The Political Thought of Abul A'la Maududi
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Islam, Models and the Middle East: the New Balance of Power Following the Arab Spring1
Islam, Models and the Middle East: The New Balance of Power following the Arab Spring1 Burhanettin DURAN* and Nuh YILMAZ** Abstract Key Words The Arab Spring has created a fertile Model, Islam, balance of power, Middle ground for the competition of different models East, theo-political, New Sunnism, Arab (Turkish, Iranian and Saudi) and for a new Spring, Salafi, Shia, Wahhabi. balance of power in the Middle East and North Africa. These three models, based on three distinct styles of politics, go hand in hand Introduction with competing particular politics of Islam. Their search for a new order in the region The aim of this article is to discuss the synthesises covert and overt claims for regional changing balance of power in the Middle leadership, national interests and foreign policy priorities. This article argues that the new East and North Africa (MENA) region emerging regional order will be established on following the Arab Spring by focusing either a theo-political understanding, in other on the foreign policies of the four leading words on securitisation and alliances based states- Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and on sectarian polarisation which will lead to Egypt- and their political and religious more interference from non-regional actors, or on a gradual reform process of economic models. The main emphasis will be the integration and diplomatic compromise. In way in which how these four countries the first case, biases and negative perceptions use their models as vehicles to compete will be deepened in reference to history and for supremacy in a new regional order. to differences in religious interpretation, and will result in conflict, animosity and outside Therefore, the problem will not be interference. -
The Political Failure of Islamic Law
The Political Failure of Islamic Law Bernard Haykel Yale Law School a Occasional Papers The Political Failure of Islamic Law Bernard Haykel The Dallah Albaraka Lectures on Islamic Law and Civilization September 24, 2013 Yale Law School a Occasional Papers New Haven 2014 Bernard Haykel is Professor of Near Eastern Studies and Direc- he title chosen for this lecture is deliberately provocative tor of the Institute for Transregional Study of the Contempo- T and somewhat misleading. It is not meant to suggest rary Middle East, North Africa and Central Asia at Princeton that Islam, or Islamic law, has failed in some general or nor- University. The views expressed in this lecture are solely those of mative sense. Rather, the lecture will argue that the e≠ort Professor Haykel. © 2014 Bernard Haykel by modern Sunni Muslim Reformers, and their Islamist fol- lowers, to generate Islamic legal rulings has failed to achieve the political vision of a powerful and confident Islamic order. The Reformers’ political program has failed both because their interpretation of the law has proven inadequate to deliver on its promises and because the instrument through which they chose to impose this interpretation—the institu- tion of the modern state—has proven inappropriate for the purpose. I hope to show here that this failure is due to the fact that the program of the modern Sunni Reformers rep- resents a double rupture with the past: first, the Reformers deliberately chose to sweep away the teachings of the estab- lished schools of law; second, they opted for the state rather than society as the means by which to impose their program. -
Turkish Policy Towards Israel and Palestine : Continuity Change in the Relations of Turkish
Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of Justice and Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) policy towards Israel and Palestine : Continuity change in the relations of Turkish- Turkish The AKP’s material and ideological interests have been used as a ‘goal’ and also as a ‘tool’. This means that whenever the AKP government is threatened and confronted with internal or external troubles, these interests can move from being a ‘goal’ to be used as a ‘means’ to consolidate AKP’s power. In the case of stability, Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine these interests can be seen in the context of being a ‘goal’, which the AKP is Continuity and change in the relations of the Turkish- looking forward to achieve. This AKP pragmatic policy is called exploitation-via- Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of the Justice and cooperation. Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) Mohammed Alsaftawi Mohammed Alsaftawi is a researcher at the Ghent Institute for International Studies at the Department of Political Science, Ghent University. Mohammed Alsaftawi Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervised by Prof. Dries Lesage Faculty of Political and Social Sciences Department of Political Science Turkish policy towards Israel and Palestine: Continuity and change in the relations of the Turkish- Palestinian-Israeli triangle under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) (2002-2016) Doctoral dissertation submitted by: Mohammed Alsaftawi in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervised by Prof. Dries Lesage Academic Year 2016-2017 January 2017, Ghent Belgium Samenvatting Het Turks buitenlandsbeleid is een beladen onderwerp, bestudeerd door verscheiden academici. -
2. JIHADI-SALAFI REBELLION and the CRISIS of AUTHORITY Haim Malka
2. JIHADI-SALAFI REBELLION AND THE CRISIS OF AUTHORITY Haim Malka ihadi-salafists are in open rebellion. The sheer audacity of the JSeptember 11, 2001 attacks, combined with Osama bin Laden’s charisma and financial resources, established al Qaeda as the leader of jihad for a decade. Yet, the Arab uprisings of 2011 and the civil war in Syria shifted the ground dramatically. More ambi- tious jihadi-salafists have challenged al Qaeda’s leadership and approach to jihad, creating deep divisions. For the foreseeable future, this crisis will intensify, and al Qaeda and its chief com- petitor, the Islamic State, will continue to jockey for position. In late 2010, the self-immolation of a despairing Tunisian street vendor inspired millions of Arabs to rise up against authoritarian governments. In a matter of weeks, seemingly impregnable Arab regimes started to shake, and a single man had sparked what decades of attacks by Islamists, including jihadi-salafi groups, had not: the overthrow of an authoritarian government. In the wake of this change, a new generation of jihadi-salafists saw unprecedented opportunities to promote their own methods, priorities, and strategy of jihad. Jihadi-salafists had very little to do with the Arab uprisings themselves, though they quickly realized the importance of capitalizing on new regional dynamics. The fall of authoritarian rulers in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt created contested political and security environments. New governments released thou- 9 10 Jon B. Alterman sands of jailed jihadi-salafi leaders and activists. This move not only bolstered the ranks of jihadi-salafi groups, but also provided unprecedented space for them to operate locally with minimal constraints. -
Islamic Approach of Economics: Some Discourses on Khurshid Ahmad's
<Articles> Islamic Approach of Economics: Some Discourses Title on Khurshid Ahmad's Vision of Socio-Economic Order, Self- Reliance and Economic Development Author(s) UL HASSAN, Mehboob イスラーム世界研究 : Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies Citation (2010), 3(2): 216-240 Issue Date 2010-03 URL https://doi.org/10.14989/123293 Right Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University イスラーム世界研究 第Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area 3 巻 Studies 2 号(2010 3-2 (March 年 3 月)216 2010) –240 頁 Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies, 3-2 (March 2010), pp. 216–240 Islamic Approach of Economics: Some Discourses on Khurshid Ahmad’s Vision of Socio-Economic Order, Self-Reliance and Economic Development Mehboob UL HASSAN* 1. Introduction Many thoughts have been given to the economics since the beginning of Enlightenment Movement of the seventeenth and eighteenth century, but never in the history of mankind has economics assumed the importance it has today. Later on, during the second half of 19th century to the beginning of 20th century it passed through a revolutionary changing phase. Economics, hitherto a subsidiary of social sciences and fully integrated with moral norms and ethics, segregated from its main discipline and was emerged as an independent, value-neutral, scientific discipline in the West. Western economics intelligentsia, because of secular and materialistic influence, rigorously ponders maximum importance to the engineering outcomes and merely ignores the importance of social-moral paradigm. With this background, the focus of economic development was more on the engineering growth and to fulfill of basic needs and self-interest. This trend has established such firm roots that Joan Robins [1903– 1983] made a clear statement on the segregation of economics from the ethics and says that ethics and economics are strange bedfellows: there cannot be any link between the two. -
U.S.-Turkish Relations: a Review at the Beginning of the Third Decade of the Post-Cold War
U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decade of the post–cold war era 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Report Coordinators Bulent Aliriza Bulent Aras November 2012 ISBN 978-0-89206-759-6 Ë|xHSKITCy067596zv*:+:!:+:! Blank U.S.-Turkish Relations a review at the beginning of the third decade of the post–cold war era Report Coordinators Bulent Aliriza Bulent Aras November 2012 About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed practical solutions to the world’s greatest challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars continue to provide strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and de- velop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Since 1962, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. After 50 years, CSIS has become one of the world’s pre- eminent international policy institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global development and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. John J. Hamre became the Center’s president and chief executive officer in 2000. -
Preventing Violent Extremism in Kyrgyzstan
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 2301 Constitution Ave., NW • Washington, DC 20037 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Jacob Zenn and Kathleen Kuehnast This report offers perspectives on the national and regional dynamics of violent extremism with respect to Kyrgyzstan. Derived from a study supported by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) to explore the potential for violent extremism in Central Asia, it is based on extensive interviews and a Preventing Violent countrywide Peace Game with university students at Kyrgyz National University in June 2014. Extremism in Kyrgyzstan ABOUT THE AUTHORS Jacob Zenn is an analyst on Eurasian and African affairs, a legal adviser on international law and best practices related to civil society and freedom of association, and a nonresident research Summary fellow at the Center of Shanghai Cooperation Organization Studies in China, the Center of Security Programs in Kazakhstan, • Kyrgyzstan, having twice overthrown autocratic leaders in violent uprisings, in 2005 and again and The Jamestown Foundation in Washington, DC. Dr. Kathleen in 2010, is the most politically open and democratic country in Central Asia. Kuehnast is a sociocultural anthropologist and an expert on • Many Kyrgyz observers remain concerned about the country’s future. They fear that underlying Kyrgyzstan, where she conducted field work in the early 1990s. An adviser on the Central Asia Fellows Program at the socioeconomic conditions and lack of public services—combined with other factors, such as Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington drug trafficking from Afghanistan, political manipulation, regional instability in former Soviet University, she is a member of the Council on Foreign Union countries and Afghanistan, and foreign-imported religious ideologies—create an envi- Relations and has directed the Center for Gender and ronment in which violent extremism can flourish. -
Varieties of South Asian Islam Francis Robinson Research Paper No.8
Varieties of South Asian Islam Francis Robinson Research Paper No.8 Centre for Research September 1988 in Ethnic Relations University of Warwick Coventry CV4 7Al Francis Robinson is a Reader in History at the Royal Holloway and Bedford New College, University of London. For the past twenty years he has worked on Muslim politics and Islamic institutions in South Asia and is the author of many articles relating to these fields. His main books are: Separatism Among Indian Muslims: The Politics of the United Provinces' Muslims 1860-1923 (Cambridge, 1974); Atlas of the Islamic World since 1500 (Oxford, 1982); Islam in Modern South Asia (Cambridge, forthcoming); Islamic leadership in South Asia: The 'Ulama of Farangi Mahall from the seventeenth to the twentieth century (Cambridge, forthcoming). Varieties of South Asian Islam1 Over the past forty years Islamic movements and groups of South Asian origin have come to be established in Britain. They offer different ways, although not always markedly different ways, of being Muslim. Their relationships with each other are often extremely abrasive. Moreover, they can have significantly different attitudes to the state, in particular the non-Muslim state. An understanding of the origins and Islamic orientations of these movements and groups would seem to be of value in trying to make sense of their behaviour in British society. This paper will examine the following movements: the Deobandi, the Barelvi, the Ahl-i Hadith, the Tablighi Jamaat, the Jamaat-i Islami, the Ahmadiyya, and one which is unlikely to be distinguished in Britain by any particular name, but which represents a very important Islamic orientation, which we shall term the Modernist.2 It will also examine the following groups: Shias and Ismailis. -
The Istanbul Bombs: Challenging the Turkish Model?
TURKEY UPDATE December 3, 2003 THE ISTANBUL BOMBS: CHALLENGING THE TURKISH MODEL? The four massive truck bombs which targeted two synagogues on November 15, and just five days later, the British Consulate and a British-based bank in Istanbul, claimed fifty five Turkish and foreign victims – including the British Consul General - and wounded hundreds more, while causing millions of dollars of material damage. Beyond their immediate impact, the terrorist attacks caused incalculable collateral damage to the sense of security of the Turkish people by undermining the prevailing domestic tranquility. At an even wider level, the terrorists responsible for the outrages, who demonstrated once again that they would not draw the line at killing fellow Moslems in the misguided pursuit of their goals, also dragged Turkey into the frontline of their war. Turkey’s unwanted new international role was underlined by the immediate reaction of the countries on the other side of the current global conflict with the terrorists, namely Israel, the United Kingdom - who acknowledged that they were targets of the Istanbul bombings – and the United States. Soon after the synagogue bombs, Silvan Shalom, the Israeli Foreign Minister, visited Istanbul to declare: “The message here is that we have a shared fate. We all suffer at the hands of the same extreme groups who wish to hurt anyone who adopts values of democracy, freedom, equality and the rule of law.” The second series of bombs, which exploded just before President George Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair were due to hold a press conference in London, produced similarly harsh denunciations by the two leaders, and a visit to Turkey by British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw. -
Islamic Authority and the Articulation of Jihad: Approaching Jihadist Authority Through the Islamist Magazine Inspire
Islamic Authority and the Articulation of Jihad: Approaching Jihadist Authority through the Islamist Magazine Inspire Aleisha LaChette Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts In Political Science Bettina Koch, Chair Rachel Scott Luke Plotica April 29, 2015 Blacksburg, VA Keywords: jihad, Islamic authority, terrorism, Inspire magazine Copyright 2015, Aleisha LaChette Islamic Authority and the Articulation of Jihad: Approaching Jihadist Authority through the Islamist Magazine Inspire Aleisha LaChette ABSTRACT This thesis examines the impact of changing views of legitimate Islamic authority on conceptions of jihad. Spearheaded by militant Sunni movements, jihad in the modern era has taken on new purposes and practices that more closely resemble general understandings of terrorism than the regulated forms of warfare cemented during the classical period of Islam. Contrasting the historical authority of the caliph or political leader and the ‘ulama over the concept of jihad with the modern state and ‘ulama’s lack of control over the concept offers a partial explanation of the divergence of contemporary jihad from the classical or traditional views. This thesis uses the concept of individual jihad as communicated through the jihadist magazine Inspire, to counter the dismissal of radical articulations of jihad as un-Islamic and therefore illegitimate, and to demonstrate how such forms instead reflect the opportunistic replacement of traditional political and religious authority by the jihadist as the true defender of Islam and consequently the rightful interpreter of Islamic law. To Oren iii Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the guidance, encouragement and support of my committee members, Dr. -
Islamic Fundamentalism, Jihad, and Terrorism
【Review】 57 Islamic Fundamentalism, Jihad, and Terrorism Byung-Ock CHANG Prof. of Iranian Dept., Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Imun-dong 270, Dongdaemun-gu, Seoul 130-791, Korea Abstract This paper is on the relation between jihad and terrorism in the Islamic fundamentalism. Since September 11th, the nation’s press, too, has made exclusive coverage of the attack and we have become more familiar with many relevant terms, one of which is Islamic fundamentalism. Radical Islamic fun- damentalism is inherently militant in nature and poses a threat to the new world order that emphasizes democratic values, particularly after the establishment of the Afghan Taliban. Some Western observers, including policy makers, regard Islamic fundamentalism as a more dangerous ideology and political movement than communism after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Radical Islamic fundamentalist groups launched a fierce war against established authority through ter- rorist means such as kidnapping, assassination, and bombing. They not only attacked government offi- cials and buildings, but also kidnapped and assassinated foreign travelers, journalists, and diplomats. Many Western politicians and scholars regard Islamic fundamentalism as a new global threat. The war between communism and the West has been replaced by a new war between the West and Islamic fun- damentalists. The concept of jihad has contemporary relevance as a defensive principle working for human free- dom. Jihad can legitimately be employed for throwing off a foreign yoke-the principle of self-determi- nation that modern international law endorses. We need to bear in mind that interpretations of terms vary according to nations. In this case, terrorism, from the viewpoint of minority ethnic groups or peo- ple from the Third World, is the fight for liberation and freedom. -
Coming to Terms: Fundamentalists Or Islamists? by Martin Kramer Middle East Quarterly Spring 2003, Pp
Coming to Terms: Fundamentalists or Islamists? by Martin Kramer Middle East Quarterly Spring 2003, pp. 6577 http://www.meforum.org/541/comingtotermsfundamentalistsorislamists No one who reads or writes about events in the Muslim world can avoid the question of how to label those Muslims who invoke Islam as the source of authority for all political and social action. Should they be labeled Islamic (or Muslim) fundamentalists? Or are they better described as Islamists? The issue has been the subject of a heated debate for two decades. For a while, both general and scholarly usage in America accepted fundamentalism. Islamism emerged in the late 1980s in French academe and then crossed into English, where it eventually displaced Islamic fundamentalism in specialized contexts. More recently, the term Islamism has gained even wider currency, and since September 11, 2001, it may even have established itself as the preferred American usage. Still newer terminology may lie over the horizon. Behind the battle over usage lies another struggle, over the nature of the phenomenon itself. In fact, the two contests, over English usage and analytical understanding, are inseparable. Nor are they free of associations left by past usages. Here follows a short history of changing usage—itself a history of changing Western perceptions of Muslim reality. The Debut of Islamism The term Islamism first appeared in French in the mideighteenth century. But it did not refer to the modern ideological use of Islam, which had not yet come into being. Rather, it was a synonym for the religion of the Muslims, which was then known in French as mahométisme, the religion professed and taught by the Prophet Muhammad.