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Darfur Genocide
Darfur genocide Berkeley Model United Nations Welcome Letter Hi everyone! Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur. To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic; people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate. That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers. My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science. -
Sudan in Crisis
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Faculty Publications and Other Works by History: Faculty Publications and Other Works Department 7-2019 Sudan in Crisis Kim Searcy Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/history_facpubs Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Searcy, Kim. Sudan in Crisis. Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 12, 10: , 2019. Retrieved from Loyola eCommons, History: Faculty Publications and Other Works, This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications and Other Works by Department at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History: Faculty Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. © Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 2019. vol. 12, issue 10 - July 2019 Sudan in Crisis by Kim Searcy A celebration of South Sudan's independence in 2011. Editor's Note: Even as we go to press, the situation in Sudan continues to be fluid and dangerous. Mass demonstrations brought about the end of the 30-year regime of Sudan's brutal leader Omar al-Bashir. But what comes next for the Sudanese people is not at all certain. This month historian Kim Searcy explains how we got to this point by looking at the long legacy of colonialism in Sudan. Colonial rule, he argues, created rifts in Sudanese society that persist to this day and that continue to shape the political dynamics. -
SUDAN Country Brief UNICEF Regional Study on Child Marriage in the Middle East and North Africa
SUDAN - Regional Study on Child Marriage 1 SUDAN Country Brief UNICEF Regional Study on Child Marriage In the Middle East and North Africa UNICEF Middle East and North Africa Regional Oce This report was developed in collaboration with the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) and funded by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). The views expressed and information contained in the report are not necessarily those of, or endorsed by, UNICEF. Acknowledgements The development of this report was a joint effort with UNICEF regional and country offices and partners, with contributions from UNFPA. Thanks to UNICEF and UNFPA Jordan, Lebanon, Yemen, Sudan, Morocco and Egypt Country and Regional Offices and their partners for their collaboration and crucial inputs to the development of the report. Proposed citation: ‘Child Marriage in the Middle East and North Africa – Sudan Country Brief’, United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Middle East and North Africa Regional Office in collaboration with the International Center for Research on Women (IRCW), 2017. SUDAN - Regional Study on Child Marriage 3 4 SUDAN - Regional Study on Child Marriage SUDAN Regional Study on Child Marriage Key Recommendations Girls’ Voice and Agency Build capacity of women parliamentarians to effectively Provide financial incentives for sending girls raise and defend women-related issues in the parliament. to school through conditional cash transfers. Increase funding to NGOs for child marriage-specific programming. Household and Community Attitudes and Behaviours Engage receptive religious leaders through Legal Context dialogue and awareness workshops, and Coordinate advocacy efforts to end child marriage to link them to other organizations working on ensure the National Strategy is endorsed by the gov- child marriage, such as the Medical Council, ernment, and the Ministry of Justice completes its re- CEVAW and academic institutions. -
Activist Brief: Sudan’S New Army of War Criminals
Activist Brief: Sudan’s New Army of War Criminals The first six months of 2014 have brought devastating death and destruction in Sudan, on par with the height of the genocide in Darfur from 2003-2005. Despite the United Nations Security Council mandating that the Sudanese government disarm its Janjaweed militias a decade ago, it never did. Now, as the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor says, a new iteration of the Janjaweed have taken the country by storm. A new Enough Project Report, “Janjaweed Reincarnate,” traces the movements of these fighters -- newly trained, heavily armed, and re-branded as “Rapid Support Forces.” Who are the Rapid Support Forces? The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) is a “new security force” launched by the Sudanese government. Many of the same men who were once a part of the Janjaweed are now members or leaders within this new force. The Sudanese government says these forces are tasked with defeating rebels. However, in the past nine months, the RSF has been spotted around the country burning civilian areas to the ground, raping women, and displacing non-Arab civilians from their homes. Many of their attacks have been committed in tandem with aerial bombardments by the national army, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). These lethal combinations have directly targeted life-saving medical facilities, schools, humanitarian infrastructure, and entirely civilian areas where no rebels were present. How do the RSF differ from the Janjaweed? The RSF are an upgraded version of the Janjaweed that the world came to fear in Darfur during the height of the genocide. -
1 His Excellency Donald Tusk, President of The
His Excellency Donald Tusk, President of the European Council Rue de la Loi/Wetstraat 175 B-1048 Bruxelles/Brussel Belgique/België By email: [email protected] Cc: President of the European Commission, Mr. Jean-Claude Juncker President of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani High Representative of the European Union, Federica Mogherini Concerning: Appeal for an EU external policy framework based on European values Brussels, 18 June 2019 Dear Mr. President, We write to convey our congratulations to your contribution to the European project, as Europeans at heart and African people of goodwill, deeply committed to the brotherhood and long history between our two continents. During your term as President of the European Council, the European Union and its member states have externalised migration policy through direct and indirect cooperation with regimes and militia forces that are entirely unaccountable. Processes such as the EU-Horn of Africa Migration Route Initiative established in 2014, better known as the Khartoum Process, have provided the framework for such cooperation. Since the start of the Khartoum Process, organisations have therefore raised concerns about this policy and the European Union’s complicity with systematic and severe human rights abuses conducted by such ‘partners’, the lack of transparency of the cooperation agreements and the lack of civil society participation in the projects and dialogues. As part of this policy, both the European Union and individual member states have indirectly relied on external security forces and funded initiatives to train border guards, among others in Sudan and indirectly strengthened capacities to fulfil this role. The European Union has hidden behind the execution of such programmes by third parties. -
Submission by P
MAIN CONTACT PERSON: TILMAN ZUELCH Submission by P. O. Box 2024 Society for Threatened Peoples D-37010 Göttingen a non-governmental organization in special consultative status Phone: +49 (0)551 49906-0 Fax: +49 (0)551 58028 E-Mail: [email protected] Language: English only Universal Periodic Review Eleventh Session 2010-11-01 Sudan The announcement of the first national elections since 20 years, which finally began on April 11, 2010, was welcomed by the international community as a first step to ensure a broader political participation of Sudanese citizens. Elections were marred by human rights violations Nobody expected elections guaranteeing all fundamental democratic standards, but the elections were marred by massive human rights violations and an increasing political repression. Sudanese and international election observers documented hundreds of incidents of intimidation, fraud, incorrect voter lists, faulty ballots, late supply of ballot papers and insufficient registration of voters. In the weeks ahead of the elections international election observers were threatened with expulsion and national observers were intimidated. Electoral fraud in Eastern Sudan, which was documented by internet video footage, has led to the cancellation of these voting results. In Southern Sudan, some 200 incidents of harassment, intimidation or violence at the polling stations were reported by the observers. Journalists and independent candidates were the main target in this campaign of intimidation which was orchestrated by Northern and Southern Sudanese officials. On May 27, 2010, nine journalists Southern Sudanese journalists working for the state-run media were detained for more than a week after they refused to participate in the inauguration of South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir. -
Constraints in the Market Chains for Export of Sudanese Sheep and Sheep Meat to the Middle East
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE ILRI provided by CGSpace International Livestock Research Institute Research Report 16 Constraints in the market chains for export of Sudanese sheep and sheep meat to the Middle East ISBN 92–9146–195–4 Constraints in the market chains for export of Sudanese sheep and sheep meat to the Middle East Omar Hassan el Dirani, Mohammad A Jabbar and Babiker Idris Babiker Ministry of Animal Resources and Fisheries ILRI International Livestock Research Institute INTERNATIONAL LIVESTOCK RESEARCH INSTITUTE i Authors’ affiliations Omar Hassan el Dirani, Ministry of Animal Resources and Fisheries, Government of Sudan, Khartoum, the Sudan Mohammad A Jabbar, International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI), Nairobi, Kenya Babiker Idris Babiker, Department of Agricultural Economics, University of Khartoum, Khartoum, the Sudan © 2009 ILRI (International Livestock Research Institute). All rights reserved. Parts of this publication may be reproduced for non-commercial use provided that such reproduction shall be subject to acknowledgement of ILRI as holder of copyright. Editing, design and layout—ILRI Publications Unit, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. ISBN 92–9146–195–4 Correct citation: el Dirani OH, Jabbar MA and Babiker IB. 2009. Constraints in the market chains for export of Sudanese sheep and sheep meat to the Middle East. Research Report 16. Department of Agricultural Economics, University of Khartoum, Khartoum, the Sudan, and ILRI (International Livestock Research Institute), Nairobi, -
Teacher Information Sheet Genocide in Darfur
Teacher information sheet Genocide in Darfur Darfur is a region in the west of Sudan, bordering Chad, in north-east Africa. Before the conflict Darfur had an ethnically mixed population of around six million black Africans and Arabs. Darfur’s history Historically Darfur’s many different ethnic groups lived peacefully alongside each other, although conflicts over land-use between the Flag of Sudan, adopted in 1970 black African sedentary farmers and the lighter- skinned nomadic Arab population have arisen over time. The Sudanese Government has been condemned as racist – favouring Arabs over black Africans. They are accused of being complicit in ‘ethnic cleansing’ and enslavement of black Africans. Darfur’s ethnic mix of black Africans and Arabs made it a target for the Sudanese government. Many Sudanese people believe that the country’s border areas, such as Darfur (highlighted in green), have been Sudan neglected and marginalised by the government. Development has been focused on the capital city of Khartoum and the centre of the country. Darfur In February 2003 two Darfuri rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), launched a rebellion against the government. The majority of the rebels came from black African farming tribes, who accused the government of oppressing Darfur’s non-Arab citizens. The government responded by training, arming and mobilising the Arab-militia, known as the Janjaweed (‘devils on horseback’), to stop the rebellion, causing a civil war. The genocide The civil war has continued in the region since 2003. The Sudanese Government has supported the Janjaweed. Their violence has caused a humanitarian catastrophe in Darfur that has been condemned as genocide. -
Unpacking Ethnic Stacking: the Uses and Abuses of Security Force Ethnicity in Sudan
Unpacking Ethnic Stacking: The Uses and Abuses of Security Force Ethnicity in Sudan Nathaniel Allen National Defense University June 2019 1 Abstract African elites commonly recruit co-ethnic soldiers into state security institutions, a practice known as ethnic stacking. Ethnic stacking has recently received considerable attention from scholars and been linked to an array of outcomes, including repression, high levels of political violence and poor democratization outcomes. This article employs evidence from Sudan under Omar Al Bashir to argue that ethnic stacking is not one coherent tactic but several, and that its effects are mediated by the processes through which security force institutions are ethnically stacked. Within the leadership of state security institutions, ethnic stacking in Sudan served as a coup-proofing measure to ensure that leaders bound by ties of kinship and trust maintain oversight over the most sensitive functions of the security apparatus. In Sudan’s militia groups, ethnic stacking of militia groups and rank-and-file soldiers was used as a means of warfare and repression by altering overall composition of security forces with respect to the civilian population. The militia strategy itself was a product of the failure of the regime’s traditional security forces to function as effective counterinsurgents, and, by keeping the periphery of the country in a near-constant state of conflict, prolonged Bashir’s regime. World Count: 9,816 words Keywords: Ethnicity, Sudan, civil-military relations, civil wars, coups 2 Introduction For thirty years, Sudan was ruled by Al Bashir, an army officer who was the longest serving leader of the longest running regime in Sudanese history. -
How to Implement Sudan's New Peace Agreement
The Rebels Come to Khartoum: How to Implement Sudan’s New Peace Agreement Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°168 Khartoum/Nairobi/Brussels, 23 February 2021 What’s new? A peace agreement signed on 3 October 2020 paves the way for armed and unarmed opposition groups in Sudan to join the transitional government, dra- matically expanding representation of the country’s peripheries during the interim period before elections. The two most powerful rebel movements remain outside the accord, however. Why does it matter? Clinching the agreement was necessary for the country’s transition but implementation poses challenges. The agreement risks bloating the military and sets up a prospective political alliance between the rebels and Sudanese security forces, which could further sideline the government’s civilian cabinet and threaten to bury its reform agenda. What should be done? The interim government should negotiate with holdout rebels to bring them into the transition. Sudan’s international partners should press for security sector reform that decreases the size and political dominance of a newly expanded military while funding and supporting the authorities’ spending commit- ments in the peripheries. I. Overview Sudan’s October 2020 peace agreement, involving the interim government and rebel movements in Darfur and the Two Areas, among others, is an important step in the country’s transition after the ouster of former President Omar al-Bashir. The deal allows for representatives from armed groups in the country’s peripheries to take government posts and for significant public money to go to these areas. It is a way to rebalance the Nile Valley elites’ decades-long domination of Sudan’s political system. -
Security Council Report
SECURITY COUNCIL REPORT MONTHLY JAN 2012 23 December 2011 This report is available online and can beFORECAST viewed together with research studies and Update Reports at www.securitycouncilreport.org. For daily insights by SCR on evolving Security Council actions please visit or subscribe to our recently launched “What’s In Blue” series at www.whatsinblue.org Overview Contents of This Issue South Africa will preside over the Security Affairs, and on compliance with making UN-AU Strategic Partnership 1 Council in January. President Jacob Zuma required deposits to the compensation In Hindsight: The Working is expected to preside over a high-level fund established under resolution 687 Methods Open Debate 2 debate on the strategic partnership (1991) and the post-Development Fund Sudan/Darfur 5 between the UN and the AU in the area of for Iraq mechanism, most likely by the the maintenance of peace and security. The UN Controller, Maria Eugenia Casar, to South Sudan 7 Secretary-General is likely to brief on his be followed by consultations; Libya 9 report on this matter expected to be pub- n the AU-UN Hybrid Operation in Darfur Côte d’Ivoire 12 lished in early January. (UNAMID), probably by the Joint Special UNOWA (West Africa) 14 Representative Ibrahim Gambari, to be An open debate is planned on justice and followed by consultations; Iraq 15 the rule of law, with a possible Arria for- n the UN Office in West Africa UNOWA( ), Yemen 18 mula meeting preceding it. by Special Representative Said Djinnit, to Rule of Law 19 An open debate on the Middle East is be followed by consultations; Status Update since our also expected. -
Sudan, Performed by the Much Loved Singer Mohamed Wardi
Confluence: 1. the junction of two rivers, especially rivers of approximately equal width; 2. an act or process of merging. Oxford English Dictionary For you oh noble grief For you oh sweet dream For you oh homeland For you oh Nile For you oh night Oh good and beautiful one Oh my charming country (…) Oh Nubian face, Oh Arabic word, Oh Black African tattoo Oh My Charming Country (Ya Baladi Ya Habbob), a poem by Sidahmed Alhardallou written in 1972, which has become one of the most popular songs of Sudan, performed by the much loved singer Mohamed Wardi. It speaks of Sudan as one land, praising the country’s diversity. EQUAL RIGHTS TRUST IN PARTNERSHIP WITH SUDANESE ORGANISATION FOR RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT In Search of Confluence Addressing Discrimination and Inequality in Sudan The Equal Rights Trust Country Report Series: 4 London, October 2014 The Equal Rights Trust is an independent international organisation whose pur- pose is to combat discrimination and promote equality as a fundamental human right and a basic principle of social justice. © October 2014 Equal Rights Trust © Photos: Anwar Awad Ali Elsamani © Cover October 2014 Dafina Gueorguieva Layout: Istvan Fenyvesi PrintedDesign: in Dafinathe UK Gueorguieva by Stroma Ltd ISBN: 978-0-9573458-0-5 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be translated, reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by other means without the prior written permission of the publisher, or a licence for restricted copying from the Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd., UK, or the Copyright Clearance Centre, USA.