Teaching the Politics of Islamic Fundamentalism*
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The Teacher Teaching the Politics of Islamic Fundamentalism* Masoud Kazemzadeh, University of Alabama at Birmingham Ever since the Iranian revolution of mentalist groups (Bennoune 1995; religions of modernization—Chris- 1979, in which a group of fundamen- Mernissi 1988). At the same time, tianity, Judaism, Confucianism, Shin- talist Shi'i clerics outmaneuvered some women have embraced the veil toism, even Buddhism and Hinduism. liberals, socialists, and non-funda- and have become supporters of Is- Each of these religions, in its own way, has been interpreted or reinter- mentalist Islamists, Islamic funda- lamist groups—both fundamentalist preted so as to induce people to be- mentalism has become the dominant and anti-fundamentalist. The cen- have in ways conducive to moderniza- force in much of the Islamic world. trality of gender issues in contem- tion, or to function alongside of, The rise of Islamic fundamentalism porary Middle East politics has without impeding, modern behavior, has generated several issues of ana- spawned scholarly and popular de- yet to provide personal comfort, a lytical significance for political scien- bates on the relationship between sense of continuity with one's past, tists. Islam, Islamic fundamentalism, and and a group identity. (1987b, 60) Many scholars believe that Islamic gender equality. fundamentalism will precipitate vio- Both research and teaching on the The scholars working within the first lent international conflicts (Karabell subject of Islamic fundamentalism paradigm may be divided into three 1996-97). Samuel Huntington (1993) are very recent in political science distinct subgroups. The division is has gone so far as to argue not only because only in the past two decades primarily on political grounds. In that the coming clash between the have fundamentalist groups emerged other words, despite similar paradig- West and the Islamic world will be as major political contenders. I see matic assumptions and conceptions, the defining characteristic of the three main paradigms in the re- sharp political and policy differences post-Cold War period but also that search on Islamic fundamentalism: divide adherents of the first para- the Islamic world has "bloody bor- Islamic Exceptionalism, Compara- digm. For lack of better terms, I re- ders" with Orthodox Christian, tive undamentalisms, and Class fer to these subgroups as cultural Hindu, Chinese, and African civiliza- Analysis. relativists, neo-Cold warriors, and Islamic fundamentalists. tions. John Esposito is the most prolific The collapse of communism has and articulate representative of the coincided with the emergence of First Paradigm: Islamic Exceptionalism cultural relativists. Members of this democratic regimes in Latin Amer- subgroup avoid using the term "fun- ica, Eastern Europe, and parts of Scholars who adhere to the first damentalist" because they view the Africa. However, the rise of Islamic paradigm believe that Western social rise of Islamic movements in the fundamentalism may have retarded scientific theories are inapplicable to past two decades as the latest resur- democratization in the Middle East. the study of Islamic fundamentalism gence of a cyclical phenomenon that Islamic fundamentalist movements because this phenomenon is unique has occurred throughout Islamic his- promise to replace incumbent au- to the Islamic world. In other words, tory (Esposito 1991). Instead, they thoritarian regimes with totalitarian the Islamic world is essentially dif- refer to these movements as "Islam- ones which make political dissent ferent from the rest of the world, in ist," or "political Islam." Members of blasphemy, assassinate their oppo- general, and the West, in particular. this subgroup tend to view Islam and nents, and carry out inquisitions of According to the first paradigm, Is- Islamist movements in a very posi- university professors, journalists, and lam is comprised of a set of clearly tive light. Concerned with the wide- intellectuals (Middle East Watch defined and unchanging principles. spread negative prejudice against 1993). This has led the incumbent This essentialist conception of Islam Islam and Muslims in the West, authoritarian regimes to halt or re- is combined with the assertion that they dismiss much of the antidemo- verse earlier steps towards political Islam is not simply a religion but a cratic, misogynist, and atavistic pol- liberalization and democratization. comprehensive way of life. More- icies of the fundamentalists as aris- This situation has produced scholarly over, this ahistorical and essentialist ing from either cultural differences and popular debates on the relation- Islam is regarded as the independent or the temporary excesses of a few ship between democracy, Islam, and variable determining the behaviors extremists (Rahnema and Behdad Islamic fundamentalism (see, for of the ruled and rulers alike. 1995). example, AbuKhalil 1995; Esposito According to Myron Weiner, However, most Western scholars and Piscatori 1991; Kazemzadeh who adopt the first paradigm belong 1996; Tessler and Brand 1995; Voll What is striking about the Islamic to the second subgroup; they tend to and Esposito 1995). resurgence is its rejection of much of what is generally regarded as modern have a very negative view of Islamic The misogynist programs of Is- in the twentieth century: secularism, movements. Sadowski (1993) calls lamic fundamentalists have provoked democracy, and even nationalism. In this group of scholars "Orientalist" a backlash among many women who this respect Islam has come to play and "neo-Orientalist." Because of have organized resistance to funda- quite a different role from that of the the pejorative connotations which 52 PS: Political Science & Politics Teaching the Politics of Islamic Fundamentalism have come to accompany these coholic beverages, playing games of religious law), but do not advocate terms, I prefer to use the culturally chance and backgammon, engaging the rule of Sunni ulama or muftis neutral term "neo-Cold Warriors" to in pre-marital sex, and watching Bay- (clerics). refer to this group of scholars. They watch or VH1, among others, which As mentioned earlier, sharp politi- argue that the roots of dictatorship fundamentalists regard as harmful to cal differences divide the three sub- and repression of dissent in Islamic the well-being of society. In other groups. Daniel Pipes, who is one of countries lie in Islamic faith and that words, responsibility to the commu- the most articulate of the neo-Cold Islamic fundamentalism is primarily nity should override notions of indi- warriors, regards the cultural relativ- a more assertive and political form vidual rights and liberties. ists as both naive and appeasers who of the Islamic faith. While Myron Shi'i clerics had always maintained do not realize the dangers which Is- Weiner and Samuel Huntington do that sovereignty belongs to God, lamic fundamentalism poses. Ac- not make distinctions between Islam who had invested it in the Prophet cording to Pipes, "Communists and as a faith and Islamic fundamental- Mohammad who, in turn, had rele- fundamentalists being invariably hos- ism as a political ideology, Daniel tile to us, we should show not empa- Pipes (1995, 1996) goes to great thy but resolve, not goodwill but will pains to make this distinction. power" (1995, 195). He advocates According to neo-Cold warrior Both research and teaching "containment and rollback" of Is- scholars, Islamic fundamentalism lamic fundamentalism. For Pipes, represents the major threat to West- on the subject of Islamic "fundamentalists challenge the West ern interests in the post-Cold War more profoundly than Communists period (Pipes and Clawson 1992/93; fundamentalism are very did and do. The latter disagree with Pipes 1995). First, fundamentalists recent in political science our politics but not with our whole threaten the stability of many pro- view of the world" (1995, 194). Western regimes in the Middle East because only in the past For cultural relativists, the neo- and North Africa, such as those in two decades have Cold warriors overestimate the Egypt, Algeria, Jordan, Turkey, and threat of Islamic fundamentalism Tunisia. Second, fundamentalists fundamentalist groups and underestimate the divisions violently oppose the American-spon- among the fundamentalists (Esposito sored peace process between Israel emerged as major political 1992; Mottahedeh 1995; Sick 1996). and the Palestinian authority. Third, contenders. The cultural relativists concede that, the most successful military and ter- by and large, Islamic fundamentalists rorist actions against Israelis and regard the United States as the en- Americans have been carried out by emy and that the fundamentalists fundamentalist groups such as (Leb- gated it to the twelve Shi'i Imams one after another. Khomeini's inno- are more than a mere nuisance. anese) Hezbollah, (Lebanese) Is- However, cultural relativists argue lamic Amal, (Palestinian) HAMAS, vation was to argue that during the that it is hyperbole to regard Islamic and (Palestinian) Islamic Jihad. absence of the 12th Imam (the Shi'i fundamentalism as a threat to West- Fourth, there is a concerted coordi- Muslims' Messiah), sovereignty be- ern societies more dangerous than nation among fundamentalists that longs to the Shi'i clerics. In July Communism. Islamic fundamental- targets American interests. Accord- 1997, Ayatollah Mohammad Yazdi, ists have not achieved nor are they ing to Daniel Pipes, "Teheran ad- chair of the Judicial Branch and