The Making of ‘The People’s William’

William Ewart he high esteem – even adu- and drove me off my natural and lation – in which Glad- previous bias’.2 However, there is Gladstone (1809–98) Tstone was held in the last nothing to suggest that Gladstone attracted massive two or more decades of his life earlier had been a crypto–Liberal, was witnessed by the huge quan- even though in 1894 he wrote, ‘I political support among tity of Gladstone memorabilia do not think the general tenden- that was kept in many working cies of my mind were in the time large sectors of the people’s homes. In terms both of of my youth illiberal’.3 Indeed, working class, especially the volume sold and of the span of there is much to the contrary. The the social groups who bought the Gladstone of 1886 would not have in the north of England plaques, mugs and plates produced warmed to the two anti-Reform in his memory, Gladstone’s appeal handbills he paid for in 1831, one of (outside of Lancashire), is reminiscent of that of Napoleon which read: Wales and Scotland. Bonaparte in France and Abraham Lincoln in the United States. Such People of England! That Gladstone became admiration was also marked by the Your Parliament is dissolved, for day-trippers who went by train having voted on Tuesday night ‘The People’s William’ to Hawarden Castle (Gladstone’s that the Papists of Ireland should was a surprising marital home in North Wales) in not be permitted to return a the hope of glimpsing the Grand larger proportion of Members development for one Old Man and his wife Catherine. of Parliament, than that which Gladstone’s appeal crossed class was solemnly established at the who had been a stern and religious lines. One example Union between the two coun- of a Nonconformist day trip to tries. We add no comment: young Conservative and Hawarden was in May 1890, when nor is any needed. Do not for a a person alarmed by the there was a mass political pilgrim- moment believe it to be an act of age from Caernarfon. Organised your beloved King. popular campaigns for by the Engedi Calvinist Meth- You are called on to exercise odist Chapel, a thousand people your suffrages in favour of men parliamentary reform, went by rail. The Liberal MP J. who wish to establish a NEW which was achieved in Hugh Edwards wrote of the jour- CONSTITUTION. ney, ‘After the customary man- Before you vote, ask yourselves 1832, and for the People’s ner of Welsh people, when ecstatic the following questions and let in mood, they gave vent to their no man Charter, between 1838 feelings by singing their favourite DIVERT YOUR ATTEN- and 1848, which was hymns’.1 TION FROM THEM. Gladstone’s emergence as a 1. What has South America gained not achieved. Chris highly popular politician was a by new constitutions? complex process that was not as Confusion. Wrigley charts the straightforward as he liked to 2. What has France gained by a making of ‘The People’s suggest in his old age. In 1865 he new constitution? observed of his early politics, ‘the Disorganisation. William’. Reform Bill frightened me in 1831, 3. What has Belgium gained by a

14 Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 15 the making of ‘the people’s william’

new constitution? Starvation. the thought of his course of con- While the of Lords taking fright at working 4. What is ‘Old England’ to gain duct now, or at any other time, hav- people gaining access to cheaper by a new constitution? ing been warped by ambition, to diaries books and newspapers. Gladstone And diminish the lustre and the power observed in his budget speech, ‘On 5. What am I to gain by a new of his name?’.5 have made dear books, which are published constitution? Not only do Gladstone’s diaries for the wealthy, it is a very light Answer these for yourselves: reinforce the reader’s understand- Gladstone duty; on books brought out in large vote for men who are solemnly ing of the importance of religion quantities by enterprising publish- pledged to Gladstone, they also repeatedly appear less ers for the middle and lower classes, 1. To redress every grievance. show Gladstone’s concern about Olympian, it is a very heavy and oppressive 2. To remove every blemish. economical and orthodox finan- duty’.9 He was successful in remov- 3. TO RESIST cial behaviour. The son of a very they also ing the paper duty in his 1861 REVOLUTIONS TO THE wealthy Liverpool merchant, Glad- budget, as well as reducing income DEATH. stone had instilled in him from an have made tax by a penny in the pound. And may God send a happy early age the sanctity of commer- Throughout this period, issue! cial contracts and of sound finance. him more Gladstone continued to extol Briton. In 1859 he wrote to his brother frugality in public finance. He Robertson, ‘Economy is the first human and commented during his 1861 budget, Gladstone thus travelled a long way and great article … in my financial ‘I am deeply convinced that all from the sentiments of ‘Briton’ to creed’.6 Financial concerns often even more excess in the public expenditure being a friend of nationalism and, underlay Gladstone’s attitude to beyond the legitimate wants of the more generally, to being ‘The Peo- other issues. For instance, even complex. country is not only a pecuniary ple’s William’. Looking back, Glad- with something as close to his heart waste … but a great political, and, stone attributed his illiberal views as his proposals, one The reader above all, a great moral evil’. He to his ‘narrow Churchmanship’, finds Gladstone very anxious lest also spoke of free trade finance and resulting in the fact that his ‘poli- the Irish beneficiaries of home rule of the pub- tax cuts as lessening class bitterness tics … were tinged with religious should escape their share of naval and binding the country together. fanaticism’. 4 and other imperial costs.7 lished diaries He was insistent that income tax Gladstone’s religious faith was Gladstone’s skills as Chancellor should impact uniformly on all the bedrock of his career. He would of the Exchequer in preparing and is hard put who could afford to pay. In his 1860 have liked to have been an Angli- presenting the 1853 budget firmly budget speech, he spoke of ‘laws can clergyman and often appeared established him at the forefront of to believe which do not sap in any respect the to think that he had a special rela- British politics. It was a major step Gladstone to foundations of duty, but which tionship with God, much to the in the emergence of ‘Gladstonian strike away the shackles from the irritation of many political oppo- finance’ as the dominant finan- be a brazen arm of industry, which give new nents. However, earlier depictions cial force in the second half of the incentives and new rewards to toil, by biographers of Gladstone as a nineteenth century, in its devotion opportunist and which win more and more for far-sighted Christian statesman to frugal state expenditure and to the Throne and for the institutions with clear-cut long term aims have free trade, with a strong desire to and humbug, of the country’.10 been undercut by the publication avoid expensive foreign involve- While Gladstone admired entre- (between 1968 and 1994) of his dia- ment. His 1853 budget brought although preneurs, being himself a scion of ries and by much scholarly research more people within the bounds of a prosperous mercantile family, he often involving the diaries of Glad- income tax, but explicitly excluded this does not also had growing respect for labour, stone’s contemporaries in parlia- ‘what I would call the territory of especially skilled labour. In his 1863 ment. While the diaries have made labour’ – in other words, those exclude him budget, Gladstone was most enthu- Gladstone appear less Olympian, earning £100 or less per annum. siastic about the behaviour of the they also have made him more One widely attractive aspect of his being a skil- Lancashire working class during human and even more complex. budget was the reduction of duty the cotton famine brought about The reader of the published diaries on thirteen foodstuffs, most nota- ful political by the US Civil War, which saw is hard put to believe Gladstone to bly on tea. A French commentator ‘one of the wealthiest portions of be a brazen opportunist and hum- observed of this budget, ‘The bulk operator, the country, and perhaps the very bug, although this does not exclude of the English feel that Gladstone wealthiest portion of its labouring him being a skilful political opera- is their champion against certain attuned to population, in a condition of unex- tor, attuned to exploit short-term privileged classes. They wonder at exploit short- ampled prostration and of grievous favourable political openings. Dur- his courage, admire his skill and suffering’.11 Together with his wife, ing his lifetime, those who had the are determined that he shall not be term favour- Gladstone ran and funded a small- opportunity of discussion with beaten’.8 scale relief operation at Hawarden, him were similarly impressed by Gladstone’s budgets of 1860–6 able political where some young Lancashire his character. This was famously so strengthened his reputation as women were trained for domestic with John Ruskin who, after long a financier and consolidated his openings. service and some men employed conversations with him, wrote to popular standing. With his 1860 on making roads and paths on the Mary Gladstone of her father that budget, Gladstone removed the last estate. Catherine Gladstone also he could now ‘understand him in protective tariffs (though he kept visited distressed cotton towns: his earnestness’. He went on to ask, a few tariffs for revenue purposes) Blackburn (where she helped insti- ‘How is it possible for the men who and attempted unsuccessfully to gate soup kitchens), Preston, Dar- have known him long – to allow remove the paper duty, the House win, Ashton-under-Lyne and

16 Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 the making of ‘the people’s william’

Stalybridge. Gladstone paid tribute constitution. Of course, in giv- His early attitude was reminis- to her in his diary in 1862, ‘she is ing utterance to such a propo- cent of that later exhibited by Lord a great part of the whole business sition, I do not recede from Salisbury towards those Whigs with the people everywhere’.12 the protest I have previously who were likely to join the Con- As well as being impressed by made against sudden or vio- servatives. Salisbury wrote to his the restraint and sacrifices of the lent, or excessive, or intoxicat- nephew, Arthur Balfour, ‘The Lancashire cotton workers, Glad- ing change; but I apply it with leader even of a diminished Party stone was also impressed by evi- confidence to this effect, that must behave as an arbitrator dence of working-class thrift. fitness for the franchise when between its various sections, and Among the trade union deputations it is shown to exist – as I say, it if he has fair ground for hoping which he received as Chancellor of is shown to exist in the case of to attract a new section they must the Exchequer was one from the a select portion of the working come within the scope of the arbi- Amalgamated Society of Engineers class – is not repelled on suffi- tration’.18 In Gladstone’s case, he on 10 May 1864 which requested cient grounds from the portals was pleased to have working-class to use the new Post Office Savings of the Constitution by the alle- support, but it had to be on his Banks, a request which he readily gation that things are well as terms. granted. He had also been much they are.14 Gladstone had greatly appreci- impressed by another trade union ated working-class support when deputation on his Annuities Bill, As well as praise for his financial he had gone on what turned out which enabled people to buy low- measures, Gladstone also won to be triumphal trips to Manches- cost government annuities through popular acclaim for his support of ter and the North East in April post offices.13 He was aware of simi- nationalism. Even on this, how- and October 1862 and Lancashire lar values present in the coopera- ever, his route to a Liberal view was in October 1864. However, after tive movement, with its ethos of a lengthy one. One of the many Gladstone was defeated at the collective self-help and its leaders’ turning points in his move from general election of 1874, he came declared opposition to members to at least Liberal to appreciate working-class sup- living on credit. Gladstone was Conservatism (as he long liked to port more, especially during the delighted to find the skilled work- describe his politics) came with his Bulgarian agitation of 1876–7. As ing class imbued with thrift, sobri- visit to the kingdom of the Two the Whigs and much former mid- ety and seriousness, a long way Sicilies in 1850–1. He described dle-class support left him in the from what he felt had been threat- the Bourbon government there 1880s, so his appreciation of sober, ening moods displayed in 1815–20 as ‘one of the most Satanic agen- self-improving working people and in the era of Chartism (when cies upon earth’ and ‘the negation increased. he had volunteered to be a special of God erected into a system of Yet, from at least the early 1860s constable). From at least government’.15 While welcoming Gladstone had carefully boosted In pushing through the repeal Garibaldi’s visit to Britain in 1864, his standing outside of parliament of the paper duty with the 1861 the early Gladstone was uneasy about this by careful management of the budget measures – thereby making Republican hero going in triumph press, especially in conjunction the decide whether 1860s Glad- around the country. Richard Shan- with public speaking. He was or not to reject all the financial non has even gone so far as to sug- not the first to build up an extra- provisions, as it had in 1860, by stone had gest Gladstone did not wish to be parliamentary reputation through vetoing the repeal of ‘the taxes on upstaged: ‘There could be only one public meetings. Palmerston had knowledge’ – Gladstone scored carefully embracer of the millions at a time’.16 done so, but with mixed success. a major constitutional success. It It is more likely that Gladstone still Palmerston provided John Delane, was a measure greatly desired by boosted his shared Palmerston’s conservatism editor of , with much Radicals. When he was carry- regarding popular loose cannons, information and also fed stories to ing it out, Gladstone urged John standing not approving of figures outside the Morning Post, The Globe and the Bright to ensure that his procedure the circle of Westminster politics Daily Telegraph.19 was not jeopardised by triumphal outside of speaking to audiences around the Gladstone was equally adept, or speeches against Palmerston (the country. perhaps even more so, in following prime minister) and the Lords: ‘if parliament Gladstone initially did not seek this lead. In the early 1850s, Glad- we do what is right and effectual, by careful working class applause. After his stone benefited from the advice of we should all through say the very October 1864 Lancashire tour, he John Douglas Cook, the editor of least possible about it’. Gladstone manage- was emphatic about this in his the Morning Chronicle. He was clos- further enhanced his standing with diary: est to the Daily Telegraph from 1860 Radicals with his famous obser- ment of until he first retired from public life vations on the franchise, made in … so ended in peace the exhaust- in 1875, after which the newspaper the House of Commons on 11 May the press, ing, flattering, I hope not intoxi- came to support Disraeli’s impe- 1864. In his speech he said: cating circuit. God knows I have rial policies. Gladstone’s contact, especially in not courted them. I hope I do during this period, was Thorn- I venture to say that every man not rest on them. I pray I may ton Leigh Hunt, who was the Tel- who is not presumably incapaci- conjunction turn them to account for good. egraph’s leading political journalist tated by some consideration of It is, however, impossible not to (and son of the distinguished writer personal unfitness or of politi- with public love the people from whom such James Leigh Hunt). The Daily Tel- cal danger is morally entitled manifestations come.17 egraph was grateful to Gladstone for to come within the pale of the speaking. the repeal of the paper duties which

Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 17 the making of ‘the people’s william’

in the strong will of the strong man who would know so much better for them than they would themselves, what it was their true life needed.22

Gladstone’s belief in self-help and his earnest seeking for knowledge resonated with many of the skilled workers who predominated in the trade unions, cooperatives and friendly societies. While the sobriquet of ‘The People’s William’ was bestowed on Gladstone by portions of the press grateful for his financial reforms, it did reflect the popular appre- ciation of his financial measures which benefited all classes. It also reflected the growing confidence that Bright and other Radicals had in him as a result both of his success in outmanoeuvring the House of Lords to achieve the repeal of the paper duty and of his expressions of support for widening the fran- chise. He himself developed further into ‘The People’s William’ when, after noting working-class dem- onstrations against the Bulgarian massacres of 1876, he joined a wave of protests already breaking upon Disraeli’s government. With the Midlothian campaigns of 1879–80, Gladstone used the politics of the mass platform to appeal both to the electorate of that constituency and had restricted the circulation of the his whistle before Gladstone could to voters beyond. popular press. Indeed, it was the deliver all his speech, Gladstone Daily Telegraph which christened dictated what he would have said Chris Wrigley is Professor of Modern Gladstone as ‘The People’s Wil- to Hepburn and it was duly pub- British History at the University of Not- liam’. One prominent editor and lished. On another occasion, when tingham. Amongst his many books are journalist, W. T. Stead, observed in in a remote area, Gladstone gave studies of , Arthur his diary: the Press Association a copy of Henderson and . his speech in advance with a time Gladstone’s admiration for the embargo on its publication.21 1 J. Hugh Edwards, The Life of David Telegraph dates from the time If Queen Victoria came to detest Lloyd George, Vol. 3 (Waverley Book that Lawson [Edward Levy Law- him, Gladstone was in several ways Company, 1913), p. 11. son, 1st Baron Burnham] used to in tune with the Victorian age, or 2 Letter to a friend, 1865, quoted in begin and close every leading at least a good part of it. As well as , The Life of William article by crying ‘Hosanna to moral earnestness, he had a strong Ewart Gladstone, Vol. 1 (Macmil- the People’s William!’.That kind belief in the power of rational argu- lan, 1903), p. 70 and also in D. M. of support Mr Gladstone always ment, in progress and in the mer- Schreuder, ‘The Making of Mr Glad- appreciates.20 its of a widening participation in stone’s Posthumous Career: The parliamentary politics. The con- Role of Morley and Knaplund as Gladstone also established good trast between Gladstone’s views “Monumental Masons” 1903–27’ in relations with the Press Associa- and those of John Ruskin was well B. L. Kinzer, The Gladstonian Turn of tion. On his whistle stop tours of made by Canon Scott Holland: Mind ( Press, northern England and Scotland 1985), p. 2. he would allow Walter Hepburn, The one trusted in the demo- 3 ‘Autobiographical Retrospect’, 22 the Press Association’s reporter, to cratic movement, however cha- June 1894, printed in John Brooke and travel in his private railway coach. otic and vulgar might be some of Mary Sorensen (eds.), The Prime Min- Apparently, on one occasion, when its manifestations: the other had isters’ Papers: W. E. Gladstone, Vol. 1: the leader of a Liberal deputation learnt from his master [Thomas Autobiographica (HMSO, 1971), p. 38. on a station platform was long- Carlyle] that the only hope for 4 Brooke and Sorensen, Autobiographica, winded and the train’s guard blew the great mass of mankind lay Appendix 3, pp. 230–1 and p. 38.

18 Journal of Liberal History 75 Summer 2012 the making of ‘the people’s william’

5 Ruskin to Miss Gladstone, 18 10 Gladstone, The Financial State- Victorian Britain, (Clarendon (Hutchinson, 1939), p. 48. January 1878 in John Ruskin, ments, pp. 257 and 186. See also Press), pp. 58–9. 19 Stephen Koss, The Rise and Fall Letters to MG and HG (Privately Martin Daunton, Trusting Levia- 14 G. M. Trevelyan, John Bright of the Political Press in Britain, Vol. Printed, 1903), pp. 32–33. than: The Politics of Taxation in (Constable, 1913), p. 294; House 1 (Hamish Hamilton, 1981), pp. 6 Quoted in Francis W. Hirst, Britain 1799–1914 (Cambridge of Commons Debates, 175 (11 May 155–6. Gladstone as Financier and Econo- University Press, 2001), pp. 97–8. 1864), col. 324, quoted in Mat- 20 W. T. Stead diary, 28 July 1886, mist (Ernest Benn, 1931), p. 241. 11 Gladstone, The Financial State- thew, Gladstone Diaries, Vol. 6, p. quoted in Koss, The Rise and Fall, 7 Memorandum, 14 January 1893, ments, p. 339. 275. p. 293. printed in H. C. G. Matthew 12 Thomas Archer, Gladstone and 15 H. C. G. Matthew, Gladstone 21 G. Scott, Reporter Anonymous. (ed.), The Gladstone Diaries, Vol. his Contemporaries, Vol. 4 (Blackie, 1809–74 (Clarendon Press, 1986), The Story of the Press Association 13: 1892–1896 (Clarendon Press, 1890), p. 129; Joyce Marlow, pp. 80–1. (Hutchinson, 1968), pp. 41–5. 1994), pp. 179–80 and following. The Oak and the Ivy (Doubleday, 16 Richard Shannon, Gladstone: For the reporting of Glad- 8 Rémusat quoted in Hirst, Glad- 1977), pp. 110–12; Diary entry, 9 God and Politics (Hambledon stone’s speech at the foundation stone as Financier, p. 154. The rele- October 1862, in Matthew (ed.), Continuum, 2007), p. 170. ceremony of University Col- vant parts of the 1853 budget are Gladstone Diaries, Vol. 6 (Claren- 17 Diary entry, 14 October 1864 in lege, Nottingham, see ‘How printed in Rt Hon. W. E. Glad- don Press, 1978), p. 153. Matthew, Gladstone Diaries, Vol. Mr Gladstone’s Speeches were stone, The Financial Statements 13 Diary entries, 5 March and 10 6, p. 307. reported’, Nottingham Journal, 29 of 1853, 1860–1863, (John Murray, May 1864 in Matthew, Glad- 18 Salisbury to A. J. Balfour, Sep- September 1877. 1863), pp. 55 and 88–91. stone Diaries, Vol. 6, pp. 261 and tember/October 1880, quoted 22 Canon Scott Holland, ‘Ruskin 9 Gladstone, The Financial State- 275; Mark Curthoys, Govern- in Blanche E. C. Dugdale, and Gladstone’ in Ruskin, Let- ments, p. 169. ments, Labour and the Law in Mid Arthur James Balfour: 1848–1905 ters to MG and HG, pp. 113–14.

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a cobdenproject). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. Four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper A four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis, attempting to Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and rebalance the existing Anglo-centric focus. Considering Scottish and Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston Welsh reactions and the development of parallel Home Rule movements, Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a along with how the crisis impacted on political parties across the UK. friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, Sources include newspapers, private papers, Hansard. Naomi Lloyd-Jones; and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster [email protected]. and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected]. Beyond Westminster: Grassroots Liberalism 1910–1929 A study of the Liberal Party at its grassroots during the period in which it The emergence of the ‘public service ethos’ went from being the party of government to the third party of politics. Aims to analyse how self-interest and patronage was challenged by the This research will use a wide range of sources, including surviving advent of impartial inspectorates, public servants and local authorities Liberal Party constituency minute books and local press to contextualise in provincial Britain in the mid 19th century. Much work has been done the national decline of the party with the reality of the situation on on the emergence of a ‘liberal culture’ in the central civil service in the ground. The thesis will focus on three geographic regions (Home Whitehall, but much work needs to be done on the motives, behaviour Counties, Midlands and the North West) in order to explore the situation and mentalities of the newly reformed guardians of the poor, sanitary the Liberals found themselves in nationally. Research for University of inspectors, factory and mines inspectors, education authorities, prison Leicester. Supervisor: Dr Stuart Ball. Gavin Freeman ; [email protected]. warders and the police. Ian Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; [email protected]. The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. The life of Professor Reginald W Revans, 1907–2003 Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Any information anyone has on Revans’ Liberal Party involvement would campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Boyer, CUFR Champollion, Place de be most welcome. We are particularly keen to know when he joined the Verdun, 81 000 Albi, France; +33 5 63 48 19 77; [email protected]. party and any involvement he may have had in campaigning issues. We know he was very interested in pacifism. Any information, oral history The Lib-Lab Pact submissions, location of papers or references most welcome. Dr Yury The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between Boshyk, [email protected]; or Dr Cheryl Brook, [email protected]. 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University. Jonny Kirkup, 29 Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected].

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