Locating Senghor's École De Dakar

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Locating Senghor’s École de Dakar International and Transnational Dimensions to Senegalese Modern Art, c. 1959–1980

Joshua I. Cohen

n September of , Léopold Sédar Senghor ( - allegiance to any one state). Readers familiar with Négritude but )—poet, philosopher, statesman, and cofounder unfamiliar with the École de Dakar may not be surprised by a wider of the loosely conceived Négritude movement in conceptualization of the École, given that Négritude is well known Paris beginning in the s—became president of the as a pan-African movement aimed at building broad solidarities. newly independent Republic of Senegal. Over the next Nationalist readings have nevertheless been explicit in the two decades, Senghor devoted considerable resources existing literature and are on some levels persuasive. While cura- to the arts, including the creation of a government-supported tor Ima Ebong stressed that “Senegalese art … from its inception, cadreI of modern visual artists known as the École de Dakar. To was incorporated into a national agenda” ( : ), art historian date, virtually all who have studied the state-funded École de Joanna Grabski stated more directly that “the visual propositions Dakar, for reasons that are in many ways logical and compelling, of the rst generation of modernists responded to Senghor’s call have read its core fabric as quintessentially nationalist. is read- for a national art” (: ). And in Harney’s thesis, “Senegal’s ing rst became prevalent among critics who faulted Senghor artists have engaged with the histories and practices of modern- for subordinating the École’s production to what they saw as his ism and have participated in attempts to link a new aesthetic Négritude philosophy-cum-nationalist ideology (Pataux , to the project of nation building” (: ). ese readings Samb [ ], Ebong ). More recently it has been taken all feature Senghor using art to enhance post-independence up by pioneering scholars who argue generally that École artists Senegalese nationality—presumably by encouraging people who preserved their integrity even while relying on state patron- had long identied as Wolof or Serer or Haalpulaar to prioritize age (Sylla , ; Harney , , ; Grabski , national belonging and by showcasing productions of Senegalese , ). Yet the École de Dakar also stands to be explored national culture to the rest of the world. Such readings are log- for its international and transnational dimensions, which con- ical insofar as Senghor is well known to have retrotted black rm art historian Elizabeth Harney’s important observation nationalist Négritude with a Senegalese nationalist function in that Senghor aimed to cultivate “supranational (i.e., pan-Afri- the s (Markovitz , Diouf , Diaw ), and insofar can and humanist) models of community” (: ). Whereas as post colonial African nation-states faced a common challenge nationalist readings suggest a decisive rupture with the French of forging cohesion among disparate cultural groups (cf. Askew and a mandate to build Senegalese identity, I contend that cross- , Hess , Straker , Ivaska , McGovern ). cultural collaboration and worldly participation lay at the core of Yet in considering Négritude as a prelude to the École de Dakar, Senghor’s enterprise. it is important to recall that Senghor’s agenda always included cul- In pursuing this argument, careful distinctions must be drawn tivating an African presence within global modernity and what between, on the one hand, notions of mid-twentieth-century ter- he called Civilisation de l’Universel (Civilization of the Universal) ritorial nationalism in Africa (aiming to transform colonies into (Senghor [ ], , b: ; Mouralis : ; Edwards independent nation-states), and on the other hand, two closely : –; Jachec ; Diagne ; Wilder : –). related terms: “international” (usually denoting interactions Senghor’s Négritude, in other words, took root in diaspora con- between states), and “transnational” (applying especially to phe- sciousness, but it also aimed to interfere with Eurocentrism on its nomena existing across national borders and/or transcending own terms. Building on this essential but sometimes overlooked aspect of Senghor’s project, I will argue that the École de Dakar was J I. C received his PhD from Columbia University. He is signicantly international: Its core mandate involved facilitating an assistant professor of African art history at e City College of New cultural diplomacy with foreign national governments and soci- York. [email protected] eties. I will also argue that the École was transnational: Many of

african arts AUTUMN 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 3 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 1 Ansoumana Diedhiou Afrique (maquette c. 1976) Gouache and ink on paper, 57.5 cm x 40.5 cm Wool tapestry produced in eight editions at Manufactures Sénégalaises des Arts Décoratifs (MSAD), Thiès, 1976–1979. Reprinted from Manufactures sénégalaises des arts décoratifs (Dakar; Abidjan: Les Nouvelles Éditions Africaines, 1977), 17.

its members laid claim to multiple (oen French and Senegalese) were most relevant to the École de Dakar during decolonization. To cultural elements and artistic traditions—if not by birth, then by paint this picture in broad strokes: Senghor in the s championed education, travel abroad, or appropriated forms and techniques. francophone West African federation as preferable to fracturing To ground this claim visually, let us briey consider Afrique the region into disparate independent territories; Dakar’s national (Africa, c. , Fig. ), a tapestry composition by the École de art school was established under the Mali Federation ( – ), Dakar artist Ansoumana Diédhiou ( – s). Although Senegal’s short-lived union with French Sudan (now Mali); many Diédhiou hailed from Senegal’s lush southern Casamance region inuential gures at the national art school in the s and s (Merceron : ) and may have been meditating on that land- either received training in France or were themselves French; and scape here, it is clear that his totalizing title, along with the works by École artists oen circulated through channels devised by depicted jungle ora, could easily evoke exotica for audiences Senghor’s culture ministries for the purpose of reaching audiences viewing the continent from afar. Meanwhile, the composition’s of diverse national backgrounds and to oer signature gis of state geometric patterns, strong lines, extreme atness, sleek aesthetic, to foreign dignitaries. Overall, Senghor sponsored modernism in and bright colors link it to an international visual language of his country not so much to galvanize the Senegalese as to project modernist abstraction. Diedhiou’s artistic strategies in these ways the image of a sophisticated and fully modern Africa around the both belonged to, and exceeded the scope of, Senegalese culture. world. e École was arguably conceived to reimagine, through By taking Diedhiou’s Afrique as a point of reference, layers of art, Senghor’s longstanding yet ultimately thwarted political dream internationalism and transnationalism can be seen embedded in of an African federation existing within multiple global communi- the discourses, institutional histories, and artistic practices that ties wherein black cultural contributions would be highly valued.

VOL. 51, NO. 3 AUTUMN 2018 african arts Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 | With these words, Senghor highlighted the importance of cre- ative expression to decolonization. And yet, for Senghor in , decolonization did not, in an ideal scenario, equate to replac- ing the colonial territory with the independent nation-state. Beginning with the work of Ruth Schachter Morgenthau ( ), some historians of French West Africa have shown that the nar- rative of an inexorable and instantaneous national independence at the territorial level is one that has become dominant only in retrospect (Foltz , Chafer , Schmidt , Cooper , Wilder ). In a recent landmark study, Frederick Cooper notes how nearly every major political player native to the region through at least the mid- s sought to transform the colonial empire into one or another mode of federation or confederation of African states linked, in Senghor’s terminology, both “hori- zontally” to one another and “vertically” to France ( : ). In – , federal nationality remained a clear option for Senegal and French Sudan in the form of the Mali Federation until a complex concatenation of events drove each territory Following especially on Frantz Fanon’s ( [ ]) well- toward its own, isolated independence. known critique of Négritude as elitist and ineectual, scholars Other statements by Senghor serve to throw processes and critics have tended to disparage Senghor for his longstand- of decolonization into further relief. As quoted by Cooper, ing ties to France and have oen framed African modernism in Senghor’s worries about the prospects for maintaining the relation to the postcolonial national cultures that Fanon champi- French Community of the edgling Fih Republic led him to oned. While in certain ways justied, these positions, as applied write, in October : “Nationalism, I acknowledge, is an illness. to Senegal, miss the pragmatism in Senghor’s elite-driven cul- It conquered Europe in the nineteenth century, Asia in the rst tural politics, whereby modern art was envisioned to build half of the twentieth century; it now gnaws at Africa” (Cooper international bridges through high-prole channels. In a pres- : –). As articulated here, Senghor in the s and ent scholarly conjuncture featuring proliferating discourses on s did not tie advocacy for African rights and self-governance “global” modernisms and contemporary art, it is worth inves- to demands for complete political autonomy. His anti-colonial- tigating how Senghor—a distinguished twentieth-century gure ism, in other words, avoided pivoting on the false promise of by any standard—engineered Senegalese modernism to operate territorial nationalism, which risked engendering what he called across borders. “balkanization,” or the division of independent Africa into small, economically and politically weak states (Cooper : ). BROADER AMBITIONS FOR THE NATION ough the potentials of supranational political unions were At the Second Congress of Black Writers and Artists in Rome (and remain) contested, Senghor’s bet was that a West African ( ), Senghor famously stated that, federation joined in confederation with France would give the region greater power and leverage in world aairs, while obliging [W]riters and Artists must play, and are playing, a leading role in France to make continuing concessions to its former colonies. the struggle for decolonization. It is their place to remind politicians that politics, the administration of the Polity, is only one aspect of By , well aer the collapse of both the Mali Federation and culture, which, starting from cultural colonialism in the form of the French Community, Senghor’s best-known statement address- assimilation, is the worst of all ( : ; italics in original). ing the “national” character of Senegalese art still dened the

2 École des Arts du Sénégal, Arts Plastiques section, c. 1961. Photograph reprinted from Présidence de la République, Direction des Arts et Lettres, and École des Arts du Sénégal, L’École des Arts du Sénégal. Son organisation. Ses objectifs (Dakar: Imprimerie A. Diop, 1961[?]), Archives Nationales du Sénégal, po III 8 1211.

3 École des Arts du Sénégal, Recherches Plastiques Nègres section, c. 1961. The artists pictured here are likely (from left): Ibou Diouf, Amadou Ba, and Papa Ibra Tall. Photograph reprinted from Présidence de la République, Direction des Arts et Lettres, and École des Arts du Sénégal, L’École des Arts du Sénégal. Son organisation. Ses objectifs (Dakar: Imprimerie A. Diop, 1961[?]), Archives Nationales du Sénégal, po III 8 1211.

african arts AUTUMN 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 3 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 African nation as something transcendent of what it had become: (clockwise from top left) 4 École des Arts du Sénégal, Danse Classique et Moderne section, c. 1961. We must then be a nation—that which we were long before inde- Photograph reprinted from Présidence de la République, Direction pendence. But we must still nd the most precise tools to express, des Arts et Lettres, and École des Arts du Sénégal, L’École des Arts within the diversity of individual temperaments, our community du Sénégal. Son organisation. Ses objectifs (Dakar: Imprimerie A. of thought and feeling. In short we must nd a national style and Diop, 1961[?]), Archives Nationales du Sénégal, po III 8 1211. technical modern methods in line with our times. 5 École des Arts du Sénégal, Recherches Musique Africaine We have that national style which is a symbiosis between French section, c. 1961. imported technology and our traditional culture. By “traditional Photograph reprinted from Présidence de la République, Direction culture” I understand, here, the Atlantic features of north West des Arts et Lettres, and École des Arts du Sénégal, L’École des Arts African culture ( [ ]: – ). du Sénégal. Son organisation. Ses objectifs (Dakar: Imprimerie A. Diop, 1961[?]), Archives Nationales du Sénégal, po III 8 1211.

Senghor here references some of the key elements picked up 6 Iba Ndiaye teaching in the Arts Plastiques section, École later by scholars to characterize Senegalese artistic production: des Arts du Sénégal, Dakar, c. 1962. Photo: Iba Ndiaye estate, Paris/Dakar shared identity, a recognizable style, imported techniques and media applied to African forms and subject matter. At the same time, it is impossible to overlook his characterization of the nation as existing “long before independence” and of national style as a complete “symbiosis” bringing together local culture and “French imported technology.” ese phrases point to a need to adjust our understandings of postcolonial Senegalese modernism to align with Senghor’s own loy “nationalist” vision. For Senghor in this context, “nation” referred to African states pre- ceding the articial boundaries drawn by colonization. Senegal’s contemporary “national” culture would hark back to those pre- colonial times, while also appropriating French technological elements. is articulation of an enduring West African artistic style can be read as transnational in time and space. It also mir- rored Senghor’s ideal of a West African federation that would retain strong connections between territorial states and between those states and France.

TRANSNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS AND PRACTICES Clues to the École’s character also emerge from the annals of state-sponsored art institutions whose general histories are now well known, but whose transnational dimensions stand to be examined in greater detail. A rst bit of evidence derives from the name of the “school” itself, which today has come to connote the generation of Senegalese modern artists who worked under Senghor’s patronage. In fact the name does not seem to have been coined by Senghor or the Senegalese, but rather by France’s rst minister of cultural aairs, André Malraux, on April , , in a speech inaugurating the Tendances et Confrontations exhibition at the First World Festival of Negro Arts in Dakar (Grabski :

VOL. 51, NO. 3 AUTUMN 2018 african arts Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 | activities (Nedelec ), no studio art program had existed in Dakar during these years. By the mid- s, a handful of African painters had exhibited at the French Cultural Center and other venues, but these artists remained in the minority among a larger number of French artists participating in the private and loosely organized Académie Africaine des Arts Plastiques. Following the Loi-Cadre (Framework Law) granting semi-autonomy to the territories of French West Africa and the founding of the Mali Federation within the French Community in early April of , a decree signed on April , , created a federal arts school, the Maison des Arts du Mali. Housed largely within the éâtre du Palais on Avenue Roume in down- town Dakar, the school was mandated to serve the full federal territory. As outlined in the decree, the school was to comprise ve sections: an Arts Plastiques (studio art) section; a section devoted to researching and teaching what were referred to as arts nègres (“black arts”); a section where classical disciplines (including music and dance) were taught; a lm section; and a cultural aairs section. Archival evidence suggests that music and theater dominated the school at this point, while studio arts, dance, and cinema attracted less interest, and the arts nègres and cultural aairs sections had yet to be established in practice. Around this time (probably in early ), the Saint-Louis- born painter Iba Ndiaye ( –) returned from France to head the Arts Plastiques section (Fig. ). Ndiaye’s colleague in the rst conguration of the section was Papa Ibra Tall ( – ), a prominent painter, illustrator, and drasman from Tivaouane who had also spent time studying architecture and art in France in the late s (“Interview avec Papa Ibra Tall,” : ; Diouf : , Cochrane : ). Shortly aer the Mali Federation collapsed in August , the Maison des Arts du Mali became the École des Arts du Sénégal. During the – academic year, the two artists, Ndiaye and Tall, worked together in the Arts Plastiques section, with Tall overseeing an introductory class while Ndiaye taught life drawing. e earli- 7 Mikhail Vrubel est students in Arts Plastiques included Doudou Diagne, Alioune The Swan Princess (1900) Badara Diahkhaté, Ansoumana Diédhiou, Mar Fall, Mor Faye, Oil on canvas, 142.5 x 98.5 cm Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow Silman Faye, Souleymane Keita, Pathé Mbaye, Abdoulaye Ndiaye “iossane,” Ibrahima Ndiaye, Mamadou Niang, Eugène Sané, Mamadou Sène, Moustapha Touré, and Mamadou Wade, along with two French students resident in Dakar, Catherine Sollier and Dominique Merlin. ; Sylla : ). No written or recorded trace of Malraux’s In the fall of , personal disagreements between Ndiaye and speech has been found, but the ideas undergirding the label are Tall prompted the latter to found a new studio section known as fairly straightforward. On the one hand, Malraux sought to oer Recherches Plastiques Nègres (Fig. ), whose rst students were Senegalese visual modernism a place alongside the artistic tradi- Amadou Ba, Ibou Diouf, Ousmane Faye, and Mamadou Cheikh tions best known in Europe. On the other hand, Malraux could “Modou” Niang, followed by Papa Sidy Diop and Seydou Barry. only manage to distinguish Senegalese art by relating it back to In this section, Tall was also eventually joined by an inuential French modernism and the so-called École de Paris. As art histo- French assistant, Pierre Lods ( – ). Lods was a mathemat- rian Hannah Feldman has noted in an essay on Malraux’s musée ics teacher and amateur painter who had founded the so-called imaginaire, “Malraux’s pretension toward a global aesthetic order” Poto-Poto School of modern painting in Brazzaville as early as was “still organized from the point of view of France” ( : ). and whom Senghor had invited to Dakar to teach art. e overall To situate the development of the École itself, it is useful to mission of the École des Arts in the early years, as stated in an begin with a brief prehistory of art education in late colonial introductory pamphlet published by the Senegalese government, Senegal. Although a private Conservatoire de Dakar had trained was to train students to master “universal artistic techniques while many West African performing artists during late s through applying them to traditional sources of African inspiration.” the s (Sylla : ), and although the French colonial According to this document, the École des Arts at this time administration in instituted a network of cultural centers reected a twin emphasis on “universal” and “African” concerns which immediately played a role in supporting local artistic (cf. Senghor [ ]). “Teaching” sections in music, dance

african arts AUTUMN 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 3 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 (Fig. ), theater, and Arts Plastiques apparently remained pre- 8 Papa Ibra Tall Judu Burafet (Beautiful Birth) (maquette before 1978) dominantly academic and Western in orientation, while the Gouache on paper “research” division (comprising the Recherches Plastiques Nègres Wool tapestry completed in a ﬁrst edition at the Tabard and Recherches Musique Africaine sections) ostensibly favored workshop, Aubusson, France, July 1978 (193 cm x 350 cm). Second and third editions completed at MSAD, Thiès, indigenous forms and idioms (even though a photograph from 1990 (both 150 cm x 112 cm) the music section features musicians with a West African kora Reprinted with the artist’s permission from Contemporary as well as a Western saxophone, piano, and sheet music; Fig. ). Art of Senegal = Art contemporain du Senegal. Art Gallery of Hamilton, August 11/September 23, 1979 (Hamilton, ON: A third studio arts section, the Section de Formation de Maîtres Art Gallery of Hamilton, 1979), 36. d’Education Artistique (also known as the Section Normale 9 Mikhail Vrubel d’Education Artistique), was added in under the direction of Knight (1896) Frenchman Philippe Bonnet. is section, which trained artists Stained-glass window executed for the house of L. Pertsov to work as art teachers, may have leaned toward classical ped- in Moscow, 146 cm x 167 cm agogy, given its French leadership in Bonnet and other faculty Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow members. Its earliest students included Bocar Pathé Diong, Mor Faye, Chérif Mané, Omar Ngalla Faye, and Massène Sène. Scholarly accounts of Senegalese art education have widely identied two opposing pedagogical currents: a classical beaux- arts training directed by Ndiaye in the Arts Plastiques section, and a fully spontaneous, laissez-faire approach pervading the Recherches Plastiques Nègres section under Tall and Lods. is formula demands to be complicated on several counts. It is true that Ndiaye held academic training in high regard, and he evidently looked askance at the noninterfering approach as a kind of essentialism or “primitivism” that assumed inborn creativity among Africans (N’Diaye ; Ndiaye quoted in Klotchko : ; N’Diaye and Kaiser : –). But Tall, even though he did not embrace academicism and sought to instill free expression, saw Lods’s noninterventionist pedagogy as lacking in rigor. As Tall recalled of the moment when he learned that Lods would be joining his section: “I said, ‘I don’t want anything to do with the Poto-Poto brand. Poto-Poto has an air of being undisciplined. I don’t want Poto-Poto in the École de Dakar.’” Tall accepted Lods in the Recherches section only on the condition that Lods

VOL. 51, NO. 3 AUTUMN 2018 african arts Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 | 10 Abdoulaye Ndiaye “Thiossane” Songho, aka Rencontre, la lutte (Meeting, the Wrestling Match) (maquette c. 1963) Gouache on paper Produced as wool tapestry at MSAD, Thiès, in eight editions, 1979–2013 Reprinted with the artist’s permission from an image at MSAD

11 The six-armed “Silver Maid” in The Thief of Bagdad, produced by Alexander Korda (London Film Productions, 1940) Photo: courtesy of Jerry Ohlinger’s Movie Material Store, New York

recognize his authority as the section’s founder and director. wife) teaching Western and African art history, respectively. As for Lods, he undoubtedly subscribed to certain race-based e Section Normale led by Bonnet must have added yet another notions of “African” creativity. He stated in , for instance, that, model of academic training, wherein pedagogy itself was a cen- “Since almost all Africans are powerful artists, one can choose tral concern. [as students] the ones who have multiple strengths: imagination, e Manufacture Nationale de Tapisseries (MNT; now facility, a sense of composition and of the harmony of colors” Manufactures Sénégalaises des Arts Décoratifs [MSAD]) was (Lods quoted in Hossmann : ). Still, it seems excessive to another important art institution founded during Senghor’s say of Lods, as Abdou Sylla has done, that “he didn’t teach, thus presidency. Located in the inland city of iès on the site of a had no teaching method” (: ). Several testimonies report Lods advising his students in matters of composition, color, and technique (Diouf in Hossmann : ; Hossmann : ; Tati- Loutard : –), although he may have oered less in the way of technical and conceptual guidance than did his colleagues. Further, Iba Ndiaye was not solely responsible for academic training at the École des Arts. Ndiaye, a painter who studied with the Russian-born sculptor and painter Ossip Zadkine in Paris and whose personal style bore inuences from Rembrandt and Soutine, among others, was undoubtedly a crucial gure (Fig. ), as he was the senior instructor in Arts Plastiques (“Iba N’Diaye” : –; Merceron : –). But we have no reason to believe Ndiaye’s colleagues were less inuential, even though their names have not appeared in published accounts of Senegalese art pedagogy. In fact, Ndiaye led the section but he initially taught only drawing. Two French professors, Gaer and Voigny, meanwhile also taught drawing in Arts Plastiques in the early s, when painting was the domain of several other instructors from Europe, including one Mrs. Kaiser (d. ), and Michèle Emmanuel (who taught briey in – ). Outside of painting, another Frenchman, Pierre Delclaux, taught tapestry weaving to a pair of Senegalese students—Samba “Vieux” Mané and ierno Touré—from through on a small loom imported from France. ere was also a Professor Saros teaching perspective; Jean-Jacques Bourgoin, a young medical student oering a weekly anatomy class; Will Petty, an African-American instructor of clay modeling; and Suzanne Bourgoin (the medical student’s mother) and Francine Ndiaye (Iba Ndiaye’s French

african arts AUTUMN 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 3 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 12 Ibou Diouf behind the MNT/MSAD was Papa Ibra Tall, who in Paris in Les trois épouses (The Three Wives) (maquette c. 1967) Wool tapestry, produced in a single edition (364 x 472 the late s had studied modern applied arts: pottery at a stu- cm) in the Brivet workshop, Aubusson, France, c. 1973 dio on the Impasse de l’Astrolabe in the th arrondissement; Collection Artistique Privée de l’Etat, Senegal; where- diverse media and techniques at the École des Métiers d’Art on abouts unveriﬁed Reprinted with the artist’s permission from Art sénégalais rue origny in the th; and tapestry in the private workshop d’aujourd’hui. Galeries nationales du Grand Palais, Paris, of a weaver in Vincennes. Whether the original idea for the 26 avril - 24 juin 1974 (Paris: Éditions Musées Nationaux, iès workshop was Lurçat’s or Senghor’s or Tall’s, it was Tall 1974), 37. who became the workshop’s rst and longest-serving director ( – , – ) and who arranged for the training of its rst generation of weavers—Mamadou Wade (b. ), Mar Fall (b. ), Doudou Diagne, and Alioune Badara Diahkhaté—at France’s Manufacture Nationale des Gobelins in Paris in – former army barracks, the tapestry workshop ocially opened (Senghor ; Sylla : –). Tall’s general interest in on December , . Its inauguration ceremony, presided over applied arts, as well as his personal artistic style, with his strong by Senghor, had in attendance President Modibo Keita of Mali emphasis on line conducive to tapestry design and his anity ( – ) as well as two luminaries of modern French tapes- for color and the realm of fantasy, also exerted a marked inu- try: Michel Tourlière ( –), then director of the École ence on production at iès. Especially carrying on Tall’s method Nationale des Arts Décoratifs d’Aubusson, in central France; were Ousmane Faye, Seydou Barry, and Modou Niang, who all and François Tabard ( – ), a master weaver whom went to work at iès, joining Abdoulaye Ndiaye “iossane” Senghor introduced as “the very source” of the French renais- and Ansoumana Diédhiou as the rst generation of cartonniers sance in tapestry-making. In his speech, Senghor also credited transforming maquettes into blueprints for weaving. the French artist Jean Lurçat ( – ): “Several years ago in Tall’s style was, in turn, partly a product of cosmopolitan inu- Cotonou,[Lurçat] encouraged me to start a manufacture like this ences that included—as the artist divulged in a radio interview one in Senegal” ( a: ). broadcast in France in —a particular attraction to the work Even if Lurçat did make this suggestion, the driving force of the Russian Symbolist artist Mikhail Vrubel ( – ). In a

VOL. 51, NO. 3 AUTUMN 2018 african arts Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 | more recent interview, Tall recounted how he discovered Vrubel’s in visual art as early as the s. Ndiaye specically noted that compositions reproduced in art books in Dakar, noting that it Songho, his tapestry composition depicting Senegal’s national was the Russian artist’s “lyricism” that most appealed to him. sport of wrestling (Fig. ), drew inspiration from a character Perhaps what additionally held Tall’s attention was Vrubel’s in Alexander Korda’s blockbuster lm e ief of Bagdad, interest in local fairy tales (comparable to the African folktales based loosely on e Arabian Nights. e “Silver Maid” in Korda’s Tall was known for illustrating [see Terrisse and Tall ]), lm (Fig. ), a six-armed, Kali-like “magical toy” programmed to and Vrubel’s interest in applied arts such as pottery and stained kill on command, gave Ndiaye the idea to paint multiple arms on glass. e connection is especially visible in comparing Tall’s his composition’s wrestlers to suggest furious action. e Sower of Stars (Cover) with Vrubel’s e Swan Princess (Fig. Such cosmopolitan inuences went hand-in-hand with the ). Both compositions feature regal female subjects in owing international personnel working at iès. Line Bacconnier, a dresses, elaborate regalia, and jewel-encrusted crowns. Although French artist and weaver who had trained under Lurçat, moved a marked contrast can be noted in Tall’s low-angle approach to to Senegal in to continue training Wade, Fall, Diagne, and his subject versus Vrubel’s view from just above eye level, both Diahkhaté and to aid in preparations for the opening of the tap- works feature rhythmic and undulating lines, accented in the n- estry workshop at iès, where she then worked as a technical gers and radiating presence of Tall’s Sower and in the sea behind assistant from to before starting her own tapestry work- Vrubel’s Princess. Tall’s Beautiful Birth (Fig. ) and Vrubel’s shop, the Atelier de Tapisserie l’Arantèle, in a suburb of Dakar Knight (Fig. ) evidence a similar kind of selective borrowing, as (c. –). Aubusson-trained weavers Gilette Lecherbonnier Tall invokes traditions of chivalry to reference local anticolonial and Sténia Domanski also worked as technical assistants at iès resistance struggles. As Tall explained, cavalry serving the Wolof resistance ghter Lat Dior ( – ) hailed from Tall’s home- 13 Mamadou Cheikh “Modou” Niang town of Tivaouane; Tall’s father’s side of the family was famous Oiseau du Songe (Dream Bird) (maquette c. 1973) Gouache on paper for its master horsemen. Wool tapestry produced in a single edition (225 x 168 Tall was by no means the only École artist to incorporate cm) in the Brivet workshop, Aubusson, France, late cross-cultural inuences. To cite one further example, the artist 1973 or early 1974, whereabouts unknown Reprinted with the artist’s permission from a greeting card Abdoulaye Ndiaye “iossane” (b. ) stated in an interview that produced for the Art Sénégalais d’Aujourd’hui exhibition, American and French movie posters had rst piqued his interest Paris, 1974

african arts AUTUMN 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 3 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 beginning in the late s, with Domanski going on to join by European instructors, and beginning in the early s, the Bacconnier at Arantèle in the s. ne arts curriculum followed an increasingly internationalized Meanwhile, the art school in Dakar was revamped under a new and professionalized agenda in conjunction with cultural policy name in as the École Nationale des Beaux-Arts (ENBA), amendments responding to the major student protests of spring situated within a larger arts and industrial design complex, the and . Institut National des Arts (INA). is change, too, must be As explained by Senegalese cultural policy veterans Alioune registered in dening and characterizing the École de Dakar, Badiane and Daouda Diarra, the new dispensation called for in the sense that art training in the s came to be domi- retaining academic art training while adding further special- nated by French coopérants, or development workers employed izations in graphic design, interior design, communications, by France’s Ministère de la Coopération (Harney : ). advertising, and other areas of study promising marketable skills. Senghor-era art training, in other words, was carried out in part At ENBA, however, academic training remained paramount and

(clockwise from top left) 14 Senegalese embassy, Brasília; designed by Wilson Reis Netto with Léopold Sédar Senghor and Papa Ibra Tall, c. 1968–77. View of front façade. Photo: Raymond Asseo, private collection

15 Residence of the ambassador, Senegalese embassy, Brasília; interior decoration by Wilson Reis Netto with Madeleine Devès Senghor, 1975–77. View of interior entryway with tapestry by Amadou Ba. Photo: Raymond Asseo, private collection

16 Residence of the ambassador, Senegalese embassy, Brasília; interior decoration by Wilson Reis Netto with Madeleine Devès Senghor, 1975–77. View of reception room with tapestry by Badara Camara. Photo: Raymond Asseo, private collection

VOL. 51, NO. 3 AUTUMN 2018 african arts Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 | 17 “Sénégal: carrefour du monde et porte de l’Afrique noire,” Senegal tourism brochure, Voyage de François Tabard au Sénégal (1966), 30 J 132/7, Fonds Tabard, Archives Départementales de la Creuse, Guéret, France.

18 Ibou Diouf Poster for First World Festival of Negro Arts, Dakar (1966) Offset print Musée du Quai Branly, Paris, PP0175749 Photo: © RMN-Grand Palais / Art Resource, NY simultaneously under the Ministry of Education and under the Ministry of Foreign Aairs. Although documentation of the culture division in Foreign Aairs is scarce, it was likely this oce that participated in organizing, in collaboration with Papa Ibra Tall, the rst exhibitions of Senegalese art in Europe in the early s. Subsequently the government established a Commission was guided by European professors such as Jean-Paul Fatout and aux Expositions d’Art à l’Étranger within the Ministry of Culture André Seck in sculpture, Bernard Pataux and Michèle Strobel to produce and manage international exhibitions, which toured in art history, Simone Pataux in design and applied arts, and the Americas and Asia in the late s and early ‘s (Arte Jacques Ehrmann, François Pousse, Daniel Mangion, Jacques Contemporânea do Senegal , Arte contemporáneo del Senegal Lamy, Jacques Poulain, and Claude Chavan in drawing and , Contemporary Art of Senegal , Contemporary Art of painting. Meanwhile, the school’s orientation gradually came Senegal , Senegaru gendai bijutsuten , Art sénégalais d’au- to be inuenced by artistic currents from the United States and jourd’hui , Répertoire permanent : ). France—Supports/Surfaces, conceptualism, mixed media, and use Artists and scholars alike have acknowledged the role of inter- of found objects (eventually known in Senegal and elsewhere as national exhibitions within the political currents of Senegalese récupération)—particularly under the inuence of Paolo Paolucci, modernism (Harney : , Katchka : ). Senghor, for his an Italian painter who was a xture at ENBA in the s. part, saw the lavish Art sénégalais d’aujourd’hui exhibition at the Grand Palais in Paris ( ) as a crowning achievement: “[T]his INTERNATIONAL DISPLAY CONTEXTS event … motivated us to reect and take scope of Senegalese art Visual art seems to have played little if any role in state eorts and its growing international inuence; an art which could make to develop national solidarity and pride within Senegal during Senegalese artists ambassadors of their country, a fact which was ver- Senghor’s presidency. Where national administration was con- ied by the number of visitors exceeding the average” ( : –). cerned, the École de Dakar, although evidently comprising Senghor’s language is somewhat deceiving here, as he portrays the Senegalese artists based in Senegal, functioned largely within exhibition as having objectively evidenced, rather than calculat- a second and almost entirely separate international domain ingly manufactured, the international status of Senegalese art. To be of state-sponsored cultural activity. As early as , Senegal’s sure, the Grand Palais show was important. Compositions by Ibou Ministry of Foreign Aairs contained a Division des Relations Diouf (Fig. ) and Modou Niang (Fig. ) were produced specially Culturelles et Sociales, meaning that culture occupied two very for the occasion as large single-edition tapestries in Aubusson. But dierent institutional locations in the post-independence regime, it was Senghor himself who sought to promote the École de Dakar

african arts AUTUMN 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 3 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 internationally. And Senghor must have personally brokered the project that it required a dramatic restructuring of culture-related deal for the Grand Palais, securing one of the world’s most presti- government agencies during its planning stages. Whereas Senegal’s gious exhibition venues through his decades-long friendship with initial postindependence government of – included no Georges Pompidou, a former classmate who served as France’s pres- dedicated ministries of culture, a newly formed Commissariat des ident from until his death in . Arts et Lettres in was moved from the Ministry of Education According to cultural policy specialist Souleymane Ngom, and Culture (then headed by Ibra Wane) directly into Senghor’s Senghor’s arts policy constituted a key strategy within foreign oce, alongside a new Commissariat à l’Information managing diplomacy: “Senegalese diplomacy had culture as its founda- the media, “mass education,” and tourism (Répertoire permanent tion. Senegal made its presence known throughout the world : ). is change reinforced the transformation of Senghor’s not through weapons, but through culture.” Art in this way government aer the ousting of Prime Minister Mamadou sometimes had a role to play within foreign relations, as when Dia from a bicephalous executive to an essentially autocratic one, the oces of the president and the prime minister commissioned and it coincided with preparations for the Festival, which were tapestries to be presented to political leaders as gis of state. moved directly under Senghor’s control. During the twenty-four e iès archives contain only sparse information concern- months leading up to the Festival, it was Senghor himself who pre- ing the tapestries’ diplomatic functions, but at least a handful sided over cultural aairs, eectively serving as both minister of of cases are known. For example, MSAD weavers made a rst culture and head of state. edition of Ansoumana Diédhou’s composition Dankaby (e Even though spearheaded by Senghor’s government, the Young Woman) for Senghor’s oce as a gi for the Marxist mili- Festival had originated, conceptually speaking, outside of tary leader of Congo-Brazzaville, Marien Ngouabi, in . And Senegal, with internationalism as its end goal. As historian Sarah the second edition of Boubacar Goudiaby’s Oiseau dans le Jardin Frioux-Salgas (: ) has pointed out, the idea for the Festival (Bird in the Garden) was produced in – as a gi of state had germinated in Paris as early as , when Présence Africaine for Romania’s Nicolae Ceaușescu. ere does not seem to be any founder Alioune Diop wrote to Paul Rivet, the director of the stylistic correlation between the tapestries and their recipients, Musée de l’Homme, to propose a black arts and culture festival to but it is tempting to read subtle symbolism in the rather som- be held in Paris with Rivet’s backing. Diop, in his letter, provi- ber composition by Badara Camara entitled À ma mort (To My sionally named his proposed event the Exposition Internationale Death) presented in the late s by Senghor’s successor, Abdou du Monde Noir, and while stipulating that the event “would be Diouf, to Zaire’s infamous dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. more a ‘Jamboree’ than a ‘Colonial Exposition,’” he made sure to e government also commissioned tapestries and pur- underscore the international dimension of the project: “It would chased paintings and sculptures for the state art collection, the thus be about, not a fossilized Black World … but a working Collection Artistique Privée de l’État, which served to decorate Black World, in its ambition for a future, that is, in the nal anal- government oces, including Senegalese embassies around ysis, in its integration, as a continent, into the global concert.” the world. Senghor’s most elaborate project in this domain was Rivet did not end up endorsing Diop’s proposal, but as Éloi the Senegalese embassy complex in Brasília (inaugurated ; Ficquet and Lorraine Gallimardet (: –) have noted, the Fig. ) whose architecture was inspired by Mali’s Djinguereber idea resurfaced a little more than a decade later at the Second Mosque in Timbuktu, with interior decoration featuring African International Congress of Black Writers and Artists, where it was canonical sculpture and textiles as well as contemporary works decided to organize a black arts festival at the following Congress, from the École de Dakar (Figs. – ). e embassy in Brasília with special emphasis placed on an art exhibition, presumably of served as an elegant space for social and artistic events con- canonical African sculpture, within the event. As explained in a nected to Senegalese culture and diplomacy. At the same time, statement published in Présence Africaine: the embassy’s interior designer and ambassador’s wife, Madeleine Devès Senghor, explained in an interview that President Senghor e festival must be backed up with an excellent art exhibition intended the embassy complex to reference not only modern organized by Africans and by people of African descent. […] It is necessary to clearly realize that a production of visual arts and action Senegal but also the great empires of medieval West Africa and around the congress is of the highest importance for demonstrating thus a far-reaching history of African civilizations. the vitality and excellence of African culture (“Résolution” : ).

A “SCHOOL” BEYOND NATIONALITY Among the core participants in the Rome Congress, Senghor A nal illustration of the supranational nature of Senghor’s cul- would be the rst to arrive in a position of sucient prestige and tural policy can be found in the history of the well-known First power to host such an event—which he did with major support World Festival of Negro Arts (Dakar, ), a decidedly global aair from the French government and UNESCO, as well as through with multiple alliances and tensions among local players as well as international organizing and fund-raising eorts by the Paris- among players from elsewhere in Africa, the diaspora, Europe, and based Société Africaine de Culture (Premier Festival Mondial the Eastern Bloc (Colloquium , Huchard , Ficquet and ). e Festival was therefore the realization of what had Gallimardet , Woord , Blake , Ratcli , Murphy started as a Paris-based vision of pan-Africanist participation in ). As evidenced in a state-produced tourism brochure from the world culture. period (Fig. ), the Festival advertised Senegal as the “crossroads e Festival also featured one of the rst major exhibitions of the world and door to black Africa.” Here Senegal is marketed of contemporary art by artists from Africa and the diaspora, not as a discrete national unit, but rather for its cosmopolitanism Tendances et Confrontations ( ), as well as one of the largest and its facilitation of transcontinental connections. exhibitions of canonical African sculpture organized to that date, So signicant was the Dakar Festival to Senghor’s overall cultural

VOL. 51, NO. 3 AUTUMN 2018 african arts Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 | Art Nègre: Sources, Évolution, Expansion ( ). Senegalese painter Senghor’s later statements citing Picasso as a model for the École Ibou Diouf (b. ) has stressed that the Festival, for which Diouf de Dakar ( [ ]: ; Harney : ). designed a poster (Fig. ) and where Tendances et Confrontations e state-sponsored École de Dakar, like the Festival, marked the École de Dakar’s public debut, featured artists from was conceived more in relation to global dialogues than to across the continent and the diaspora. Referring to the Festival nation-building at home. Aesthetically, the École de Dakar’s and to the exhibition, Diouf noted: orientation was international and transnational rather than exclusively Senegalese, and politically the École’s mission It’s not a question of the École de Dakar, it’s a question of Africa. involved not so much appealing to the Senegalese masses as It wasn’t called the World Festival of Senegalese Artists—no! It’s projecting modern African culture abroad—most oen through necessary to take a broader view, to reframe this African thought. Otherwise we risk … saying that the entire Festival revolved around ocial and high-brow venues. is is precisely what Fanon and the Senegalese. others have decried as elitist and accommodating. e criticism is fair, yet the École de Dakar can also be understood as instan- What linked these two exhibitions—Tendances et tiating an alternative version of Senghor’s federalist blueprint for Confrontations and Art Nègre—was not simply their placement African solidarity and north-south integration at independence, within the same Festival. In retrospect, one of Senghor’s motives which was a widely shared vision until it crumbled with the Mali in creating the École de Dakar was to shape a new generation of Federation in . Politically as well as aesthetically, then, the artists who would be modernizers of longstanding artistic tradi- École de Dakar oered a platform for keeping the federalist ambitions and who would carry on the cross-cultural dialogue that tion alive, even if abstractly, amidst political circumstances that had started with early twentieth-century European avant-garde transformed Africa’s colonies into independent but small and engagements with African sculpture. is was evidenced in the dissociated states. e École in this sense embodied Senghor’s signicant attention devoted to the “Meeting of Negro Art and deferred dream of a more interconnected postcolonial order. the West” at the colloquium accompanying the Art Nègre exhibi- When the dream evaporated, Senghor turned especially to arts tion in (Colloque ); in the same exhibition’s inclusion of and culture to maintain a broad-based community and to keep European modernist works inspired by African sculpture; and in his country in contact with the world.

Notes scrutiny in Cohen 2019. 13 In February 1955, the newspaper Paris-Dakar 2 Other early publications include Axt and Sy 1989 reported that Papa Ibra Tall, a Senegalese pioneer e author would like to thank the artists and ocials and Gouard 1993. modernist, had already exhibited his work “four or in Senegal and France who shared their time and 3 e more recent literature additionally includes ve times” at the “Exposition de l’Académie Africaine expertise; Zoë Strother and Gary Van Wyck for their Snipe 1998, Courteille 2006, Katchka 2008, Benga des Arts.” See “Une artiste africain” 1955: 3. See invitations to present versions of this paper at Columbia 2010, and Cochrane 2011. also Centre Culturel Français, Salon de mars. Dakar University (New York) and at ECAS (Paris) in 2015; and 4 Harney has additionally noted that, “[T]he 1961. Catalogue, ANS, bi III 8 178. According to Tall an anonymous reviewer for African Arts as well as Zoë arts infrastructure was essentially export oriented, (interview with author, Tivaouane, June 25, 2013), the Strother, Susan Gagliardi, and the spring 2016 CUNY promoting an image of the nation and its aesthetic Académie Africaine des Arts Plastiques was a private, FFPP group led by Vilna Treitler for valuable comments abroad” (2002: 21). I seek to bring further analysis to French-run organization headed by one Maître Cos- on earlier dras. Work on this article was made possible this important point while questioning perceptions of son, a prominent French lawyer and amateur painter through generous funding from the Dedalus Foundation, the École’s predominantly nationalist purpose. and painting instructor. the Columbia University Mellon Traveling Fellowship, 5 For similar arguments see Katchka 2008: 54 and 14 “Décret de Présentation d’un Projet de loi à the Elinor Wardle Squier Townsend Fellowship, the Mrs. Cochrane 2011. l’Assemblée Fédérale,” April 4 & 22, 1959, Création Giles Whiting Foundation, the PSC-CUNY Research 6 Recent titles on “global” modern and contempo- et fonctionnement, Maison des Arts, éâtre du Fund, and a CCNY Humanities Enrichment Grant. All rary art include Mitter 2008, Belting and Buddensieg Palais, 1959, ANS, FM 46. Other sources (Sy 1989: 35, translations are by the author unless otherwise noted. 2009, Belting and Binter 2011, Wood 2011, Grenier Grabski 2001: 18, Grabski 2013: 277) indicate that the All eorts have been made to obtain image permissions; 2013, O’Brien et al. 2013, and Kaufmann et al. 2015. Maison des Arts may have existed as a private arts cen- we will be glad to publish missing credits if contacted by For a useful consideration of contemporary Africa and ter at least a year prior to its establishment as a federal the rights holders. the “global,” see Ferguson 2006. institution. 1 Scholars have relied on a brief statement from 7 e studies by Morgenthau and Foltz predate 15 Another document places the institution in Senghor (1989: 20) to note that 25% or more of what Wilder (2015: 3–5) has called “methodological service to an even broader community, the “Afri- Senegal’s state budget went to “culture” (Harney 1996: nationalism.” can States of French Culture.” See Maurice Sonar 43, 2004: 12) or “the arts” (Grabski 2001: 17, 2006: 38) 8 As Elizabeth Schmidt (2011: 524, 534) has Senghor (Secrétaire Générale de l’Union des Artistes during his twenty-year presidency. While funding for reminded us, the federal idea continued to be attractive et Techniciens du Spectacle d’Afrique Noire), letter to arts and culture was no doubt substantial, published aer independence, albeit in somewhat diluted form, Président de l’Assemblée du Mali (March 23, 1959) budget records (po II 4 7) held in the Archives as West Africa’s rst two independent countries, Ghana and “Projet d’organisation des Arts dans les États Nationales du Sénégal (hereaer ANS) reveal that the and Guinea, banded together in 1958 to form the Africains de Culture Française,” Projet de la creation de combined budget for culture and education tipped past Ghana-Guinea Union—the seed of what the nations’ la Maison des Arts dans les États Africains de Culture 25% only in 1977–78 and 1979–80, and that it mostly leaders hoped would become the United States of Française, 1959, Fonds de la Féderation du Mali, hovered between 18% and 22% under Senghor. More Africa. 1959–1962, ANS, FM 50. importantly, to imagine culture and education as a 9 For Senghor’s further articulations of his evolv- 16 “Décret de Présentation d’un Projet de loi à combined budget is somewhat misleading, as Senegal’s ing federalist vision see 1962: 21–37; 1971: 101–09, l’Assemblée Fédérale,” April 4 & 22, 1959, Création et ministries of culture—which were detached from 158–70, 180–83, 197–210, 232–82. fonctionnement, Maison des Arts, éâtre du Palais, education beginning in 1966—received dramatically 10 I have altered parts of the translation based on 1959, ANS, FM 46. less funding. Between 1966 and 1970, for example, comparison with the original French printed in the 17 Féderation du Mali, Arts et Lettres, 1959–1960, culture comprised between 0.26% and 0.78% of the same volume (pp. 7–9) and in unabridged form in ANS, FM 50. annual budget, and even when the combined budget Senghor 1966a: 11. 18 For Iba Ndiaye’s account see “Interview avec surpassed 25%, funding for culture stayed at less 11 Ibou Diouf, interview with author, Dakar, Feb- Papa Ibra Tall” 1962: 36. than 0.7%. Education, in other words, received the ruary 22, 2013. Amadou Seck, interview with author, 19 Papa Ibra Tall, interview with author, Tivaouane, lion’s share of funding for what was categorized in Dakar, February 27, 2013. June 25, 2013. the national budget rubric as “Section III—Action 12 On French painters active in Dakar during the 20 Mamadou Wade, interview with author, Dakar, culturelle et sociale.” Policy questions receive closer interwar period (1922–39), see Lagrange 2015. March 27, 2013. ere remains a margin of uncertainly

african arts AUTUMN 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 3 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00413 by guest on 27 September 2021 on this point, as Papa Ibra Tall (interview with author, personnel (1959–1989), CADN, 186/PO/2/ 110. 1970) are detailed in École Nationale des Arts [sic; February 21, 2014) either did not have memory of, 33 Samba “Vieux” Mané, interview with author, dossier documentaire], ANS, as well as in École des or did not wish to comment on, the details of this iès, June 26, 2013. Mission de coopération et Arts du Sénégal [sic], CADN, 186/PO/1/ 809. chronology. d’action culturelle à Dakar, dossiers nominatifs du 45 France’s Coopération programs began in 1959 21 Souleymane Keita, interview with author, Dakar, personnel (1959–1989), CADN, 186/PO/2/ 72. See and coopérants started working in Senegalese cultural February 19, 2013. Mamadou Wade, interview with also “Annexe 2” (n.p.) in Joseph Zobel, “Rapport sur institutions in the early 1960s. See Archives du author, Dakar, March 27, 2013. Silman Faye, interview la situation matérielle et morale de l’École des Arts,” Ministère de la Coopération, CADN; and Coopération with author, Dakar, April 29, 2013. Abdoulaye Ndiaye Fonds de Vice-Président et Président du conseil de program les (especially 19810443/1021, 199960108/8- “iossane,” interview with author, iès, June 13, gouvernement du Sénégal, 1956–62, ANS, VP 308. 12, 20020267/1-4, and 20000138/1-6), Archives 2013. Abdoulaye Ndiaye “iossane” started in the 34 Mamadou Wade, interview with author, Dakar, Nationales de France, Pierrette-sur-Seine. For recent section in 1963, and Ansoumana Diédhiou started in February 9, 2013. Souleymane Keita, interview with scholarship on Coopération in West Africa see Mesli 1963 or ‘64. author, Dakar, February 19, 2013. Silman Faye, inter- 2013 and Kantrowitz 2016. 22 “Interview avec Papa Ibra Tall” 1962: 60. “Je view with author, Dakar, April 29, 2013. Abdoulaye 46 For more on the protests see Bathily 1992 and suis revenu en 1960 à Dakar pour donner une petite Ndiaye “iossane,” interview with author, iès, June Staord 2009. exposition. Et c’est à la rentrée de 1961 que j’ai créé la 13, 2013. Massène Sène, telephone interview with 47 Alioune Badiane, interview with author, Dakar, section de recherche africaine d’arts plastiques.” Ibou author, June 27, 2013. “Annexe 2” (n.p.) in Joseph January 24, 2013. Daouda Diarra, interview with Diouf, interview with author, Dakar, February 22, Zobel, “Rapport sur la situation matérielle et morale de author, Dakar, March 9, 2013. 2013. Mamadou Wade, interview with author, Dakar, l’École des Arts,” Fonds de Vice-Président et Président 48 Anta Germaine Gaye, interview with author, March 27, 2013. Mamadou Cheikh “Modou” Niang, du conseil de gouvernement du Sénégal, 1956–62, Dakar, March 7, 2013. Silman Faye, interview with interview with author, Dakar, April 26, 2013. Amadou ANS, VP 308. author, Dakar, April 29, 2013. Mission de coopération Ba, interview with author, Dakar, June 6, 2013. 35 Sylla (1998: 67, 120) notes that along with the et d’action culturelle à Dakar, dossiers nominatifs du 23 As listed in a government document in 1962, name change, the status of the tapestry manufac- personnel (1959–1989), CADN, 186/PO/2/ 262, 221, Lods was Conseiller Technique à la Section des ture also changed (as of December 19, 1973) from a 267, 221, 94, 239, 187, 162, 239, 50. Recherches Plastiques Nègres. See Annex 2 (n.p.) in “national” institution into an “établissement public à 49 Kalidou Kassé, interview with author, Dakar, Joseph Zobel, “Rapport sur la situation matérielle et caractère industriel et commercial.” March 12, 2013. El Hadji Sy, interview with author, morale de l’École des Arts,” Fonds de Vice-Président 36 Papa Ibra Tall, interview with author, Tivaouane, Dakar, April 10, 2013. Silman Faye, interview with et Président du conseil de gouvernement du Sénégal, June 25, 2013. author, Dakar, April 29, 2013. For more on Paolucci’s 1956–62, ANS, VP 308. On the “École Poto-Poto” see 37 Mamadou Wade (interview with author, Dakar, work see Paolo Paolucci 2011. Tati-Loutard 1978, Lods 1995 [1959], Grabski 2002. February 9, 2013) stated he spent two years in training 50 For the institutional location of culture within 24 Présidence de la République, Direction des Arts at the Manufacture Nationale des Gobelins in Paris, the Ministry of Foreign Aairs see Répertoire perma- et Lettres, and École des Arts du Sénégal, L’École des and later eighteen months at the École Nationale nent 1985: 38, 41, 47–49, 53–55, 97, 100. Arts du Sénégal. Son organisation. Ses objectifs (Dakar: d’Art Décoratif in Aubusson. Mar Fall (interview with 51 For example, see Dix ans d’art 1970. Unfortu- Imprimerie A. Diop, [1961?]), ANS, po III 8 1211. author, Dakar, March 30, 2013) recalls studying under nately, Papa Ibra Tall (telephone interview with author, 25 Présidence de la République, Direction des Arts weaver Raymond Novion and artist Henri Brivet February 21, 2014) had no memory of the specic et Lettres, and École des Arts du Sénégal, L’École des alongside Wade at Aubusson in 1970–71. Two letters individuals or institutions with whom he worked Arts du Sénégal. Son organisation. Ses objectifs (Dakar: (dated October 31 and December 17, 1963) in the in organizing the early exhibitions of Senegalese art Imprimerie A. Diop, [1961?]), ANS, po III 8 1211. archives of the Mobilier Nationale et des Manufactures abroad. 26 For Bonnet’s personnel le, see “Dakar (mission Nationales, Paris, suggest that the four Senegalese 52 According to Ousmane Sow Huchard, the de coopération et d’action culturelle), dossiers nomina- artists spent just one year training at Gobelins in Commission was created by decree no. 77-509 of June tifs des personnelles,” Centre d’Archives Diplomatiques 1963–64. 22, 1977; see Huchard 2010: 364, n. 251. For general de Nantes (hereaer CADN), 186/PO/2/ 29. 38 Interview with Papa Ibra Tall in “La représenta- background on the Commission see Huchard 2010: 27 Mamadou Cheikh “Modou” Niang, interview tion sénégalaise à la Biennale des Jeunes Artistes [radio 364–71; and Niane 1989. On the date of the Commis- with author, Dakar, April 26, 2013. Massène Sène, broadcast, January 10, 1967],” Id notice PHD86081077, sion’s closure, which must have been around 1990, see telephone interview with author, June 27, 2013. Identiant matériel EC02148, Fiches OCORA, Institut Répertoire permanent 2000: 85, 94, 112, 116. 28 In the most recent articulation: “Pierre Lods and National de l’Audiovisuel, Paris. “[J]’ai découvert un 53 Amadou Seck, interview with author, Dakar, Papa Ibra Tall shared a common vision about the train- peintre russe qui s’appelle Vrubel, je ne crois pas qu’il February 27, 2013. Kalidou Kassé, interview with ing of artists as well as what would constitute modern soit très connu mais enn, eh, dans les environs de author, Dakar, March 12, 2013. Senegalese art” (Grabski 2013: 278). See also Gouard 1917–1920 [sic] c’était un peintre qui a fait beaucoup 54 On Senghor’s relationship with Pompidou see 1993: 79–80; Kasr 2000: 170; Grabski 2001: 18–44; parler de lui. Et je suis perceptif à tout ce qu’il y a Vaillant 1990: 72–73. Harney 2002: 18–19; Harney 2004: 56, 65–66. dans ses toiles si vous voulez. Donc je peux lui devoir 55 Souleymane Ngom, interview with author, 29 Papa Ibra Tall, interview with author, Tivaouane, quelque chose si ce soit au niveau de composition Dakar, February 1, 2013. Senegal, June 25, 2013. In a presentation in Dakar in parce que c’est vraiment un lyrique gurative. Et moi je 56 By and large, from the late 1960s through the 1971, Tall additionally argued that both the classical suis dans ce sens si vous voulez.” 1980s, administrators at MNT/MSAD either did academic and “free studio” pedagogical models had 39 Papa Ibra Tall, interview with author, Tivaouane, not make careful note of, or were not privy to, the drawbacks (1972: 108). June 25, 2013. recipients of the tapestries given as gis of state. For 30 Papa Ibra Tall, interview with author, Tivaouane, 40 Papa Ibra Tall, interview with author, Tivaouane, tapestry makers in iès, the president himself was the June 25, 2013. As Tall stated in 1971 (1972: 108): June 25, 2013. client for tapestries destined to function as diplo- “Former un artiste, c’est donner une technique et une 41 Abdoulaye Ndiaye “iossane,” interview with matic oerings. Beginning in the late 1980s, however, culture de base alliant une connaissance approfondie author, iès, June 13, 2013. archives at MSAD document tapestries going through de l’héritage culturel et une large information sur les 42 Line Bacconnier, telephone interview with the President’s oce to recipients including French réalités du dehors.” author, July 5, 2013. Line Bacconnier and Sténia politicians René Monory, François Leotard, Lionel 31 Bacary Diémé, interview with author, Dakar, Domanski, interview with author, Aubusson, July Jospin, and Jacques Chirac; Congo (Brazzaville) presi- April 22, 2013. Silman Faye, interview with author, 7, 2015. is private workshop produced tapestries dent Pascal Lissouba; African-American activist Jesse Dakar, April 29, 2013. based on compositions by Ousmane Faye, Amadou Ba, Jackson; Canadian politician Jean Boucher; and Congo 32 Mamadou Wade, interview with author, Dakar, éodore Diouf, Amadou Seck, Diatta Seck, Philippe (Kinshasa) President Mobutu Sese Seko. February 9, 2013. Souleymane Keita, interview with Sène, and others. 57 Madeleine Devès Senghor, interview with author, author, Dakar, February 19, 2013. Bacary Diémé, 43 Sténia Domanski, telephone interview with Dakar, January 19, 2016. interview with author, Dakar, April 22, 2013. Silman author, July 8, 2013. Line Bacconnier and Sténia 58 Senegalese intellectual and Ministry of Culture Faye, interview with author, Dakar, April 29, 2013. Domanski, interview with author, Aubusson, July 7, veteran Ousmane Sow Huchard (interview with “Annexe 2” (n.p.) in Joseph Zobel, “Rapport sur la 2015. Mission de coopération et d’action culturelle à author, Dakar, February 28, 2013) noted that Senghor situation matérielle et morale de l’École des Arts,” Dakar, dossiers nominatifs du personnel (1959–1989), openly attributed the idea for the Festival to the Société Fonds de Vice-Président et Président du conseil de CADN, 186/PO/2/ 169, 82. Africaine de Culture. gouvernement du Sénégal, 1956–62, ANS, VP 308. Of 44 Decree no. 72-937 of July 25, 1972, replaced the 59 “Copie d’une lettre d’Alioune Diop à Paul Rivet,” these instructors only Gaer appears to have been sent École des Arts with the Institut National des Arts, an April 3, 1948, Fonds Michel Leiris, Laboratoire d’an- by the French government; see Mission de coopération establishment of polytechnic arts and applied research. thropologie sociale, Bibliothèque Claude Lévi-Strauss, et d’action culturelle à Dakar, dossiers nominatifs du e terms of the change (initiated as early as June Collège de France, Paris, FML.E.01.01.111.

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