Roots of Violence by ISIS, an Analysis on Beliefs
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The Clash of Thoughts Within the Arab Discourse
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2009 The Clash Of Thoughts Within The Arab Discourse Chadia Louai University of Central Florida Part of the Political Science Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Louai, Chadia, "The Clash Of Thoughts Within The Arab Discourse" (2009). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 4114. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/4114 CLASH OF THOUGHTS WITHIN THE CONTEMPORARY ARAB DISCOURSE By CHADIA LOUAI L.D. University Hassan II, 1992 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts In the department of Political Science In the College of Sciences At the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2009 Major Professor: Houman A. Sadri ©2009 Chadia Louai ii ABSTRACT The Clash of Civilization thesis by Samuel Huntington and the claims of other scholars such as Bernard Lewis reinforced the impression in the West that the Arab world is a homogeneous and rigid entity ready to clash with other civilizations. In fact, some in the West argue that world civilizations have religious characteristics, for that reason the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will be primarily cultural and religious. However, other scholars argue that there is no single Islamic culture but rather multiple types of political Islam and different perception of it. -
Politics, Terrorism, and the Sunni Divide
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Fax & Email and Posted at www.fpri.org September 2009 POLITICS, TERRORISM, AND THE SUNNI DIVIDE By Samuel Helfont This E-Note is based on Mr. Helfont’s forthcoming monograph, The Sunni Divide: Understanding Politics and Terrorism in the Arab Middle East, a product of FPRI’s Center on Terrorism, Counterterrorism, and Homeland Security. Wahhabism and the Muslim Brotherhood are two distinct forms of Sunni Islamism. They have separate histories and separate worldviews. In reality they are not even the same type of movement. Their origins were largely unrelated. Their historic missions have been completely different, as are their current goals and means of achieving those goals. Unfortunately, these differences too often are overshadowed by a false Sunni-Shia dichotomy that tends to lump all Sunni Islamists together. But learning the differences between Sunni Islamists is critical to understanding politics and terrorism in the Arab Middle East. One could even argue that the most important division shaping Arab politics is not between Sunnis and Shias but between the Wahhabis and the Brotherhood. Before delving into current issues, however, it is first necessary to define differences between Wahhabism and the Muslim Brotherhood. Wahhabism stems from the theological teachings of Muhammad ibn abd al-Wahhab, the eighteenth century reformer. Abd al- Wahhab was one of several “revivalist” thinkers to emerge from that century. The mission of these revivalists was to purify and thereby revitalize Islam. They carried the banner of reform but unlike modern reformers, they wanted to transform Islam on traditionally Islamic grounds. -
Sayyid Qutb: an Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory Joseph D
Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Masters Theses Graduate Research and Creative Practice 4-7-2008 Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory Joseph D. Bozek Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/theses Recommended Citation Bozek, Joseph D., "Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory" (2008). Masters Theses. 672. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/theses/672 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Research and Creative Practice at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory By Joseph D. Bozek School of Criminal Justice Grand Valley State University Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory By Joseph D. Bozek August 7, 2008 THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master’s of Science in Criminal Justice in the School of Criminal Justice of Grand Valley State University Grand Rapids, Ml Thesis Committee Dr. Jonathan White (Chair) Dr. William Crawley Dr. Frank Hughes Acknowledgements To the faculty and staff of Grand Valley State University’s School of Criminal Justice to whom I am truly grateful for all of the support and guidance both inside and outside of the classroom. I hope I can one day impact someone’s life in the same way you have impacted mine. 11 Abstract The purpose of this research is to provide a comprehensive analysis of a salient jihadist philosopher by the name of Sayyid Qutb. -
Abu Mus`Ab Al-Suri's Critique of Hard Line Salafists in the Jihadist Current
DECEMBER 2007 . VOL 1 . ISSUE 1 Abu Mus`ab al-Suri’s Salafism identify contemporary jihadists as While the term Salafism is historically simply radicalized elements within, or Critique of Hard Line associated with a late 19th and early as by-products of, a broader Salafist Salafists in the Jihadist 20th century Islamic reformist phenomenon. Instead, it may be more Current movement, today’s Salafists are very fruitful to speak of Salafism as one of different. Their main characteristic is several competing ideological strands By Brynjar Lia their strict emulation of the practices within the jihadist current. Furthermore, of the Prophet Muhammad and his one may identify a spectrum, or a the recent scholarly literature companions at the pristine Islamic continuum, of positions within the on al-Qa`ida has focused on studying age, and hence an abhorrence of any contemporary Salafi-jihadism, defined internal divisions and ideological later “innovation” (bid`a) in belief and by two extreme positions. schisms in the global jihadist current.1 religious practice, an obsession with This literature has uncovered important God’s oneness (tawhid), a rejection On the one extreme are hard line Salafist fault lines with regard to al-Qa`ida’s of human rationality and an extreme purists for whom doctrinal purity is of priorities on issues such as media and exclusiveness, even hatred, toward quintessential importance, even if it 3 propaganda efforts versus military other Islamic schools and tendencies. means fighting side battles, alienating organization. Differences over the Even if only a small segment of today’s allies and shattering any semblance of primacy of religious-theological purity Salafists support al-Qa`ida, the term a common front against the “Zionist- versus military-strategic effectiveness “Salafi-jihadism” has nevertheless been Crusader” enemy. -
Islamic Fundamentalism, Jihad, and Terrorism
【Review】 57 Islamic Fundamentalism, Jihad, and Terrorism Byung-Ock CHANG Prof. of Iranian Dept., Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Imun-dong 270, Dongdaemun-gu, Seoul 130-791, Korea Abstract This paper is on the relation between jihad and terrorism in the Islamic fundamentalism. Since September 11th, the nation’s press, too, has made exclusive coverage of the attack and we have become more familiar with many relevant terms, one of which is Islamic fundamentalism. Radical Islamic fun- damentalism is inherently militant in nature and poses a threat to the new world order that emphasizes democratic values, particularly after the establishment of the Afghan Taliban. Some Western observers, including policy makers, regard Islamic fundamentalism as a more dangerous ideology and political movement than communism after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Radical Islamic fundamentalist groups launched a fierce war against established authority through ter- rorist means such as kidnapping, assassination, and bombing. They not only attacked government offi- cials and buildings, but also kidnapped and assassinated foreign travelers, journalists, and diplomats. Many Western politicians and scholars regard Islamic fundamentalism as a new global threat. The war between communism and the West has been replaced by a new war between the West and Islamic fun- damentalists. The concept of jihad has contemporary relevance as a defensive principle working for human free- dom. Jihad can legitimately be employed for throwing off a foreign yoke-the principle of self-determi- nation that modern international law endorses. We need to bear in mind that interpretations of terms vary according to nations. In this case, terrorism, from the viewpoint of minority ethnic groups or peo- ple from the Third World, is the fight for liberation and freedom. -
Coming to Terms: Fundamentalists Or Islamists? by Martin Kramer Middle East Quarterly Spring 2003, Pp
Coming to Terms: Fundamentalists or Islamists? by Martin Kramer Middle East Quarterly Spring 2003, pp. 6577 http://www.meforum.org/541/comingtotermsfundamentalistsorislamists No one who reads or writes about events in the Muslim world can avoid the question of how to label those Muslims who invoke Islam as the source of authority for all political and social action. Should they be labeled Islamic (or Muslim) fundamentalists? Or are they better described as Islamists? The issue has been the subject of a heated debate for two decades. For a while, both general and scholarly usage in America accepted fundamentalism. Islamism emerged in the late 1980s in French academe and then crossed into English, where it eventually displaced Islamic fundamentalism in specialized contexts. More recently, the term Islamism has gained even wider currency, and since September 11, 2001, it may even have established itself as the preferred American usage. Still newer terminology may lie over the horizon. Behind the battle over usage lies another struggle, over the nature of the phenomenon itself. In fact, the two contests, over English usage and analytical understanding, are inseparable. Nor are they free of associations left by past usages. Here follows a short history of changing usage—itself a history of changing Western perceptions of Muslim reality. The Debut of Islamism The term Islamism first appeared in French in the mideighteenth century. But it did not refer to the modern ideological use of Islam, which had not yet come into being. Rather, it was a synonym for the religion of the Muslims, which was then known in French as mahométisme, the religion professed and taught by the Prophet Muhammad. -
Why Youth Join Al-Qaeda Commanding the Joint Psychological Operations Task Force, Whose Missions Included Reducing the Flow of Foreign Fighters in the U.S
UNIteD StAteS INStItUte of Peace www.usip.org SPeCIAL RePoRt 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPO R T Colonel John M. ”Matt” Venhaus, U.S. Army Colonel John M. “Matt” Venhaus is the Jennings Randolph Army Fellow. He is a career psychological operations officer experienced with foreign media influence operations throughout Europe, the Middle East, and South Asia. This study marries his operational experience gained while Why Youth Join al-Qaeda commanding the Joint Psychological Operations Task Force, whose missions included reducing the flow of foreign fighters in the U.S. Central Command’s area of responsibility, with his academic research as a Senior Service College Fellow. The Summary views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the • Interviews and personal histories of 2,032 “foreign fighters” show that rather than be Army, Department of Defense, or U.S. government. recruited, young men actively seek out al-Qaeda and its associated movements. • Al-Qaeda is more than just an organization; it is an ideology and a popular global brand that spins a heroic narrative with an idealized version of Islamic jihad. • Al-Qaeda’s ubiquitous message of anti-Muslim oppression and global jihad appeals to the developmental needs of adolescents. • To defeat al-Qaeda, it is crucial to understand who seeks to join and why. • Common myths and misconceptions about why young men join extremist movements ignore the proximate causes. • Potential recruits have an unfulfilled need to define themselves. -
The Sunni Divide: Understanding Politics and Terrorism in the Arab Middle East
Center on Terrorism and Counterterrorism at the FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE The Sunni Divide: Understanding Politics And Terrorism In The Arab Middle East By Samuel Helfont THE SUNNI DIVIDE: UNDERSTANDING POLITICS AND TERRORISM IN THE ARAB MIDDLE EAST By Samuel Helfont November 2009 FPRI, 1528 Walnut Street, Suite 610, Philadelphia, PA 19102-3684 www.fpri.org About FPRI Founded in 1955, the Foreign Policy Research Institute is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization devoted to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the development of policies that advance U.S. national interests. We add perspective to events by fitting them into the larger historical and cultural context of international politics. About FPRI’s Center on Terrorism and Counterterrorism The Center’s mission is to study the goals, tactics, and strategies of terrorism and develop responses to it, using: advanced technology, scenarios and storyboarding, and simulation and modeling. The focus of the Center’s research is on terrorists, their strategies and tactics, and their objectives, resources, and capabilities for creating multilateral unconstrained disruption. The Center makes projections on future terrorist actions and develops improved systems for protecting our nation’s vital institutions and interests. FPRI, 1528 Walnut Street, Suite 610, Philadelphia, PA 19102-3684 www.fpri.org Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................................. -
Islamic Fundamentalism and the Education of Women in Afghanistan
William & Mary Journal of Race, Gender, and Social Justice Volume 11 (2004-2005) Issue 3 William & Mary Journal of Women and Article 12 the Law April 2005 "Even in Dreams, They are Coming": Islamic Fundamentalism and the Education of Women in Afghanistan Caroline B. Fleming Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmjowl Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Law and Gender Commons Repository Citation Caroline B. Fleming, "Even in Dreams, They are Coming": Islamic Fundamentalism and the Education of Women in Afghanistan, 11 Wm. & Mary J. Women & L. 597 (2005), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmjowl/vol11/iss3/12 Copyright c 2005 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmjowl "EVEN IN DREAMS, THEY ARE COMING":1 ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM AND THE EDUCATION OF WOMEN IN AFGHANISTAN CAROLINE B. FLEMING* I stand by your ear unseen. Three years. My youngest sister sickened My father carriedher to the hospital but they told him to throw her away. She died at the door That's when my anger endangered all of us In her name I started a secret school. To read to write, five little girls and I risked our lives I would do it again.It was a way for2 ghosts to have hands and voices for awhile. I. INTRODUCTION: A BRIEF HISTORY OF AFGHANISTAN IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY Since the United States military overthrew the Taliban regime in 2001, the political situation in Afghanistan has remained unstable, despite the promise ofAmerican assistance in crafting a new, progressive government to fill the power vacuum. -
VEO Cognitive Dimension SMA Variant Brief-Compressed
Comparing/Contrasting VEOs COGNITIVE DIMENSION – VIOLENT EXTREMIST ORGANIZATIONS: AL QAEDA, ISLAMIC STATE AND HEZBOLLAH Center for Advanced Operational Culture Learning October 2019 1 Early Major Attacks by Each Group Islamic Jihad (Hezbollah) attack on U.S. Marine Al Qaeda attack on U.S. Embassy’s in Barracks Beirut, 23 Oct 1983, 241 dead Nairobi and Dar es-Salaam, 7 Aug 1998, 224 dead ISI series of bombings, shootings and assassinations across Iraq, 15-21 May 2013, 732 dead 2 Agenda • Introduction • Looking at VEOs • Cognitive Themes o Identity o Worldview o Narratives o Education/Socialization o Acquiring & Sharing Info o Ways of Thinking & Perceiving • Comparisons o VEO Review o Why Join • Summary/Questions 3 What Does VEO Mean? • In this presentation, three groups are included as VEOs, meaning “Violent Extremist Organizations”, or VEOs for short • Yet, why are they called VEOs and where did the term come from? • In the U.S., where the term was originated sometime in the 1970s by law enforcement agencies, it has traditionally been used to describe white supremacist and/or Neo-Nazi/Skinhead groups, up to roughly 2005 • It was in the Netherlands that intelligence entities adopted this American term in 2004 to replace the term “radical Islamists” which was feared to be too discriminatory and thus inciting the very violence the Dutch were trying to avoid/suppress • Other European intelligence, law enforcement agencies and then governments followed suit, with the U.S. adopting the term by 2009 (however, in the U.S. the term is used to cover the entire spectrum of violent actual or potential terror entities, thus retaining specific overtones of white/Aryan supremacism) • Adoption of the term VEO largely ended the numerous somewhat tortured discussions at the national and operational level of what to call these terror groups 4 What Does VEO Mean? What is a Terrorist? • There is no statutory definition in the U.S. -
Islamic State's Qutbist Statehood
05 2 0 1 7 (NOUVELLE SÉRIE- VERSION ÉLECTRONIQUE) ISLAMIC STATE’S QUTBIST STATEHOOD: A SYSTEMIC THREAT TO THE CONCEPT OF SOVEREIGNTY AS A PRIMARY INSTITUTION IN THE ENGLISH SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS F. SAVERIO ANGIÒ1 I. INTRODUCTION – II. THE INSURGENCY OF ISLAMIC STATE – III. THE ORIGIN OF THE CALIPHATE: THEOCRACY SOUGHT – IV. THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE CALIPHATE – V. QUTBIST STATE THEORY – VI. WESTERN SOVEREIGNTY. WESTPHALIAN AND INTERNATIONAL LEGAL VOVEREIGNTY – VII. SOVEREIGNTY AND THE ENGLISH SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS– VIII. CONCLUSIONS. ABSTRACT: The insurgent organisation called Islamic State (IS) has changed the paradigm of the territorial statehood, by threatening the concept of Westphalian and international legal sovereignty. IS’s medieval caliphate territorial project is based on a powerful anti-secular interpretation of the sovereignty. IS’s interpretation of the sovereignty is inspired by Sayyid Qutb’s thought, who said the Western concept of sovereignty is in contrast with Islam. State actors generally accept sove- reignty, according to the English School of International Relations, as one of the systemic principles of order, defined as “primary institutions.” Consequently, Qutbist statehood represents an ideologi- cal challenge to these ideas. KEYWORDS: Islamic State, caliphate, sovereignty, Qutb, English School, primary institution. LA ESTATALIDAD QUTBISTA DEL ESTADO ISLÁMICO: UNA AMENAZA SISTÉMICA PARA EL CONCEPTO DE SOBERANÍA COMO INSTITUCIÓN PRIMARIA DE LA ESCUELA INGLESA DE RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES RESUMEN: La organización insurgente denominada Estado Islámico (EI) ha cambiado el para- digma de la condición de Estado territorial, con la amenaza al concepto de soberanía legal inter- nacional y westfaliana. El proyecto territorial de califato medieval de EI se basa en una poderosa interpretación antisecular de la soberanía. -
Defining and Understanding the Next Generation of Salafi-Jihadis
August 2019 Perspective EXPERT INSIGHTS ON A TIMELY POLICY ISSUE RICHARD C. BAFFA, NATHAN VEST, WING YI CHAN, ABBY FANLO Defining and Understanding the Next Generation of Salafi-Jihadis he United States has been engaged in a robust counterterrorism campaign, formerly known as the Global War on Terror (GWOT), since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. In the almost 18 years since the 9/11 attacks, Tthe U.S. military has significantly improved its ability to efficiently find, fix, and finish terrorist targets. However, there is widespread recognition among policymakers that the United States and its allies cannot simply kill or capture their way out of this difficult problem.1 More needs to be done to counter the toxic ideologies and narratives, as well as the legitimate grievances, that have fueled this global phenomenon, particularly with the emerging generation—what sociologists call Generation Z. To assess the future trends and characteristics of Salafi-jihadism in Generation Z, or Gen Z (known as individuals born between 1997 and 2012), we adopted a multidisciplinary approach incorporating security and terrorism stud- ies, child development, and survey data. Additionally, framing the study around generational cohorts as a unit of analysis allowed us to examine how different formative experiences, such as world events and technological, economic, and social dynamics, “interact with the life cycle and aging process to shape people’s views of the world.”2 Most notably, Gen Z distinguishes itself from previous generations by C O R P O R A T I O N ultra-conservative Islamists engaging in sociopolitical acts that emphasize the hyper-unity of the early umma, absolute Gen Z distinguishes itself monotheism (tawhid), and rejection of alternative Islamic views (bid‘a).