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Elite Ideology in Praeneste on the Imagery of Pear-Shaped Mirrors and Cistae

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Elite Ideology in Praeneste on the Imagery of Pear-Shaped Mirrors and Cistae BABESCH 91 (2016), 105-128. doi: 10.2143/BAB.91.0.3175646 Elite ideology in Praeneste On the imagery of pear-shaped mirrors and cistae L. Bouke van der Meer Abstract This article aims to cast light upon the mindset of the Praenestine elite during the second half of the 4th century BC by focusing on the engraved scenes on 206 pear-shaped mirrors and 90 cistae (toiletry boxes). Mauro Menichetti’s paideia theory implying that cista scenes show rites of passage of men and women will be exam- ined, also with reference to the mirror scenes. It will be shown that in both media Dionysiac, bathing-, victory-, and love themes are the leitmotifs rather than rites of passage. The paper also includes several new interpreta- tions of images. Appendix I lists the cistae and Appendix II the mirrors.* INTRODUCTION that they were elite possessions. As far as is known, they have only been found in female tombs. Their What were the main ideas behind the images rep- imagery, however, not only relates to the mundus resented on the bronze Praenestine mirrors and muliebris but also to the world of men. This is not cistae produced in the second half of the 4th cen- surprising since, as three inscriptions show, the tury BC? These mythological and non-mytholog- engravings were made by men.7 In addition, men ical representations appear on 206 engraved, may have ordered the artifacts for their wives, pear-shaped mirrors of bronze,1 and 90 bronze mothers or daughters. Sometimes a mirror was cistae.2 The piriform shape of Praenestine mirrors found in a cista.8 In that case, however, both arti- is unique; it differs from the circular form of Etrus- facts seem not to have been engraved by the same can handle and tang mirrors. Etruscan influence on artist. the Praenestine engravings is marginal.3 With one Most cistae and pear-shaped mirrors with figu- exception upper exergues are absent on Praenes- ral scenes have now been shown to belong to the tine mirrors. When the provenance is known the second half of the 4th century BC.9 The end of the cistae have been found in the necropoleis of Prae- Latin War in 338 BC did not influence the choice neste with very few exceptions.4 The origin from of themes,10 which is not surprising as the Praen- Praeneste of 73 of the 206 mirrors is known with estines did not become Roman citizens at that time. certainty. Nineteen of the mirrors were found in They even refused Roman citizenship in 216 BC eleven different places, in Southern Etruria, Latium after they held Casilinum for Rome against Han- and Campania.5 Due to unscientific excavations nibal,11 which points to a strong need for self- at Praeneste in the 19th century the find spots of the identity. Cista bodies often show an upper and/or other mirrors are uncertain or unknown.6 Praeneste lower border with a (sometimes partial) animal was the main production center of both types of frieze (Tierkampf) which is also present in South artifacts. The bold numbers of cistae and mirrors Italian red-figured vase-painting and in the upper in the following text correspond to those in Appen- painted border in the front room of the Tomba dices I and IIa/b. Here only cista bodies are dealt François at Vulci, dated by M. Cristofani between with. It can rarely be proven that the added ele- 340 and 310 BC.12 Production of mirrors and cistae ments (the three cast feet, engraved lids and cast ended gradually, in the first decades of the 3rd lid handles) were meant to show one iconographic century, after South Italian and Faliscan red-fig- program together with the theme(s) of the cista ured vases ceased to be produced.13 While it seems body’s main frieze. In addition, recent research likely that such vases provided visual examplars has demonstrated that several lids do not belong for the Praenestine production, it is important to to the body with which they are displayed. note that such influence seems to have been indi- Matching lids were often not engraved by the art- rect, since red-figured vases with figural scenes ists who decorated the bodies. As mirrors and have not been found in Praeneste. cistae were present in a very low percentage in In 1979 and 1990, G. Bordenache Battaglia and the thousands of tombs at Praeneste, it is likely A. Emiliozzi published the corpus of Praenestine 105 cistae.14 With few exceptions they do not date logical scenes, usually of Greek origin, have no them,15 but fortunately, they describe find con- message apart from the possible one that gods texts.16 They interpret the engraved scenes in a and heroes are stronger than their opponents. prudent way, often suggesting that scenes and Many battles, moreover, show falling or dying men, figures were juxtaposed in a generic, decorative, and can hardly have had an exemplary meaning meaningless or enigmatic way (see Appendix 1). (26, 47, 79 (showing a warrior with a Samnite hel- In addition, some stock figures were used in an met), 86, 104, 110, 121). Dionysiac thiasi were well interchangeable way. suited to fill all or part the frieze. Usually, Dio- In 1995, Menichetti analyzed almost all cista nysus, sometimes accompanied by a panther, silens, scenes, the reliefs on the feet, the engraved lids satyrs and maenads, holding a thyrsus, ivy branch, and the handle figures, using a theoretical model.17 wine vase, musical instrument or torch are the In his opinion all figured scenes allude to the paideia participants. Such thiasi do not refer to the paideia of men and of women. The main occupations of a of men or women.26 man were sport, an interest which would, in turn, Many other scenes do not fit into Menichetti’s prepare each man for war and allow him to show model either, like, for instance, kitchen scenes (12), virtus, marrying and begetting offspring. Quin- Atlas supporting the heavens (39), the sacrifice of tessential occupations for a woman were bathing, Iphigenia (45 and 82), a man (Mercurius?) carrying becoming beautiful and seductive in order to marry the nude corpse of a child (52), Aiax in the act of and give birth to children. Menichetti states that contemplating his suicide (74, cf. mirror 45), and ‘the basic language of cista and mirror scenes func- Tyro recognizing her sons (85). There are only four tions as the celebration of a matrimonial ideology’.18 probably non-mythological sports scenes (93, 94, However, Menichetti’s paideia theory is not con- 95 and 112). There are no birth scenes, no images vincing for several reasons.19 referring to procreation. There is only one possible First, he presumes that cistae belonged to mar- reference to rebirth: the famous cista 5 showing ried women.20 There is, however, no archaeologi- menerva caring for a young mars above a dolium cal (contextual) and epigraphic evidence. According with fire or a boiling liquid.27 A mother with a to the inscription on the handle base of the famous child appears only twice: once with a frightened cista Ficoroni (68) ‘Dindia Macolnia gave (me, the child (27) and another time with two offering chil- cista) to her daughter’ (dindia . macolnia . fileai . dedit).21 dren (76). As for the afterlife or underworld, one The reason of the gift is not mentioned. Dindia cista shows a psychostasy (101) and another a can just have given it to keep it in the family as, demon, possibly a deity of death (106).28 for example, sometimes happened with Etruscan Finally, Menichetti pays no attention to the mirrors.22 importance of the transmission of models and Second, some inscriptions are misinterpreted. whether these models are valid, in other words The inscribed personification of veritus (Virtus; whether scenes have visual parallels in 4th cen- Courage) on cista 101 has been misread.23 One tury BC South Italian, Etruscan and Faliscan red- 24 should read .iventus (Iuventus; Youth). The semi- figured vases and other artifacts. Some scenes draped person labeled rit on mirror 103 has incor- may have been transmitted by artists who visited rectly been reconstructed as (ve)rit(us). There are or migrated to Praeneste. Apart from visual mod- no traces of letters before and behind rit as Franchi els oral communication has played a role, as De Bellis has pointed out.25 shown by mythological names in several inscrip- The personification of doxa (Fame; Glory) hold- tions of Greek origin.29 ing a bird, standing beside Iphigenia or Diana (and In view of these observations, it is worthwhile a deer) but labeled as ladumeda on cista 45 (cf. 82 to compare the imagery of mirrors with that of without inscriptions) proves that not only the cistae. Do the mirror scenes sustain Menichetti’s courage of men but also of women is illustrated. If theory? What are the main themes, in other the inscription leces in the label on a column means words what is the underlying significance of the leges (Laws), it can be read as another ethical mes- representations in both media? What do they say sage implying the importance of justice. None of about the ideology of Praeneste’s elite? I start these inscriptions fits into Menichetti’s model. with a global comparison between the imagery of Third, many cista body scenes do not refer to cistae and that of mirrors. Instead of Greek myth- the paideia of men or women. They show battle ological names, I use Latin equivalents, since all scenes between Greeks and Amazons, Centaurs, inscriptions are written in Latin or the Praenes- Giants and, in one case, griffins in order to fill the tine Latin dialect.
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