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Neoliberal Institutionalism PONCET JACQUELINE s2079275 Master of International Relations: Thesis A neoliberal institutionalist approach of Brazilian foreign relations with Guinea-Bissau, Cape-Verde and Sao Tome and Principe Thesis supervisor: Dr. Edmund Amann Faculty of Humanities Leiden University 06/07/2018 !1 Table des matières List of abbreviations 3 Introduction 4 Literature review 6 Brazil’s foreign policy in the literature 6 Theoretical approach 10 Neoliberal institutionalism 10 Neoliberal institutionalism key indicators 13 Absolute gain 13 Information 13 Iterated relations 14 Power over outcomes 14 Study cases: 15 Guinea Bissau 15 Geographic overview 15 Iterated relations: diplomatic relation intensification 19 Technical cooperation 21 Trade 24 Diminished role of military power 25 Analysis 25 Cape Verde 26 Geographic overview 26 Iterated relations: diplomatic relations intensification 28 Technical cooperation 31 Trade 33 Diminished role of military power 34 Analysis 35 Sao Tome and Principe 35 Geographic overview 35 Iterated relations: diplomatic relation intensification 38 Technical cooperation 39 Trade 41 Diminished role of military power 42 Analysis 43 Analysis 43 !2 Conclusion 50 Bibliography 52 Annexes 58 annex 1: African students taking part to the PEC-G program (2000-2017) 58 annex 2: African students taking part to the PEC-PG program (2000-2013) 59 !3 List of abbreviations ABC: Agência Brasileira de Cooperação ARFA: Agência de Regulação e Supervisão dos Produtos Farmacêuticos e Alimentares BRIC: Brazil, Russia, India, China CAPES: Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior CNI: Confederação Nacional da Indústria CPLP: Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa Embrapa: Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa Agropecuária Fiocruz: Fundação Oswaldo Cruz IBAS: India, brasil, Africa do Sul fórum IEFP: Instituto de Emprego e Formação Profissional IPEA: Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada MERCOSUR: Mercado Comum do Sul NGO: Non Governmental Organisation MRE: Ministério da Relações Exteriores MAC: Movimento Anticolonialista MPLA: Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola PAICV: Partido Africano da Independência de Cabo Verde PAIGC: Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde PALOP: Países Africanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa PT: Partido dos Trabalhadores RCN: Registro Civil Nacional SENAI: Serviço Nacional de Aprendizagem Industrial UNESCO: United Nation Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation UNICEF: United Nations Children's Fund UNIOGBIS:United Nations Integrated peace building Office in Guinea Bissau UNPD: United Nation Development Program UNSC: United Nation Security Council !4 Introduction Nossa parceria se inspira no herói da independência de Guiné-Bissau, Amílcar Cabral, para quem “o maior desafio no caminho do desenvolvimento está em superar nossas próprias fraquezas”. (Lula; 2010) This dissertation offers a reflection on Brazil foreign relations with Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau and Sao Tomé and Principe. These are three African countries, part of the CPLP. They are related for being of relatively similar economic, demographic and geographic dimensions, notably in comparison to Mozambique and Angola, the two other PALOPs. Based on the study case of Brazil’s foreign relation with these three countries, the analysis puts in perspective the international intention in which Brazil draws its foreign policy. country and GDP 2016 GDP per population size, km2 political regime (dollar US) capita 2016 (World (CIA world trend (polity (world Bank 2014(current Bank data) factbook) IV) data) US$) (world Bank data) group 1 Mozambique US $11 billions US $623,3 28 millions 799 380 km2 (open anocracy) Angola (closed US $90 billions US $4707,6 28 millions 1246700 km2 anocracy) group 2 Cape Verde US $1,6 billion US $3529,6 500 thousands 4033 km2 (full democracy) Guinea Bissau US $1,1 billion US $610,4 1 million 28 120 km2 (open anocracy) Sao Tome e US $350 US $1613,5 199 thousands 964 km2 Principe (not thousands referred) Brazil is known for its impressive international ascension in the 1990s, which was driven by a will of international empowerment. It was rewarded, when in 2001, Jim !5 O’Neil included Brazil among the four biggest growth potential on the international scene, the BRIC. Being part of the BRIC might be seen as an achievement, it also brings a heavy look of constant comparison with the three other countries. Since 2001, the international dynamic has changed and Brazil is often seen as the one of the BRIC country which has the less succeed to thrive. Yet, one would argue that Brazil inclusion on the international scene is being constructed according to a different international strategy. Rather than opening a direct competition with the traditional northern powers it would have chosen to extend its influence notably toward developing countries. Brazil’s will of empowerment is known, it was clearly exposed when the country expressed its intention of getting a seat at UNSC. The strategy used by Brazil isn’t looking to overthrow the current great powers through military power nor excessive trade activity (hard power). Despite, Brazil has turn toward a strategy of cooperation and institutional interactions (soft power). It aims at increasing its influence by gathering allies through international agreements, enhanced diplomatic relations and information sharing. Considering his international position, Brazil strategy to rise as an international power is to promote itself as the voice of the Global-South. South-South cooperation is a field in which Brazil can find international advantage compare to the rest of the world. Indeed, Brazil can claim its colonial past as a similarity to most developing countries, and so notably due to the social, economic as well as the politic barriers it has faced and is still overcoming. In many cases in Africa and Latin America, it can also put forward geographic, geologic and climatic similarities. Insisting on increased south-south cooperation is also a way to put aside the northern and traditional powers. The choice to focus this study on Brazil foreign relations with Guinea-Bissau, Cape-Verde and Sao Tome and Principe is based on the shared language as well as institutional, historical ties and at least the weak international status of these countries. Leading the reflection on foreign relations with the three smaller PALOPs is interesting, as contrarily to Mozambique and Angola, they don’t represent economic stake. The choice of these study-cases puts Brazil in a position of clear power, economic and resources superiority. This position could provide an insight of Brazil actions devoid of greed. It is also interesting to study these particular countries as they are not much studied. Indeed, their small dimensions and the current crisis in Brazil, brings the general attention far !6 from this restrained aspect of Brazil foreign policy. The table below divides the PALOPs in two groups according to basic aggregates. The research question through which we are going to approach the topic is the following: To what extent does Brazil’s foreign relations with Guinea-Bissau, Cape-Verde and Sao Tome and Principe belong to a neoliberal institutionalist international approach of international relations? This paper is organized as follows: firstly, a literature review will presents a state of art on Brazilian foreign relations dynamic with African countries focusing on Guinea Bissau, Sao Tome and Principe and Cape-Verde. Although, the topic of Brazil foreign relation with these three countries isn’t much addressed in the academic literature nor in institutional reports; while Brazilian foreign relations with the African continent is a topic covered by a wider range of academics. Consequently, the literature review contain material which addresses Brazilian international relations policy regarding Africa or small countries. The next section defines the research method used, it explains how qualitative comparative analysis will be led in that research. Afterwards, we will proceed to the study cases of Guinea Bissau, Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe. Then the comparative analysis will provide a cross-look of the outcomes of the study case. Literature review Brazil’s foreign policy in the literature The literature on the international relation nature of Brazilian foreign policy isn’t much focused on the relations with Guinea-Bissau, Cape-Verde and Sao Tome and Principe. Most authors reflect on Brazil foreign policy in general or with the African continent. However, the literature on Brazil foreign policy does also refer to the three Brazil a continental power !7 (Stolte; 2015; 59) countries we will be discussing. Brazil’s foreign policy has evolved as Brazil’s position on the international scene was growing. Brazil is known for its regional influence, on which most of the literature focuses (Stolte; 2015; 3). The regional emergence of Brazil can be associated to the creation of the MERCOSUR in 1991, which is a successful example of the cooperative and institutional binding process Brazil is working on in Latin America. The dimension of Brazil, its size, natural resources, 200.000 inhabitants, having borders with all South-American countries except Chile also makes it a natural leader in the region. Brazil’s foreign policy is directed by an aspiration to global influence, the strategy used by the country appears to rely mostly on Joseph Nye’s concept of soft-power. This notion was defined as «The ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payment » (Mares, Trinkunas; 2016; 13). Measuring and defining soft-power may be difficult, thus it is also a notion which is construct in opposition with hard-power; soft-power is what hard-power isn’t. Hard-power is the use of military, economic or !8 political power to obtain what is wanted, nevertheless it carries a notion of threat if one refuses to obey. The threatening aspect in hard power doesn’t only concern military violence, it can also be economic or political. The 1990s embargoes against Iraq is a common example of the economic and political form of hard-power. Brazil has relatively limited military capacities and it doesn't possess nuclear military force.
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