2 numb. 41 Friday, May 12th 1693. John Houghton F.R.S. f. 70v (89) [Title-page] A Collection for Improvement of Husbandry and Trade vol. 2 num. 28 Friday, February 10th 1692-3. John Houghton. f. 71 (90) [Instructions for carrying out a parish survey, unattributed] f. 72 (91) A Scheme of the Proportions the Several Counties in England paid to the Land Tax in 1693 and to the Subsidies in 1697 Compared with the Number of Members they Send to Parliament calculated by John Smart, London, 1697.

24 eBLJ 2010, Article 1 Fortunate Survivors: Maps and Map Fragments in the Bagford Collection f. 72v (92) [Explanation] An Account of the Acres & Houses, with the Proportional Tax, &c. of each County in England and Wales…, by John Houghton F.R.S. f. 73 (93) [A Table Showing the Acres & Houses, with the Proportional Tax, &c. of each County in England and Wales] London: printed for Randal Taylor, 1693. f. 110v (94) An Advertisement from the General Penny Post Office. London, 1685. ff. 111-112 (95) [Instructions for the Penny Post Office] f. 124 (96) A Table of Silver Weight. 1696 by Thomas Oldfield. London, printed for Tim Godwin, Fleet Street.

Reference works cited in the collation:

Marcel P.R. Van den Broecke, Ortelius Atlas Maps: An Illustrated Guide (t’ goy Houten, 1996).

Peter van der Krogt, Koeman’s Atlantes Neerlandici: a New Edition, vol. iiib (t’goy Houten, 2003).

Eran Laor, Maps of the Holy Land: Cartobibliography of Printed Maps, 1475-1900 (New York and Amsterdam, 1986).

Rodney W. Shirley, The Mapping of the World: Early Printed World Maps, 1472-1700 (London, 1993).

Rodney W. Shirley, Printed Maps of the British Isles, 1650-1750 (London, 1988).

R. A. Skelton, County Atlases of the British Isles 1579-1703: A Bibliography 1579-1703 (London, 1978).

Deborah J. Warner, The Sky Explored: Celestial Cartography 1500-1800 (New York and Amsterdam, 1979).

25 eBLJ 2010, Article 1