The Works of Horace
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The Reception of Horace in the Courses of Poetics at the Kyiv Mohyla Academy: 17Th-First Half of the 18Th Century
The Reception of Horace in the Courses of Poetics at the Kyiv Mohyla Academy: 17th-First Half of the 18th Century The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Siedina, Giovanna. 2014. The Reception of Horace in the Courses of Poetics at the Kyiv Mohyla Academy: 17th-First Half of the 18th Century. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13065007 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA © 2014 Giovanna Siedina All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Author: Professor George G. Grabowicz Giovanna Siedina The Reception of Horace in the Courses of Poetics at the Kyiv Mohyla Academy: 17th-First Half of the 18th Century Abstract For the first time, the reception of the poetic legacy of the Latin poet Horace (65 B.C.-8 B.C.) in the poetics courses taught at the Kyiv Mohyla Academy (17th-first half of the 18th century) has become the subject of a wide-ranging research project presented in this dissertation. Quotations from Horace and references to his oeuvre have been divided according to the function they perform in the poetics manuals, the aim of which was to teach pupils how to compose Latin poetry. Three main aspects have been identified: the first consists of theoretical recommendations useful to the would-be poets, which are taken mainly from Horace’s Ars poetica. -
Translated by Wordport from Nota Bene Ver. 4 Document EPODE.599
http://akroterion.journals.ac.za THE INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIETY: AN ORGANISING PRINCIPLE IN HORACE’S EPODES? Sjarlene Thom (University of Stellenbosch) Over the years there have been various attempts to make sense of the Epodes as a collection, as well as of individual poems.1 Scholars who have focussed on the collection as a whole have tried generally grouping the poems according to metre2 or to subject matter into either different areas of criticism or different categories of invective.3 The subsequent scholarly debate centred on arguments why individual groups were identified and why a specific poem should fall into a specific group. My personal reaction to these attempts to structure the collection according to groups is rather negative for the following simple reason: too many persuasive alternatives are possible. No musical composition could at one and the same time be described for instance as a sonata, a suite or a prelude and fugue. If a piece of music displays characteristics of all these musical forms, a broader organisational principle has to be found to accommodate the individual sections. In the same way then – since so many different possible ways have been identified in which to pack out various groups of Epodes – it seems to make more sense to look at the Epodes as a unit in which a variety of cross-references or, to continue the musical analogy, variations on a theme, all support a central statement. There have also been scholars who focused on individual poems who have come up with striking or even ingenious individual interpretations, but more often than not they then ignored or discounted the larger unit in which the poems functioned. -
Questioning the 'Witch' Label: Women As Evil in Ancient Rome
Questioning the ‘witch’ label: women as evil in ancient Rome Linda McGuire Introduction It became popular during the early Roman Empire for authors to depict women using magic in their writing. Such women appeared in almost every literary genre (satire, love poetry, epic and novels) during a span of 150 years. They can be found in the works of Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Propertius, Ovid, Lucan, Petronius and Apuleius. They were not a particularly coherent group, although they share certain common characteristics. Besides their link with magic there is only one other thing that they all share in common – these women are called witches by scholars today regardless of the Latin terminology used to refer to them.1 What these scholars mean when they use the term ‘witch’ is difficult to know as this English word, which has associations with modern European history, is never explained. This paper seeks to question the validity of using this modern term in the context of an ancient society, in this case Rome. First of all, what do scholars mean by ‘witch’ today and what ideas lie behind this term. Second, what similarities exist between the witches of the late Middle Ages and women using sorcery in Latin literature? As the topic is broad, this paper will focus specifically on the crimes of these women. Finally, who in Roman society were connected with particularly evil or unnatural crimes such as baby killing or cannibalism? Was it magic practitioners or others in society? Part one: witches and their crimes First found in a ninth century manuscript, the term ‘witch’ is thought to derive from the old English word wicca, meaning someone who casts a spell.2 It is likely, however, that our understanding of the term today is influenced from the period known as the witch-hunts which affected most of Europe in the late Middle Ages and resulted in the deaths of many thousands of people. -
Iambic Metapoetics in Horace, Epodes 8 and 12 Erika Zimmerman Damer University of Richmond, [email protected]
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Classical Studies Faculty Publications Classical Studies 2016 Iambic Metapoetics in Horace, Epodes 8 and 12 Erika Zimmerman Damer University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/classicalstudies-faculty- publications Part of the Classical Literature and Philology Commons Recommended Citation Damer, Erika Zimmermann. "Iambic Metapoetics in Horace, Epodes 8 and 12." Helios 43, no. 1 (2016): 55-85. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Classical Studies at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classical Studies Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Iambic Metapoetics in Horace, Epodes 8 and 12 ERIKA ZIMMERMANN DAMER When in Book 1 of his Epistles Horace reflects back upon the beginning of his career in lyric poetry, he celebrates his adaptation of Archilochean iambos to the Latin language. He further states that while he followed the meter and spirit of Archilochus, his own iambi did not follow the matter and attacking words that drove the daughters of Lycambes to commit suicide (Epist. 1.19.23–5, 31).1 The paired erotic invectives, Epodes 8 and 12, however, thematize the poet’s sexual impotence and his disgust dur- ing encounters with a repulsive sexual partner. The tone of these Epodes is unmistakably that of harsh invective, and the virulent targeting of the mulieres’ revolting bodies is precisely in line with an Archilochean poetics that uses sexually-explicit, graphic obscenities as well as animal compari- sons for the sake of a poetic attack. -
The Burial of the Urban Poor in Italy in the Late Republic and Early Empire
Death, disposal and the destitute: The burial of the urban poor in Italy in the late Republic and early Empire Emma-Jayne Graham Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Archaeology University of Sheffield December 2004 IMAGING SERVICES NORTH Boston Spa, Wetherby West Yorkshire, LS23 7BQ www.bl.uk The following have been excluded from this digital copy at the request of the university: Fig 12 on page 24 Fig 16 on page 61 Fig 24 on page 162 Fig 25 on page 163 Fig 26 on page 164 Fig 28 on page 168 Fig 30on page 170 Fig 31 on page 173 Abstract Recent studies of Roman funerary practices have demonstrated that these activities were a vital component of urban social and religious processes. These investigations have, however, largely privileged the importance of these activities to the upper levels of society. Attempts to examine the responses of the lower classes to death, and its consequent demands for disposal and commemoration, have focused on the activities of freedmen and slaves anxious to establish or maintain their social position. The free poor, living on the edge of subsistence, are often disregarded and believed to have been unceremoniously discarded within anonymous mass graves (puticuli) such as those discovered at Rome by Lanciani in the late nineteenth century. This thesis re-examines the archaeological and historical evidence for the funerary practices of the urban poor in Italy within their appropriate social, legal and religious context. The thesis attempts to demonstrate that the desire for commemoration and the need to provide legitimate burial were strong at all social levels and linked to several factors common to all social strata. -
Magic in Private and Public Lives of the Ancient Romans
COLLECTANEA PHILOLOGICA XXIII, 2020: 53–72 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-0319.23.04 Idaliana KACZOR Uniwersytet Łódzki MAGIC IN PRIVATE AND PUBLIC LIVES OF THE ANCIENT ROMANS The Romans practiced magic in their private and public life. Besides magical practices against the property and lives of people, the Romans also used generally known and used protective and healing magic. Sometimes magical practices were used in official religious ceremonies for the safety of the civil and sacral community of the Romans. Keywords: ancient magic practice, homeopathic magic, black magic, ancient Roman religion, Roman religious festivals MAGIE IM PRIVATEN UND ÖFFENTLICHEN LEBEN DER ALTEN RÖMER Die Römer praktizierten Magie in ihrem privaten und öffentlichen Leben. Neben magische Praktik- en gegen das Eigentum und das Leben von Menschen, verwendeten die Römer auch allgemein bekannte und verwendete Schutz- und Heilmagie. Manchmal wurden magische Praktiken in offiziellen religiösen Zeremonien zur Sicherheit der bürgerlichen und sakralen Gemeinschaft der Römer angewendet. Schlüsselwörter: alte magische Praxis, homöopathische Magie, schwarze Magie, alte römi- sche Religion, Römische religiöse Feste Magic, despite our sustained efforts at defining this term, remains a slippery and obscure concept. It is uncertain how magic has been understood and practised in differ- ent cultural contexts and what the difference is (if any) between magical and religious praxis. Similarly, no satisfactory and all-encompassing definition of ‘magic’ exists. It appears that no singular concept of ‘magic’ has ever existed: instead, this polyvalent notion emerged at the crossroads of local custom, religious praxis, superstition, and politics of the day. Individual scholars of magic, positioning themselves as ostensi- bly objective observers (an etic perspective), mostly defined magic in opposition to religion and overemphasised intercultural parallels over differences1. -
A History of the New Testament Times
^'11. .:^^- %/., 'y, 'k PRINCETON, N. J. BS 2410 .H3"8i3'^i878 v.l Hausrath, Adolf, 1837-1909. A history of the New Shelf.. Testament times A HISTORY NEW TESTAMENT TIMES. DR A. '^AUSEATH, OIIDINARY PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERa. THE TIME OF JESUS. VOL. I. TRANSLATED, WITH THE AUTHORS SANCTION, FROM THE SECOND GERMAN EDITION, BY CHARLES T. POINTING, B.A, & PHILIP QUENZER. WILLIAMS AND N R G A T E, 14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON; And 20, SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH. 1878. : LONDON PRINTED BY 0. GREEN AND SON, 178, STRAND. THE TIME OF JESUS. VOL. I. : XM'^^^ic^ PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. The History of the New Testament Times is now presented to tlie reader in a revised and enlarged edition. The latter part of the work, especially, has at the same time been much altered under the influence of Dr. Keim's Jesus of Nazara. In the plan of the book nothing has been altered. The aim in view is still to present a history of the development of culture in the times of Jesus and the writers of the New Testa- ment, so far as this development had a direct influence upon the rise of Christianity ; and then to give the history of this rise itself, so far as it can be treated as an objective history, and not as a subjective religious process. The author, in the Preface to the first edition, wrote as follows " "What we call the sacred history, is the presentation of only the most prominent points of a far broader historical life. -
Addressees of Horace's Odes
Addressees of Horace’s Odes M re ver, the oaristys betwaeen the p et and Lydra (39) (“the only one of Ho- race’s lyrics in dialogue”)5 rs rndexed under b th headrngs – as wa uld have happened war- th any de rncludrng m re than ne addres- P sees any themes and many characters Frnally, the Latrn wa rdrng f each ad- find therr waay rnt Ho race’ss ddes dress rs grven rn parentheses next t the nu- M merrcal desrgnatr n f the des6 My purp - In wahat f ll was I attempt t lrst the drrect addressees f the p et rn thrs wa - se rs t rnclude nly the rnf rmatr n wahrch rk My classrficatr n rs summarrzed rn a ta- rs requrred t rdentrfy the addressee Thus, ble added as an apendrx t thrs entry warrtrng d wan the c ll catr n “Aeli vetusto S me clarrficatr ns are n wa rn rder nobilis ab Lamo” (317) rs necessary t rec - Thrs rs a lrst f directly addressed rndrvrduals gnrze Lucrus Aelrus Lamra, but the phrase dbvr usly many des can be rnterpreted as a “Maecenas atavis edite regibus” (11) d es m re r less unambrgu us eul g r censure n t play the same crucral r le rn establrshrng f specrfic pers ns, but these rndrrect ad- the rdentrty f Garus Crlnrus Maecenas dresses are n t rec rded here1 There are, F nevertheless, twa n table exceptr ns Frrst- ly, the g ds are deemed as drrect addressees 1. -
Burial Customs and the Pollution of Death in Ancient Rome BURIAL CUSTOMS and the POLLUTION of DEATH in ANCIENT ROME: PROCEDURES and PARADOXES
Burial customs and the pollution of death in ancient Rome BURIAL CUSTOMS AND THE POLLUTION OF DEATH IN ANCIENT ROME: PROCEDURES AND PARADOXES ABSTRACT The Roman attitude towards the dead in the period spanning the end of the Republic and the high point of the Empire was determined mainly by religious views on the (im)mortality of the soul and the concept of the “pollution of death”. Contamina- tion through contact with the dead was thought to affect interpersonal relationships, interfere with official duties and prevent contact with the gods. However, considera- tions of hygiene relating to possible physical contamination also played a role. In this study the traditions relating to the correct preparation of the body and the sub- sequent funerary procedures leading up to inhumation or incineration are reviewed and the influence of social status is considered. Obvious paradoxes in the Roman at- titude towards the dead are discussed, e.g. the contrast between the respect for the recently departed on the one hand, and the condoning of brutal executions and public blood sports on the other. These paradoxes can largely be explained as reflecting the very practical policies of legislators and priests for whom considerations of hygiene were a higher priority than cultural/religious views. 1. INTRODUCTION The Roman approach to disposing of the dead in the Republican era and the early Empire (the period from approximately 250 BC to AD 250) was determined in part by diverse cultural/religious beliefs in respect of the continued existence of the soul after death and the con- cept of the “pollution of death”. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Writing in the Street: The Development of Urban Poetics in Roman Satire Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7x66m4vs Author Gillies, Grace Publication Date 2018 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Writing in the Street: The Development of Urban Poetics in Roman Satire A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Classics by Grace Gillies 2018 © Copyright by Grace Gillies 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Writing in the Street: The Development of Urban Poetics in Roman Satire by Grace Gillies Doctor of Philosophy in Classics University of California, Los Angeles, 2018 Professor Amy Ellen Richlin, Chair My dissertation examines Roman imperial satire for its relationship with non-elite street culture in the Roman city. I begin with a lexicon of sites and terms related to Roman concepts of disgust in the city, as they appear in the satiric sources I am working with. Then, in my next four chapters, I work chronologically through the extant satires to show how each author reflects or even appropriates practices from Roman street culture. Satirists both condemn parts of the city as disgusting—the parts and people in them who ignore social and cultural boundaries—and appropriate those practices as emblematic of what satire does. The theoretical framework for this project concerns concepts of disgust in the Roman world, and draws primarily on Mary Douglas (1966) and Julia Kristeva (1982). The significance of this work is twofold: (1) it argues that satire is, far from a self-contained elite practice, a genre that drew heavily on non-elite urban ii culture; (2) that it adds to a fragmentary history of Roman street culture. -
L 049 Strabo Geography I
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Calendar of Roman Events
Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th.