DOCSLIB.ORG

Proquest Dissertations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Proquest Dissertations Revolutionary representations: Gender, imperialism, and culture in the Sandinista Era. Item Type text; Thesis-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Knisely, Lisa Catherine Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 07/10/2021 11:37:12 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292086 REVOLUTIONARY REPRESENTATIONS: GENDER, IMPERIALISM, AND CULTURE IN THE SANDINISTA ERA by Lisa Catherine Knisely Copyright © Lisa Catherine Knisely 2005 A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF WOMEN'S STUDIES In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2 00 5 UMI Number: 1427223 Copyright 2005 by Knisely, Lisa Catherine All rights reserved. INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform 1427223 Copyright 2005 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 2 STATEMENT BY AUTHOR This thesis has been submitted in partial fulfilhnent of requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the copyright holder. /' SIGNED / (•"V APPROVAL BY THESIS DIRECTOR This thesis has been approved on the date shown below: /¥ Date Professor of Women's Studies 3 Acknowledgmeats Without the help of many wonderful people, this thesis would have been impossible. First, 1 would like to thank my committee for being so enthusiastic about my work. Your faith in my scholarly ability, as well as your insistence on the importance of my work, is greatly appreciated. Caryl Flinn deserves thanks for her unique ability to challenge and critique my work while making it seem like she is giving only praise and compliments. Laura Briggs also deserves thanks for her role as mitigator of my academic insecurity at the times I most needed reassurance. In her role as my professor, but also as my friend and mentor, Liz Ogelsby was encouraging and informing this thesis before it was even a tangible project. Without her extensive knowledge and willing engagement with me as a scholar, this thesis would not have materialized. Thank you, Liz. I owe thanks to one of my undergraduate professors, Karen Kampwirth, because she was the first person to introduced me to the role of gender in international politics. She is also the person who sparked my interest in the Nicaraguan Revolution and U.S. imperialism. Scholarly work like hers was necessary before a project like mine could even be imagined. 1 also want to thank the graduate students of the Latin American Studies department at the University of Arizona for the work that they do and for taking me in as an honorary member of their cohort. I want to thank my peers in the Women's Studies department at the University of Arizona for their resilience and their joy. Outside of the academy, I also owe many thanks. Many friends have supported me tremendously while I wrote this thesis. Thank you all. One friend, in particular, Georgeanne Barrett, went above and beyond the duties of friendship by listening to my nearly constant worries, stresses, and graduate • school dramas and responding with nothing but resounding affirmation of my ability and worth as a scholar and as a person. Thanks, George. In addition to my friends, 1 owe my family much gratitude. I would like to thank my Grandma Gloria for her immense generosity that has provided me with so many opportunities. I would also like to thank my stepmother, Judy Knisely, for being a reliably positive and vocal source of support. Lastly, I want to thank my parents, Tracy Knisely and Catherine Thompson, quite simply, for everything. 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION: FEMINIST VIEWS ON POLITICAL VIOLENCE ............7 CHAPTER ONE: REVOLUTIONARY NICARAGUAN FEMININITY IN MEMOIRS AND TESTIMONIALS....... ......22 CHAPTER TWO, MURALS THE "NEW MAN," AND THE SANDINISTA CITIZEN 42 CHAPTER THREE: GENDERED IDENTITIES, IMPERIALISM, AND THE NEW YORK TIMES ..64 CONCLUSION 95 WORKS CITED 100 5 ABSTRACT TMs thesis employs the critical insights of poststracturaiism, postcoloniai scholarship, and Third World feminisms to interv ene in feminist scholarship on women and war. It is argued that gender and political violence are mutually constituted and therefore there can be no assumed relationship of women to war. This study's primary focus was to trace discursive representations of gender, violence, citizenship, and nation in Sandinista Nicaragua and the United States during the Reagan presidency. Textual analysis of three cultural areas: memoirs and testimonials, murals, and newspaper articles was used to explore dominant constructions of gender as they intersected with Sandinista nationalism and imperialist U.S. foreign policy. The process of mutual constitution of gender and political violence are then examined in the specific cases of Nicaragua and the U.S. It is concluded that discursive constructions of gender were essential to the politics of both Nicaraguan revolution and U.S. imperialism. "The question is not of female participation in insurgency, or the ground rules of the sexual division of labor, for both which there is 'evidence.' It is, rather, that, both as object of colonialist historiography and as subject of insurgency, the ideological construction of gender keeps the male dominant." -Gayatri Spivak, "Can the Subaltern Speak?", 287 7 INTRODUCTION: FEMINIST VIEWS ON POLITICAL VIOLENCE Women's relationships to violence, war, and peace has received much attention by feminist scholars. Situating women in relation to war is a significant undertaking because i1 cuts across larger debates about both biological and cultural gender roles for women. The debates around women and political violence are significant because they inform of theories of nation, citizenship, democracy, and international relations. When feminist scholars take positions on issues of gender, war and peace there is much at stake. This thesis is positioned itself in opposition to much "Women and War" scholarship. Feminist scholars have often attempted to outline a cross-cultural position on what women's relationship to war is, or should be. Interrogating the role of gender in U.S.-Nicaraguan relations during the Sandinista period (1979-1990), this project asserts that gender does not operate in smoothly predictable or uniform ways across various violent contexts. What constitutes a proper role for women in relationship to war is dependent upon such factors as ethnicity, national identity, class position, and political ideology. Women and war scholarship that positions women, as a group, in a fixed relation to political violence often ignores and erases vital contextual specificities. ' ' 1 will use the term political violence and war interchangeably. War, as it has traditionally been conceptualized, excludes multiple contexts of violence thai are In fact warlike (e.g. the Contra "conflicf in Nicaragua). Given the U.S. government's intentionai categorizations of warlike violence as "low-intensity conflicts" and their use of proxy armies, the traditional conceptualization of war is inadequate. I use the terms interchangeably to gesture towards an expanded notion of what constitutes war. 8 The various positions on gender and violence can be characterized by several major trends. One viewpoint maintains that women are naturally and biologically unfit and not predisposed to be violent. This view asserts that women are biologically in need of protection by (and from) men. While most feminists recognize this position as decidedly conservative, and biologically deterministic, many feminists take care to maintain that characteristics like nurturing, caring, and peacefulness are feminine. In this argument, it is not biology, but women's unique roles within cultures, as caretakers, that makes peace a feminine characteristic. In "The Truth About Women and Peace," Jodi York characterizes this position as the "motherist" position because it is based upon the logic that "mothering (and, consequently, womanhood) focuses on life, war making emphasizes death" (20). And example of this position is found in Sara Ruddick's essay "The Rationality of Care" which outlines a sophisticated defense of the motherist position by arguing that women, as primary caretakers, have access to a "subjugated knowledge" that could be radically disruptive to militarism and war (250). It is this "motherist" position that informed the political work of multiple women's groups such as Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo in Argentina, The Greenham Common in Britain, and Women Strike for Peace in the U.S. Through this moralizing position, women have managed to enact powerful critiques of militarization and effect concrete social change toward the goal of peace. 9 Despite the historical efficacy of the "motheiist" position, it must be examined with criticism. In "Should Women be Soldiers or Pacifists?" April Carter points out that, "being a mother does not necessarily lead to a hatred of war and an empathy with mothers on the enemy side." (35).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Demobilizing and Integrating the Nicaraguan Resistance 1990-1997
    The International Commission for Support and Verification Commission (CIAV) Demobilizing and Integrating the Nicaraguan Resistance 1990-1997 ii Acknowledgements: This paper is a summary English version, written by Fernando Arocena, a consultant to CIAV-OAS, based on the original Spanish report: “La Comisión Internacional de Apoyo y Verificación, La Desmovilización y Reinserción de la Resistencia Nicaragüense 1990 – 1997”, prepared by Héctor Vanolli, Diógenes Ruiz and Arturo Wallace, also consultants to the CIAV-OAS. Bruce Rickerson, Senior Specialist at the UPD revised and edited the English text. This is a publication of the General Secretariat of the Organization of American States. The ideas, thoughts, and opinions expressed are not necessarily those of the OAS or its member states. The opinions expressed are the responsibility of the authors. Correspondence should be directed to the UPD, 1889 "F" Street, N.W., 8th Floor, Washington, DC, 20006, USA. Copyright ©1998 by OAS. All rights reserved. This publication may be reproduced provided credit is given to the source. TABLE OF CONTENTS ACRONYMS................................................................................................................................ix READER'S GUIDE ..................................................................................................................... xi INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................xiii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Nicaraguan Sandinismo, Back from the Dead?
    NICARAGUAN SANDINISMO, BACK FROM THE DEAD? An anthropological study of popular participation within the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional by Johannes Wilm Submitted to be examined as part of a PhD degree for the Anthropology Department, 1 Goldsmiths College, University of London 2 Nicaraguan Sandinismo, back from the Dead? An anthropological study of popular participation within the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional I declare that this thesis is entirely my own work and that the thesis presented is the one upon which I expect to be examined. The copyright holders of the included photos/pictures are mentioned in the caption. Usage rights for purposes that go beyond the reproduction of this book either in its entirety or of entire chapters, must be obtained individually from the mentioned copyright holders. When no copyright holder is mentioned in the caption, I was the photographer. The photos taken by me can be used for other purposes without prior consent, as long as the photographer is mentioned in all forms of publication where the photos appear. Johannes Wilm 3 Abstract Thirty years after redefining the political landscape of Nicaragua, Sandinismo is both a unifying discourse and one driven by different interpretations by adherents. This thesis examines the complex legacy of Sandinismo by focusing on the still widely acclaimed notion of Sandinismo as an idiom of popular participation. A central point is the current unity of the movement, as it is perceived by Sandinistas, depends on a limited number of common reference points over the last 100 years of Nicaraguan history, which are interpreted very differently Sandinistas and other groups, but which always emphasise the part Nicaraguans play in international relations and the overall importance of popular mass participation in Nicaraguan politics, rather than agreement on current, day-to-day politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Socialist Register 2005 O Império Reloaded
    Socialist Register 2005 O Império Reloaded Editores: Leo Panitch e Colin Leys Sumário Leo Panitch e Colin Leys Prefácio Varda Burstyn A Nova Ordem Imperial Prevista Stephen Gill As Contradições da Supremacia dos EUA Leo Panitch e Sam Gindin As Finanças e o Império Estadunidense Christopher Rude O Papel da Disciplina Financeira na Estratégia Imperial Scott Forsyth Hollywood Reloaded: O Filme como Mercadoria Imperial Vivek Chibber Revivendo o Estado Desenvolvimentista? O Mito da “Burguesia Nacional” Gerard Greenfield Bandung redux: Nacionalismos Antiglobalização no Sudeste Asiático Yuezhi Zhao A Matrix Midiática: A Integração da China no Capitalismo Mundial Patrick Bond O império norte-americano e o subimperialismo sul africano Doug Stokes Terrorismo, Petróleo e Capital: A Contra- insurgência Norte-Americana na Colômbia Paul Cammarck “Sinais dos Tempos”: Capitalismo, Competitividade, e a Nova Face do Império na América Latina Boris Kagarlitsky O Estado Russo na Era do Império Norte- Americano John Grahl A União Européia e o Poder Norte-Americano Tonny Benn e Colin Leys Bush e Blair: o Iraque e o Vice-Rei Norte- Americano da Grã-Bretanha PREFÁCIO Este volume, o da 41ª Socialist Register anual, é o que acompanha o extremamente bem-sucedido volume de 2004 sobre O Novo Desafio Imperial. Planejado originalmente como um volume único que logo se mostrou demasiado grande, formam agora um par que se complementa. O Novo Desafio Imperial lida com a natureza geral da nova ordem imperial –como entender e explicá-la, e quais suas forças e fraquezas. O Império Reloaded circunda-o com uma análise das finanças, da cultura e do modo com que o novo imperialismo está penetrando nas maiores regiões do mundo –Ásia Menor, Sudeste Asiático, Índia, China, África, América Latina, Rússia e Europa.
    [Show full text]
  • Mengapa Tidak!
    Vol. 4 No. 1 Oktober - Desember 2008 Belajar dari Sosialisme Baru Amerika Latin: INDONESIA BARU Mengapa Tidak! Daftar Isi Editorial Jalan “Sosialisme Baru” Amerika Latin: Sebuah Era Baru [4] Laporan Utama Transkrip Diskusi Jalan “Sosialisme Baru” Amerika Latin: Dewan Redaksi Sebuah Era Baru [9] Ketua : Amir Effendi Siregar Wakil Ketua : Ivan Hadar Laporan Utama Anggota : Faisal Basri Mian Manurung Jalan “Sosialisme Baru” Amerika Latin: Mungkinkan untuk Nur Iman Subono Indonesia? [32] Arie Sujito Artikel Pelaksana Redaksi Nur Imam Subono: Di balik Kemenangan Evo Morales dan Koordinator : Azman Fajar MAS di Bolivia [37] Redaksi : Puji Riyanto Launa Artikel Nur Imam Subono: Keterkaitan Gerakan Penduduk Asli Alamat Redaksi (Indigenous Movements) dan Kekuatan ”Kiri” (Left) di Jl. Kemang Selatan II No.2A Amerika Latin [43] Jakarta 12730 Telp. 021 -719 3711 (hunting) Artikel Fax. 021 - 7179 1358 Ivan A Hadar: BELAJAR DARI ARGENTINA [48] Jl. Mampang Prapatan XIX No.34 Mampang - Jakarta Selatan Profil Telp/Fax. 021 - 798 4559 Sritua Arief: BIOGRAFI DAN PEMIKIRAN DEPENDENSI DI INDONESIA [51] Ilustrasi* Kuss Indarto Serial Sejarah Sosdem Danan Arditya PLURALITAS KELOMPOK KIRI AMERIKA LATIN [54] Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Serial Sejarah Sosdem Penerbit SEJARAH SOSDEM [56] Pergerakan Indonesia dan Komite Persiapan Yayasan Indonesia Kita Resensi ISSN: 1978-9084 Kebebasan, Negara, dan Pembangunan di Mata Arief Budiman [61] *) Dilarang mengkopi dan memperbanyak ilustrasi tanpa seijin Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Editorial Jalan The Latin America’s “Sosialisme Baru” “New Socialism” Amerika Latin: Way: Sebuah Era Baru A New Era “Bila kita hendak mengentaskan kemiskinan, “When we are about to eliminate kita harus berikan kekuasaan, pengetahuan, poverty, we must give power, tanah, kredit, teknologi, dan organisasi pada si knowledge, land, credit, technology, miskin” and organization to the poor” Hugo Chavez, 2005 Hugo Chavez, 2005 Another Latin America is Possible.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Elections in Latin America: the Ascent of the Left
    Presidential Elections in Latin America: The Ascent of the Left PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN LATIN AMERICA: THE ASCENT OF THE LEFT IGNACIO MEDINA NÚÑEZ Colección Insumisos Latinoamericanos elaleph.com Medina Núnez, Ignacio Presidential elections in Latin America: the ascent of the left. - 1a ed. - Buenos Aires: Elaleph.com, 2013. 280 p.; 21x15 cm. - (Insumisos latinoamericanos) ISBN 978-987-1701-58-2 1. Ciencias Políticas. I. Título CDD 320 Queda rigurosamente prohibida, sin la autorización escrita de los titulares del copyright, bajo las sanciones establecidas por las leyes, la reproducción total o parcial de esta obra por cualquier medio o procedimiento, comprendidos la fotocopia y el tratamiento informático. This book was published in Spanish. This English translation is a revised and augmented version. Original Title: Elecciones presidenciales en América Latina. El ascenso de una izquierda heterogénea. Author: Ignacio Medina Núñez Pages: 354, ISBN: 978-987-1070-89-3 Year: 2009 Elaleph. Buenos Aires, Argentina. © 2013, Ignacio Medina Núñez. © 2013, Elaleph.com S.R.L. [email protected] http://www.elaleph.com Primera edición Este libro ha sido editado en Argentina. ISBN 978-987-1701-58-2 Hecho el depósito que marca la Ley 11.723 Impreso en el mes de marzo de 2013 en Bibliográfi ka, Bucarelli 1160, Buenos Aires, Argentina. Insumisos Latinoamericanos Cuerpo Académico Internacional e Interinstitucional Director Robinson Salazar Pérez Cuerpo académico y Comité editorial Pablo González Casanova, Jorge Alonso Sánchez, Jorge Beinstein, Fernando Mires, Manuel A. Garretón, Martín Shaw, Jorge Rojas Hernández, Gerónimo de Sierra, Alberto Riella, Guido Galafassi, Atilio A. Boron, Roberto Follari, Ambrosio Velasco Gómez, Oscar Picardo Joao, Carmen Beatriz Fernández, Edgardo Ovidio Garbulsky, Héctor Díaz-Polanco, Rosario Espinal, Sergio Salinas, Alfredo Falero, Álvaro Márquez Fernández, Ignacio Medina, Marco A.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Southampton Research Repository Eprints Soton
    University of Southampton Research Repository ePrints Soton Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", University of Southampton, name of the University School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination http://eprints.soton.ac.uk UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF HUMANITIES Department of Modern Languages Constructing a Nation: Evaluating the Discursive Creation of National Community under the FSLN Government in Nicaragua (1979-1990) by Lisa Marie Carroll-Davis Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2012 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF HUMANITIES Department of Modern Languages Doctor of Philosophy CONSTRUCTING A NATION: EVALUATING THE DISCURSIVE CREATION OF NATIONAL COMMUNITY UNDER THE FSLN GOVERNMENT IN NICARAGUA (1979-1990) by Lisa Marie Carroll-Davis This thesis aims to examine the ways in which national identity can be discursively created within a state. I consider the case of Nicaragua in the 1980s and investigate how the government of the Sandinista Front for National Liberation (FSLN) established a conception of the national in the country through official discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • UN Digital Library
    UNITED *-7’; NATIONS q -c L S PROVISIONAL S/PV.2792 17 February 1988 ENGLISH PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE TWO THOUSAND SEVEN HUNDRED AND NINETY-SECOND MEETING Held at Headcuarters, New York, on Wednesday, 17 February 1988, at 10.30 a.m. President: Mr. WALTERS (United States of America) Members: Algeria Mr. ACHACHE Argentina Mr. DELPECH Brazil Mr. ALLENCAR China Mr. LI LUye France Mr. BLANC -_ -Germany, Federal Republic of Mr. VERGAU Italy Mr. BUCCI Japan Mr. KAGAMI Nepal Mr. RANA Senegal Mr. SARRE Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Mr. BELONOGOV United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland Mr. BIRCH Yugoslavia Mr. PEJIC Zambia Mr. ZUZE This record contains the original text of speeches delivered in English and interpretations of speeches in the other languages. The'final~text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should be &R?:nx~u&&r the signature of a member of the delegation concerned, within one week, to the Chief, Official Records Editing Section, Department of Conference Services, tbbm DC&750, 2 United Nations Plaza, and incorporated in a copy of the record. 88-6U286A 3286V (E) 2-d . 3 ..'. RW3 S/PV.2792 &&pi 2-5 The meeting was called to order a-t lo,55 a..m. ADOP.l!IONOF TBE AGENDA The agenda was adopted. LETTER DATED 18FEBRUARY 1988 FRa TBE PERMANENTOBSERVER OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA TD THE UNITED NATIONS ADDRESSED 'ID THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY CXINCIL (s/19488) =m DATED 18 FEBRUARY 1988 FRW THE PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF JAPAN 'IO THE UNITED NATIONS ADDRESSED IO THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY CDUNCIL (S/19489) The PRESIDENT: In accordance with decisions taken by the Council at its 2791st meeting, I invite the representative of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the \ representative of the Republic of Korea to take places at the Council table.
    [Show full text]
  • Phd Thesis-Jessica Price-June 23, 2014
    “TRANSITION, OPPOSITION AND ENGAGEMENT IN THE CONTEMPORARY NARRATIVES OF CENTRAL AMERICAN FEMINIST AND REVOLUTIONARY WOMEN” by Jessica Ana Maria Price A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Psychology Dissertation Committee Prof. Dr. Margrit Schreier Prof. Dr. Nicola Spakowski Prof. Dr. Silke Roth Prof. Dr. Klaus Boehnke Date of Defense: Monday May 7th, 2012 School of Humanities and Social Sciences Acknowledgements ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I began working on this research project on January 2007 and after extensive work collecting data, analyzing it and making sense of the complex and multifaceted lives of courageous former revolutionary and feminist women from El Salvador, Nicaragua and Guatemala, I finally defended my thesis in May 2012. Influenced by a series of turning points in my life –of which I will only be able to make sense in retrospect- I finally find myself able to submit this document for its publication in June 2014. It has been quite a ride, and throughout the whole process, I would like to acknowledge the constant and supportive presence of my supervisor, Professor Margrit Schreier, who always believed in me, and whose eye for detail and accuracy demanded only the best in me. I am glad that after our work together, I can call Margrit both a mentor and a friend. I would also like to thank professors Nicola Spakowski and Klaus Boehnke for their support and valuable insights that contributed to the enrichment of this project. I also want to thank all the women who I interviewed, and the organizations for which they work in their respective countries.
    [Show full text]
  • An Abstract of the Thesis of Kim Glover for the Master Ofarts in World
    An Abstract Of The Thesis Of Kim Glover for the Master ofArts in World History presented on April 30, 2003 Title: The Revolutionary Women ofNicaragua Abstract approved:9" A c5~ This thesis contends that women were active participants in the revolutionary events taking place in Nicaragua between the 1960s through the 1990s. I state in this thesis that women made huge contributions and sacrifices on both sides ofthe Nicaraguan civil war in order to take a part in determining the government oftheir country and to develop a better future for themselves and others. The first chapter ofthis thesis will explain the events leading up to the Sandinista Revolution and the participation of women in the revolt. In chapter 2, in addition to a general overview ofwomen's involvement in the Nicaraguan revolution the thesis will also briefly compare it to the women's involvement in the Cuban revolution years earlier. In the next chapter I will also give personal accounts of several women that fought in the Sandinista revolution and ofthose that fought in the Contra counter-revolution. I have tried to include profiles ofwomen from different social classes and ofthose who fought in either support or combat situations. Chapter 4 ofthe thesis explains the Catholic Church's involvement in recruitment and organization of Sandinista and Contra revolutionaries with an emphasis on the Church's impact on women's involvement in the FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Liberaci6n Nacional). Chapter 5 will list and describe the different women's organizations that formed during the Sandinista revolution and after as well as their effects on women's lives in Nicaragua.
    [Show full text]
  • De Sandino Aux Contras Formes Et Pratiques De La Guerre Au Nicaragua
    De Sandino aux contras Formes et pratiques de la guerre au Nicaragua Gilles Bataillon De 1978 à 1987, la vie politique nicaraguayenne a été marquée par la prédomi- nance des affrontements armés. Le pays a en effet connu deux guerres civiles. La première opposa de 1978 à juillet 1979 le Front sandiniste de libération nationale (FSLN), le Conseil supérieur de l’entreprise privée (COSEP), le Parti conserva- teur, les sociaux-chrétiens et les communistes, les syndicalistes de toutes obé- diences à Anastasio Somoza Debayle et ses partisans et pris fin avec la défaite du dictateur. La seconde mit aux prises de 1982 à 1987 le nouvel État dominé par les sandinistes à une nébuleuse d’opposants, la Contra, composée de dissidents du sandinisme, d’anciens partisans de Somoza et de l’organisation indienne de la côte Caraïbe. Ces deux guerres se traduisirent par des affrontements particuliè- rement meurtriers entre les groupes armés, mais les populations civiles ne furent jamais à l’abri des cruautés des différents clans combattants, bien au contraire. Chacune de ces guerres civiles vit les parties en présence faire largement appel à l’aide étrangère. Enfin, les motifs religieux furent étroitement imbriqués aux motifs politiques. Deux interprétations de ces guerres ont été avancées. L’une met l’accent sur les facteurs internes, tant sociaux que politiques ; l’autre souligne le rôle décisif des interventions extérieures. La première, à laquelle est associé le nom d’Edelberto Que soient remerciés Jorge Alanı´z Pinell, Antonio Annino et Jean Meyer, dont les suggestions m’ont permis d’améliorer les premières versions de ce texte, fruit d’une recherche conduite au CIDE (Mexico).
    [Show full text]
  • US Peace Activists in Nicaragua
    Outraged and Organized: U.S. Peace Activists in Nicaragua Elissa Denniston History 486B Professor Nancy Appelbaum May 11th, 2007 On July 19, 1979, Sandinista revolutionaries entered Managua, the capital of Nicaragua, and declared victory over the oppressive Somoza dynasty which had ruled the nation for over three decades. The radical shift of power within this Central American nation had a profound effect both on the lives of Nicaraguans and the climate of international politics, particularly within the Cold War context. Throughout the next ten years, social upheaval and economic crisis within Nicaragua led to the influx of thousands of volunteers from both the United States and the rest of the world who worked on development projects and, during the Contra War, projects promoting peace. Those who traveled from the United States to Nicaragua during the 1980s had assorted backgrounds: men, women, clergy, lay persons, recent college graduates, and retirees were among the diverse people who went to Nicaragua to help combat the poverty in the developing nation. These U.S. peace activists often met with Sandinista leaders and worked side by side with them on economic reform programs and social reform programs. The central question which this paper will address is why the peace activists choose the Sandinista cause as their own. What would cause U.S. peace activists to not only go against the official policy of their own government, but risk their own lives working in a war torn nation? It cannot be explained simply by peace activists identifying with the leftist, idealistic goals of the Sandinista regime.
    [Show full text]
  • S Ijfsta REVOLUTION
    NEWS COVE~AGE S iJfsTA REVOLUTION NEWS COVE~AGE REVOLUTION By Joshua Muravchik With a foreword by Pablo Antonio Cuadra, Editor ofLA PRENSA American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research Washington, D.C. Distributed to the Trade by National Book Network, 15200 NBN Way, Blue Ridge Summit, PA 17214. To order call toll free 1-800-462-6420 or 1-717-794-3800. For all other inquiries please contact the AEI Press, 1150 Seventeenth Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 or call 1-800-862-5801. Publication of this volume is made possible by a grant from the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, Inc. Distributed by arrangement with UPA, Inc. 4720 Boston Way 3 Henrietta Street Lanham, MD 20706 London WC2E 8LU England ISBN 0-8447-3661-9 (alk. paper) ISBN 0-8447-3662-7 (pbk.: alk. paper) AEI Studies 476 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Muravchik, Joshua. News coverage of the Sandinista revolution / Joshua Muravchik. p. cm. - (AEI studies; 476) Includes bibliographies. ISBN 0-8447-3661-9 (alk. paper). ISBN 0-8447-3662-7 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Foreign news-United States-History. 2. Press and politics­ United States-History. 3. Nicaragua-Politics and government-1937-1979. 4. Nicaragua-History-Revolution, 1979. 5. Public opinion-United States. 6. Nicaragua-History­ Revolution, 1979-Foreign public opinion, American. I. Title. II. Series. PN4888.F69M87 1988 972.85'052-dcI9 88-10553 CIP © 1988 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Re­ search, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. No part of this publica­ tion may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews.
    [Show full text]