Debate: Scotland and the age of James Connolly, colonialism and radicalism after “the left” page 7 “Celtic communism” page 14 radical feminist green

No 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / £2 TWO CHEE RS FOR

PARLIAMENT REFERENDUM – UK VOTING SYSTEM ice of nce (1, 2, 3 etc) your cho Place in order of prefere ns to the UK Parliament. voting system for electio AV … well it’s better ALTERNATIVE VOTE 2 than the way ST FIRST PAST THE PO 3 we elect the

PROPORTIONAL UK Parliament TATION 1 REPRESEN at the moment!

PLUS REVIEWS AND THE LAND LAY STILL THE MODERN SNP: FROM PROTEST TO ISSN 2041-3629 POWER NEOLIBERAL SCOTLAND: CLASS 01 AND SOCIETY IN A STATELESS NATION 9 772041 362003 MAGAZINE OF SCOTLAND’S DEMOCRATIC LEFT EDITORIAL Contents I Perspectives No 28, winter 2010-11 FROM AV TO AYE WRITE! Sketches from a small world ne of the concessions the Continuing the look at books 3Eurig Scandrett Liberal Democrats got from we have a historian’s view of Othe Conservatives as part of James Robertson’s acclaimed And Two cheers for AV the agreement to form a coalition the Land Lay Still , and a review of Stuart Fairweather, Peter government was a referendum to a collection charting the SNP’s rise 5McColl and David Purdy change the voting system for to power. Westminster elections. However, Aye Write!, running from 4th to The age of radicalism the option for change will not 12th March, is Glasgow’s book after “the left” include proportional representa - festival, now in its sixth year. 7Gerry Hassan tion (PR), the Lib Dems’ preferred Democratic Left Scotland, with the method. Instead we will, depend - invaluable assistance of Scottish The dangers of the ing on how the skirmishing Left Review and political commen - third way between the House of Lords and tator and writer, Gerry Hassan, 9Doug Bain the government develops, be has become an Event Partner, and offered the option of replacing the has organised as a strand within The lie of the land current first-past-the-post (FPTP) the festival a series of discussions Catriona MM system with the alternative vote on the theme of Reimagining 11 Macdonald (AV). AV is better than FPTP, and Scotland. Details of these events, should be supported, but falls far how to get tickets and full infor - James Connolly, short of PR. To complicate the mation on the festival are on page colonialism and matter further there are other 4 of this issue. 14 “celtic strings attached. All is explained To coincide with Aye Write!, communism” on page 5. which includes a 30th anniversary Willy Maley Since the days of Thatcherism exhibition dedicated to the publi - and the rise of neo-liberalism, the cation of Alasdair Gray’s Lanark , Book review – The left in Scotland, Britain and indeed the next issue of Perspectives will be modern SNP much of Europe has lost its bal - published at the beginning of 19 Michael Gardiner ance. The question of how to March. It will include material of arrest this decline in fortunes is relevance to the book festival and Book review – controversial and reflected in con - also the launch of a new series of NeoLiberal tributions by Gerry Hassan, who six articles by writer and broadcast - 22 Scotland believes that we need to move er Lesley Riddoch, on the people. David Purdy beyond the historical categories of places and politics of Scotland. left and right, and Doug Bain, who I Letters and To ensure you get your copy of Diary argues for the continuing rele - contributions Perspectives , why not take out a Maire McCormack is vance of left-wing thought and (which we may subscription? See the back cover of 26 The Hat activity, and against notions of edit) are this issue for details. there being a “third way”. welcome and And, if you are within striking The theme of neo-liberalism and should be sent distance of Glasgow, why not join the left response is also taken up by to the editor – us at some of the Aye Write! events? a new book, NeoLiberal Scotland , contact details Sean Feeny reviewed on page 22. below. Editor

Perspectives is published four times a year by Democratic Left Scotland, Number Ten, 10 Constitution Road, Dundee DD1 1LL Tel: 01382 819641 / e: [email protected] / www.democraticleftscotland.org.uk ISSN 2041-3629 Editor: Sean Feeny / Depute editor: Davie Laing / Circulation and promotions manager: David Purdy Articles in Perspectives are copyright. Requests to reproduce any part of the magazine should be addressed to the editor. Copy deadline for issue 29 is Friday 18th February 2011. For further information on Perspectives or to submit articles or letters, contact: The Editor, Perspectives, Democratic Left Scotland, Number Ten, 10 Constitution Road, Dundee DD1 1LL e: [email protected] Printed by Hampden Advertising Ltd, 70 Stanley Street, Glasgow G41 1JB.

2 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 EURIG SCANDRETT SKETCHES FROM A SMALL W RLD

’m writing this immediately after the Westminster Prince undisciplined outbreaks of window smashing with parliamentary vote on raising tuition fees in Charles and systematic thuggery simply recruits more people to IEngland, and the media coverage of the the ranks of those looking for a fight with the police. “violence”. I wasn’t in London for the protest (I was Camilla were The next time the violent contingent on the at the Edinburgh protest – no violence so very little merely going demonstrators’ side will probably be better armed, media interest) so I only have the media to go on, but about their and even worse, there may be many people put off it is clear that coverage and comment is in danger of from demonstrating. losing any sense of proportion. normal Now that Cameron and Clegg have got into their Actually there seemed to be very little violence at business of stride of inflicting violence on the country surpassing the student demonstrations. There was some damage decadence at what Thatcher achieved, I’ve been wondering what it of property, some smashed windows at the treasury (a would have taken for people of my generation to legitimate target by anybody’s calculus) and an attack taxpayers’ stop Thatcher in her tracks. Not more violence. on a royal car (opportunistic, and although not expense. There was plenty of fighting and police malpractice relevant to the student fees debate, at least a then, whether in the black youth ghettos of London legitimate target in terms of gaining publicity). There or the coalfields throughout the country – although were a fair number of protestors who were spoiling eventually “riots” did finish off the poll tax. Even the for a fight with police, and a lot of police inflaming IRA bomb in Brighton didn’t succeed. Violence gets the situation with their kettlings and cordons directly publicity but is unlikely to get results. But Cameron confronting marchers and using batons and horses as and Clegg need to be stopped before they do too weapons, largely against sticks and paint bombs. much more damage. As Sir Hugh Orde, President of There was one serious injury of a protestor, caused by the Association of Chief Police Officers (not a known a violent attack by police. radical) has noted, just like in Thatcher’s time, we’re Violence is of course a traditional part of already seeing a politicisation of the police with the demonstrations – regrettable, but almost inevitable. force being used to facilitate the imposition of A confrontation at this level will attract people on government policy against those who will suffer both sides who are looking for a fight. Despite from it. violence being almost predictable, the media treat it The outcome of the climate talks in Cancun is as newsworthy so that violence guarantees news disastrous again, just like Copenhagen. Unlike coverage where a peaceful demonstration usually gets Copenhagen, which ended with no agreement, none. The paint bomb attack on the car of Prince Cancun has ended with an agreement that Charles and Camilla, who have nothing to do with greenhouse gases need to be reduced, but not by vote on tuition fees and were merely going about whom, by how much or when. The decision to their normal business of decadence at taxpayers’ transfer money to the global South to deal with the expense, ensured that publicity reached the front climate disaster which we seem to be unable to stop, page of most newspapers. The Metropolitan Police is as likely to be fulfilled as the Global Climate Fund Commissioner Sir Paul Stephenson said armed established with Kyoto, or the Global Environment police had shown “enormous restraint”, Fund set up at the Earth Summit in 1992 – none of presumably because they didn’t gun down which reached anywhere near their original targets. unarmed protesters. There is still no recognition that we – the rich The Metropolitan Police are clearly out of countries – have already used up more than our share control and their political masters have lost any sense of the atmosphere. On the contrary, capitalists can of their purpose. The point of police on keep making money from a wrecked climate, and it is demonstrations is to protect the right of citizens the poor who will be the victims. to protest. There is always a minority of But one interesting development is that the people who attend protests in order to talks were attended by the Jewish National fight the police, so the job of the police Fund which is increasingly portraying should be to defuse the violence, not itself in an environmental frame. Until inflame it. There’s nothing professional very recently I knew nothing about the about hitting out with a truncheon – JNF and could have been fooled into most young men can do that without believing that they were a legitimate training. We should expect more environmental NGO. Having from a trained, accountable and recently been to Palestine however professional police force. To tackle and been well briefed by the Palestine

PERSPECTIVES 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / 3 SKETCHES FROM A SMALL WORLD

Solidarity Campaign among others, the come from the fact that it has planted trees over the environmentalism of the JNF looks considerably top of a number of destroyed Palestinian villages and more sinister. For readers who don’t know, the JNF is turned them into nature parks – and of course as a a Zionist organisation which, for 100 years has been veil to draw over its crimes. An alliance of Palestinian acquiring land from which Palestinians have been solidarity groups have launched a campaign against driven out (militarily or by legal trickery), and the JNF in the UK. See www.monabaker.com/ making it available only to Jews. Since well before documents/JNFeBookVol1ed2x.pdf. the state of Israel was established, the JNF has played a significant role in the colonial project of ethnic I Eurig Scandrett is a Green activist and member of cleansing. Its environmental interest seems to have Democratic Left Scotland. RE-IMAGINING SCOTLAND A series of discussions looking at issues and debates for Scotland’s future

Monday March 7 / 18.00-19.15 / £4 and radical alternative? Speakers include Alf Young, journalist and Where is the Public in Public Health? commentator; David Purdy, co-author, Feelbad Britain; Ailsa Glasgow has the record as ‘the sick man of Europe’, but has a McKay, Glasgow Caledonian University. reputation for innovative thinking about public health alongside community-driven models for change. What is the overall picture Friday March 11 / 18.00 –19.15 of public health in the city, and how can we best aid and support Whose Public Services? long lasting and fundamental change both in individual attitudes The public sector faces challenges and constraints unprecedented and at the level of society? Speakers are: Professor Phil Hanlon, in modern times. What is the best way to respond – which Dept of Public Health, University of Glasgow; Fiona Crawford, protects the public and is in keeping with progressive values? Glasgow Centre for Population Health; Dr Gerry McCartney, NHS How will the cuts impact on Scotland? How can the dominant Health Scotland; Isabella Goldie, Mental Health Foundation model of public sector reform and modernisation – which is top Scotland. down and centred on marketisation be challenged? Speakers include Professor Allyson Pollock, Edinburgh University Centre for Tuesday March 8 / 18.00 –19.15 / £4 International Public Health Policy and John McLaren, Centre for Radical Scotland No More: Public Policy for Regions, Glasgow University. Beyond the Politics of Caution Devolution has been a disappointment to many – characterised Saturday March 12 / 19.00 –21.00 / £8/£6 by caution, conservatism and continuity. Join this high profile Jimmy Reid Tribute panel discussion to discuss and debate not what went wrong, but Jimmy Reid’s death in 2010 bought to an end a remarkable how a radical Scottish politics can address issues of power, voices political life. His work for Glasgow and Scotland was remarkable and public conversation? Speakers include Gerry Hassan, writer as was his ability to move a crowd to tears and action. His famous and broadcaster; Andy Wightman, author, The Poor Had No alienation speech was rightly regarded as on a par with the Lawyers; Joan McAlpine, journalist and Scotsman columnist. Gettysburg address by the New York Times. Aye Write! pays tribute to Jimmy Reid with the reading of his classic speech by Wednesday March 9 / 18.00 –19.15 / £4 David Hayman. Then a panel, made up of Ruth Wishart, Professor Bread and Roses Tom Devine, Gerry Hassan and others will discuss his work and What is the state of the arts and culture in Scotland today? Is it impact and the future of Scotland. still relevant or meaningful to talk of an artistic renaissance, and if so, what does it mean culturally and politically? And what does it I Re-imagining Scotland is a strand within this year’s mean to be an artist in contemporary Scotland? How does one Aye Write! Glasgow Book Festival, from 4 –12 March 2011, find ways, spaces and places to express oneself and gain support? organised by Glasgow Libraries. Democratic Left Scotland is an Speakers include Neil Mulholland, Edinburgh College of Art; Nick event partner. All events are held at the Mitchell Library, Higgins, film maker; Sarah Munro, Tramway. 201 North Street, Glasgow G3 7DN.

Thursday March 10 / 18.00 –19.15 / £4 The full programme is available online at www.ayewrite.com, False Economies: Restoration and Recovery where tickets can be booked, or alternatively phone the booking What is the future of the economy in Scotland and wider afield? hotline on 0141 353 8000. After the global crash and bankers’ crisis, what are the potential prospects for the economy? Do we still remain wedded to a Democratic Left Scotland politics of restoration and prioritising economic growth? And if na Deamocrataich Chli an Alba we increasingly question the conventional truths of the last few decades, why is there no real sign or emergence of any coherent

4 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 TWOCHEE RS F OR PARLIAMENT REFERENDUM – UK VOTING SYSTEM ice of nce (1, 2, 3 etc) your cho Place in order of prefere ns to the UK Parliament. voting system for electio

ALTERNATIVE VOTE 2

ST FIRST PAST THE PO 3

PROPORTIONAL AV ENTATION 1 Stuart Fairweather , Peter McColl REPRES and David Purdy examine the merits of the coalition’s proposal for a change to the voting system for the Westminster Parliament. Above: the referendum ballot paper election is fought under first past we won’t be gettiing. the post with fewer constituencies and revised boundaries, the legiti - n May Britain is almost certain Across the per cent larger or smaller than a macy of our political system will to hold a referendum on the UK as a norm of 76,000 voters. The coali - be further damaged. Some Labour Ialternative vote (AV). No one tion claims that what would MPs fear that if AV is approved, it loves AV. The Lib-Dems see it as a whole there amount to the biggest boundary will strengthen the coalition and poor substitute for proportional is a lost army review since the 1920s is necessary consign them to another term in representation. They prefer it to of about 3.5 to correct the pro-Labour bias that opposition. A group of the party’s first past the post, but their hearts has crept into the existing system “big beasts”, consisting of are not in it. At the last election, million owing to population movements. Margaret Beckett and Lords Labour promised a referendum on people, However, the proposed timetable Blunkett, Falconer, Prescott and AV, hoping to do a deal with the mainly poor, means that the review will be Reid, have agreed to front the no Lib-Dems in the event of a hung based on the 2010 electoral regis - campaign, alongside leading Tories parliament, but now they too have who are ter and the Electoral Commission such as Kenneth Clarke, William gone off the idea. Meanwhile, the entitled to estimates that across the UK as a Hague and Lady Warsi. The Conservatives, who only conceded vote, but are whole there is a lost army of about Labour leadership, like the Lib- the referendum as the price for 3.5 million people, mainly poor, Dems, would prefer a yes to a no, getting the Lib-Dems to join the unregistered. who are entitled to vote, but are but has indicated that the referen - coalition, are overwhelmingly hos - unregistered. More than half of dum is not a priority and that the tile to AV and will campaign 18–24 year olds are unregistered party plans to concentrate on actively for a no vote. and the overall problem is greatest defeating the SNP in Scotland, Under the coalition agreement, in inner city areas, which tend to strengthening Labour’s base in the bill authorising a referendum vote Labour. In Glasgow, for Wales and regaining seats in the on AV has been bundled together example, some 100,000 voters are English councils. with Conservative-inspired pro - thought to be missing from the So at the moment, a no vote posals to reduce the size of the register, more than enough to justi - looks the most probable outcome. House of Commons from 650 to fy retaining the city’s six seats The turnout is likely to be low too. 600 and, except in Orkney and rather than taking one away. But defeat is not inevitable. Most Shetland and the Western Isles, to The case against partisan haste people have not yet thought about redraw electoral boundaries. It is in redrawing the UK’s electoral the issue and public opinion is split intended that by the time of the map is sound, but it has no bearing rather than opposed. In August a next general election, no con - on the case for AV. On the other Guardian /ICM poll found 45% stituency shall be more than five hand, if AV is lost and the next would vote yes and 45% no. Public

PERSPECTIVES 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / 5 TWO CHEERS FOR AV backing for AV has slipped since number of constituencies where In 1951, only declining electoral turnout and a then, but if AV’s supporters make both Labour and the 3% of votes belief that government is the cause more of an effort, the battle can Conservatives do well has fallen. not the solution to the country’s still be won. As a result, voters who live in safe were cast for problems: in short, a festering seats – most of the electorate – parties other crisis of legitimacy. Barely coher - THE CASE FOR AV rarely encounter political parties. than Labour ent, but deeply felt antipathy to Why campaign for a second-best Under AV, provided they raise their the tax-and-spend state aids the voting system? Because the first- local game, the two big parties and coalition in its drive to cut public best option is not available: the stand to win seats in regions where Conservative; spending, privatise public services choice lies between AV and first- they are currently under-repre - in 2010, the and reduce social security to a past-the-post. Would AV be an sented – the Conservatives in safety net. Perverse as it may seem, improvement? Certainly. AV Scotland, Labour in the south of figure was Labour’s willingness to embrace retains single-member constituen - England – while the Lib-Dems 35%, the deficit financing in order to count - cies, but allows voters to rank can - stand to win more seats overall, highest since er recession and hasten recovery is didates in order of preference. reducing the handicap they suffer widely blamed for the financial This gives people a chance to vote under first past the post because, 1918. “disaster” that the coalition is now for the party that best represents by comparison with the other two, engaged in clearing up. As long as their views, yet still have a say in their support is spread more this view prevails, the new Labour deciding who gets elected. Under evenly throughout the country. leadership will struggle to put the first past the post, supporters of AV is better suited to a democra - New Labour era firmly behind it parties that stand no chance of cy that is no longer dominated by and to convince first itself and then winning have to choose between two big parties. In 1951, only 3% the general public that we need a wasting their vote, voting tactical - of votes were cast for parties other strong state to regulate markets, ly and not voting at all. than Labour and Conservative; in stabilise capitalism and protect AV requires every MP to win the 2010, the figure was 35%, the society. support of at least half their con - highest since 1918. So first past the Though it has its drawbacks – stituents. Few MPs pass this test post no longer guarantees a two- what voting system does not? – AV now and fewer still would win a horse race. It is also less effective at is better than the system we have. majority of first-preference votes preventing third parties from con - And quite apart from its impact on under AV. Parties would thus be verting votes into seats. In 1983, the next general election, a victory forced to compete actively for for example, the Liberal-SDP for the yes campaign would bring second-preference votes, bringing Alliance won 25% of the vote, but immediate political gains. It would a welcome revival of local cam - only 23 seats, whereas in 2010, the give a boost to the centre-left and paigning. At the moment, general Lib-Dems won 23% of the votes, get the Herculean task of repairing elections are fought largely on the but 57 seats. This weakens one of Britain’s democracy and restoring airwaves, with the two big parties main arguments for first past the faith in government off to a good using hi-tech polling techniques, post: that it produces conclusive start, making it easier to challenge telephone canvassing and e-mail election results and stable, one- fiscal conservatism and put the shots to target swing voters in mar - party governments. At the last case for recasting the welfare state ginal seats. The number of seats election, the Conservative lead rather than dismantling it. The where the winner’s lead is less than over Labour was 7 percentage “centre-left”, it should be stressed, ten per cent of the vote cast for the points, exactly the same as in extends well beyond the Labour two front runners fell from around 1979. But whereas Mrs Thatcher Party, encompassing greens, 160 in the 1950s and 1960s – a won an overall majority of 44 Scottish and Welsh nationalists, quarter of all seats in Great Britain seats, David Cameron fell 20 seats dissident Liberal Democrats, social – to 80 in 1983. Thereafter, there short, forcing him to choose democrats and all who are happy was a limited recovery, but in May between forming a minority gov - to be known as the democratic left. this year the number fell back to ernment and doing a deal with the Is it too much to hope that the 85. Lib-Dems. experience of working together in The reason for this change is the AV campaign might suggest the that compared with the 1950s, PARTIAL REMEDY wisdom of joining forces on other Labour’s vote is now much more For all these reasons – because it fronts, where common goals can concentrated in the northern half gives voters more choice, revitalis - be agreed? of the country, while the es local campaigning and is more Conservatives have become a party in tune with long-term electoral I This article is the product of a of the south. The divergent swing trends – AV offers at least a partial discussion between Stuart Fair- to Labour in Scotland in May was remedy for the ills that have over - weather, Peter McColl and David only the latest manifestation of a taken our democracy under first Purdy, who are all members of long-term trend. And as Britain past the post: public distrust of Democratic Left Scotland’s nation - has pulled apart politically, so the politicians, cynicism about politics, al council.

6 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 THE AGE OF RADICALISM AFTER “THE LEFT”

An article by Gerry Hassan last year on the need for a radical politics that transcends left and right caused Doug Bain to see red (or not … if Gerry has his way). We reproduce Gerry’s piece below and Doug’s response on page 9.

cotland sees itself as a centre- The left, political and social. And the shaped by deep class divisions, but left country. We haven’t voted whether in Communist Party at points provid - in its retort, “which side are you Sfor the Tories since the 1950s, ed political education and an on?”, there was impatience and didn’t like Mrs Thatcher and her Scotland or emphasis on building broad cam - intolerance. The left invoked the ism, and are supposedly more the UK, has paigns which Labour didn’t. Both language of universal humanity comfortable with collectivism than over time of these groups were small in but never really practised it, show - individualism. number – but given the inert state ing instead a deep, distorting trib - The Scottish left has a rich and shown little of Labour for much of its history, alism. proud history – standing against real interest had influence way beyond their For large parts of its history, exploitation and discrimination, or under- size. most of the left never bothered to for social justice and democracy, think seriously about its oppo - and filled with struggles, battles standing of LACK OF EMPATHY nents. Tories or SNP “tartan and personalities. There have been how it The left, whether in Scotland or Tories” were vilified or ignored, negatives: the lack of original appears the UK, has over time shown little and were never deemed worthy of thinkers and ideas, alongside a real interest or understanding of serious, considered debate. profound insularity and conser - outside the how it appears outside the left. vatism (for all the professed inter - left. This is because left-wingers have CLASS ENEMY nationalism). always felt that their rationale and Prior to Thatcher, the left never Such negatives are often put logic was so strong that no one undertook a serious study of down to the dominance of the who was open minded could resist. Conservative history or thought. Labour Party and a certain kind of The left has always historically had They were “the class enemy” rep - labourism, but the wider trade a sense of denial and lack of empa - resenting the forces of privilege union movement and numerous thy about how it is seen by the and reaction. At the same time no other centre-left institutions and majority of humanity, who rightly considered Labour engagement parties have shown similar charac - or wrongly, remain immune to its has ever taken place with Scottish teristics. charms. nationalism – with the exception The only real exception to this The left saw the world in binary of J.P. Macintosh and Stephen was the Independent Labour Party terms – “left” and “right”, “pro - Maxwell over thirty years ago. which until the 1930s was a hot - gressive” and “conservative”, It took until relatively late in the house of ideas and activities – “them” and “us”. This was a world day and the experience of

PERSPECTIVES 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / 7 THE AGE OF RADICALISM AFTER THE LEFT

Thatcherism before left-wingers What on ing to rewrite history. The anger of and then people began to talk studied the Tories, and by then it earth is Wilson and Sillars on council about social democracy and even was all too little, too late. And house sales camouflages their “market socialism”. Yet with the even more strangely, while Labour “progressiv- empty prospectuses, the fact that rise of Thatcherism and Reaganism has abandoned so much of what it ism”, other Thatcher changed hundreds of and demise of the Soviet bloc, even stands for, on one traditional prin - than some thousands of working class lives, this weakened, until after Blair and ciple it has remained constant – its claimed the cause of “freedom”, Clinton, people were left clinging denigration of Scottish national - ill -defined and that Labour and left-wingers to the wreckage of “progres - ism, to the point that it still contin - concept had little positive to say then or sivism”. ues to disable Labour thinking. which now. The journey from the glorious, When did the left in Scotland admittedly over-confident days of MORAL ABSOLUTISM everyone can last have an original, interesting the forward march of organised Some of this comes from charac - lay claim to, idea? Wendy Alexander once labour, to the slow, painful retreat teristics which are ever more pro - including famously said that Scottish Labour of the left, has seen a shift from nounced in the Scottish left than hadn’t had an original idea since certainties to vague ideas. What on elsewhere, such as a sense of moral Cameroon 1906. This is a bit harsh; the party earth is “progressivism”, other absolutism and certainty – which Tories and had some ideas in the 1920s, but than some ill-defined concept come over to many as unappeal - Lib Dems? Alexander is broadly right. which everyone can lay claim to, ing, dogmatic and inflexible. This And this holds for the wider left. including Cameroon Tories and is linked to black and white think - All of the revealing emotions Lib Dems? ing which has been prevalent in around the death of Jimmy Reid, much of our culture, and which point not only to the Scots love of ROOT AND BRANCH has been aided by elements of the a dead hero, but the passing of an TRANSFORMATION Presbyterian tradition. era. Upper Clyde Shipbuilders It is no use hoping that an ener - This tradition has produced wasn’t just a false dawn of radical - gised Miliband Labour Party will many heroes and villains, some ism, but the last spasm of creative refind its purpose, and renew mixing both, such as Tommy thinking by the left on economic social democracy. The pattern we Sheridan, George Galloway and democracy, the meaning of work can predict, which Ralph Miliband the late Jimmy Reid; cultural fig - and ideas around socially useful analysed at length, is that Labour ures such as William McIlvanney production. These issues still need will swing to the rhetoric of a more and James Kelman have spoken in to be addressed in a world of bold social democracy in opposi - similar voices of granite male cer - hyper-consumption and grotesque tion, but the crisis created by New tainty. inequality, but the left in Scotland Labour is so profound and deep Thatcherism was both the has said nothing on these for seated that it cannot be addressed making and breaking of this tradi - nearly forty years. without root and branch transfor - tion. Writers like McIlvanney mation. Things are not fundamen - made a name for themselves by WHAT DOES THE LEFT STAND tally different in Scottish Labour. seeing Thatcher as a threat to the FOR? Scotland desperately needs radi - very existence of our nation, and For several decades it has become cal ideas, pluralism and open claimed that she would eradicate increasingly unclear what the left minded imagination. It will not Scottish values if she had a chance. stands for – beyond the defence of come from the mainstream of the It was over-exaggerated then, and public services, public spending, Scottish left – who have long ago with the passage of time, faintly and the welfare state. This has its shifted from being forward think - embarrassing and ridiculous now. place, but what the left hasn’t done ing heretics to defending what At a debate last year on the is develop a positive vision of what exists and the status quo. impact of Thatcherism in Scotland it supports – a different model of The story of the British left over between David McLetchie and public services from the old pater - the last century has been one of Malcolm Rifkind on the pro-side nalist style or new managerialism, first hope, then the rise of and Brian Wilson and Jim Sillars different ways of organising the Fabianism and the power of the on the anti-side, the latter pair state, and how you challenge pro - expert, followed by the false talked about Thatcherism as if it ducer capture of institutions with - promise of modernisation, which were in the here and now. In par - out being blind to the dangers of proved even more problematic ticular, they railed against council corporate capture and marketisa - than the old vision it replaced. house sales as if they happened tion. Even more profoundly both the yesterday. It is worse than that. The left old left and new revolutionaries once had big banners to fly at its are imbued with a belief in the FIGHTING LOST BATTLES marches. As the left slowly human - modernist utopia – one of plan - This is another of the Scottish left’s ised capitalism, first, the vision of a ning and the other of the market. characteristics: going over the socialist society – which was never Both see people as instrumental past, fighting lost battles, attempt - sketched out – fell by the wayside, playthings. Neither has come to

8 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 terms with the crisis of mod - ernism, or the limits to growth on our fragile earth. THE DANGERS OF T HE What comes after the appeal, vision and hopes of the left is a fas - cinating question. The left offered a journey, a destination and an anchor – which gave generations a THIRD WAY way of looking at the world. Modern Scotland could become the country which was one of the Doug Bain takes Gerry Hassan to task for his call first to embrace socialist ortho - doxy, and if not the first out, then for a politics which transcends left and right. perhaps the first to explicitly embrace the new post-socialist age and map out a new direction. ead your article with interest. most as a contribution to the RISING GENERATION However I have to say I don’t debate on democratic renewal – That requires a rising generation Rreally agree with its main but there is nothing in what you to take up the challenge, not just thrust. You detail quite a long list are saying which lies outwith the burying what remains of the left, of criticisms of the left – some jus - parameters of left politics. but the recent revolutionaries of tified and others not. You end by the market, who have made much hailing a new politics which will URGENT AND VALID MISSION of the world in their image, and transcend the old left-right Writing in yesterday’s Guardian , produced anxiety, insecurity and dichotomy. Why then do you Polly Toynbee observes: “Facing powerlessness. devote 99.9% of your article to the an Osborne spending review more I am optimistic for the long- left with only a few throw-away rightwing than Thatcher ever term future of Scotland. This is for lines at the very end about the dared, the left-right chasm has lots of reasons: the innate hope my post-left project? Why is your arti - rarely been starker. In every corner parents gave me about the world, cle not all about the “new poli - of the globe the tussle persists the fact that we finally got “our” tics”? From the few lines you between progressive and regressive Parliament, and because the long devote to this, the defining ele - forces.” The fact is that, at the story of Britain is in decline and ments would seem to be: beginning of the 21st century, half crisis north and south of the G Embracing shared sovereignty; the world still makes sense of poli - border. G Decentralism; tics in terms of right and left. Even A Scotland which has exhausted G Replacing “great British pow - the SNP and the Green Party, nei - the old traditions of the left, and erism” with constructing ther of which spring from a left shown itself sceptical to the new alliances; tradition, have very quickly been orthodoxies of the Anglo- G Genuine self-government and located on the left/right spectrum American model, could be ideally self-determination. as left-of-centre parties. This is not placed for the politics of the 21st I’m not sure what you mean by because of some kind of political century. This would entail embrac - “embracing shared sovereignty” fixation; the left-right dynamic is a ing shared sovereignty, decentral - but it sounds like we will remain in product of, and response to, capi - ism, a diplomacy of making the Union – presumably in some talism and to the myriad ways in alliances rather than “great British kind of federal structure. I find it which it distorts and corrupts powerism”, and the ideas of gen - difficult to equate that with gen - human relationships. In this uine self-government and self- uine self-government and self- regard, there is nothing whatsoev - determination which go way determination – but perhaps I’ve er that has happened in the past beyond devolution. misunderstood you. However, my half century which has rendered This is a politics which tran - main reaction to reading these that mission any less urgent or scends left and right, those old defining features is that there is valid. As long as finance capitalism tribal distinctions which are the nothing particularly new here – all holds sway we will have a left and product of the 19th and 20th cen - of these concepts are a fairly famil - right. tury. Let’s leave them where they iar part of a left lexicon. And, even Embarking on a project of defin - belong in the past. if some have not been explored ing a “third way” beyond left and sufficiently, there is no ideological right is not for the faint-hearted. I Gerry Hassan is a writer, com - or philosophical barrier to them Precedent is not encouraging. mentator and thinker about being added to the “to be done” Mussolini was in fact one of the Scotland, the UK, politics and list. Your recent work on self- first to coin the phrase “neither left ideas. www.gerryhassan.com determination would be read by nor right!” Anthony Giddens’s

PERSPECTIVES 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / 9 THE DANGERS OF THE THIRD WAY

Beyond Left and Right was written Far from nation and since that belongs to its new circumstances. To argue that 16 years ago and has not, to put it being structure, it can be said that it we should turn our backs on this mildly, inspired a new post-left never arrives there truly, that when tradition and attempt to invent a vision. The terrain of third-way moribund, it arrives the fact that it is capable new discourse seems to me to be politics has remained pretty barren the left of not arriving afflicts it with the foolhardy in the extreme. And intellectually. continues to torment of an internal misdirec - quite unnecessary. tion” (quote from Willie’s book). The Scottish left is not going to BANKRUPT OF NEW IDEAS generate a I think it is becoming clearer dissolve and disappear. It finds So why go there? Your argument rich and now that, politically, post-mod - expression in the Labour Party, the seems to be that the left is bank - diverse ernism was a turn to the right and SNP, the Greens and in the left rupt of new ideas, locked into a even people like Frederic Jameson groupings such as Democratic Left black-and-white, modernist, deter - intellectual are conceding that its days may be Scotland and Scottish Left Review. minist mode of thinking. I just output. numbered and that the challenge It seems to me the prospects for don’t recognise that left. The cri - is, in fact, to re-define modernism. bringing these elements together tique of modernism is now close As someone wrote somewhere, if and beginning to articulate a on 50 years old and the post-mod - you live in the slums of Mumbai, common vision for the future of ernist thesis has been thoroughly modernism probably sounds quite Scotland are very good. debated and explored over several a good idea. Beyond post-mod - I think you really need to con - decades – for example Willie ernism, the only other recent post- sider carefully where this line of Thompson’s Postmodernism and left articulation I can think of is argument is taking you. Your reac - History . I think there is now a con - Etzioni’s communitarianism – tion to this brief critique will prob - sensus that while post-modernism which Blair and Clinton briefly ably be to counter with an even provides valuable insights in the flirted with but which has run into sharper criticism of the left. The field of aesthetics, its contribution the sand. danger with opting for a “third to social theory is much more lim - Far from being moribund, the way” is that you could find your - ited and, as a philosophy to inform left continues to generate a rich self being drawn into an increas - a post-left political project, it is a and diverse intellectual output sus - ingly anti-left stance and I think non-starter. If Jacques Derrida’s taining influential journals such as that is beginning to find expression help was enlisted in campaigning Soundings and New Left Review in your article. for improved postal services, the (not to mention Perspectives and Hope this is of some opening paragraph of his cam - Scottish Left Review ). Far from interest/value. paigning leaflet would read: “Not being stuck in the past, the centre that the letter never arrives at its of gravity of thinking is very much I Doug Bain was a member of destination, but it belongs to its post-Marxist. The left has a long Democratic Left Scotland and a structure that it is always possible and rich history of theory and contributor to Perspectives . He for it not to arrive there … A letter struggle and has continually adapt - wrote this piece not long before his does not always arrive at its desti - ed and changed to accommodate sudden death last September. RIDDOCH’S SCOTLAND A series of six articles by journalist and broadcaster Lesley Riddoch about the people, places and politics of Scotland commences in the spring issue of Perspectives .

The spring issue (no 29) will be available at the beginning of March. To subscribe complete and return the form on the back cover of this issue.

10 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 THE LIE OF THE LAND

History leaves an indelible mark on just about every page, says Catriona MM Macdonald as she surveys the terrain of James Robertson’s acclaimed novel, And the Land Lay Still .

n 25 September 2010 a matched, because, in a way, that is as it is alive to the vitality of how it young man (at least younger the point (well, at least one of was. Each of the six parts of the Othan me) with a lap-top (no them). novel, for example, begins with drink, no food) sits in the Ceilidh This review – if that is indeed what appears to be a false start – an Place in Ullapool with a copy of what it is – foregoes the privilege italicised sometimes breathless the Locum Doctor’s Survival of paraphrasing plot and essential - encounter with the land and the Guide to one side. ising narrative intent. The length character closest to it – before The next morning, around and reach of this book would in turning to the narratives of the 7.30am, from a second floor any case make that an exercise in lives that contribute to the book’s window in Inchnadamph, a whimsical personal selection to And the Land central concerns. (Only much later Scottish historian (41, female) such an extent that Robertson’s Lay Still is the defining purpose of these looked out on sun-blushed moun - more profound achievements in James Robertson prologues apparent. Robertson tains as the birch trees lining the this work would be lost. Instead, (Hamish here self-consciously plays with drive-way to the old manse this is an attempt to offer one Hamilton, 2010) hindsight – ours and his, perhaps.) clenched the golden leaves the understanding (mine) of the ways We are also alert to the fact that early frost was seeking to claim. in which this novel offers an this novel is the outcome of a My son slept. important contribution to modern This is an series (no, maybe not that ordered) I suggest no connection between Scottish history by challenging as it attempt to … of decisions – some taken with these two scenes except the does the singularity of national confidence, some only half- manner in which they both figure narratives and the impulses of con - offer one acknowledged risks. Yet, nothing in the narrative of the life of this ventional Scottish literary criti - understand- appears to be left to chance. In a review. I offer no comfortable cism. By problematising how we ing of the most fundamental sense, the writ - chronology – no consistency of come to know the past, and plac - ing process is the novel, and in its tense. I offer no unitary narrator, ing the individual/individuals and ways in starkest manifestation, it is clearest except the me that was reading the abstractions of identity to the which this at the level of genre itself. Read for And the Land Lay Still in fore in his treatment of the nation novel offers the first time, you could be September in order to write what Robertson offers us a Scotland that excused for wondering if this you are reading now, and the is at once more and less than the an important really is a novel. You might even mother who was stealing time in sum of its parts and the power of contribution get angry with a text that is not Assynt in search of the view of its imaginings. to modern content to remain for long in any Kirkaig Bay that enlivens my/her conventional literary tradition. dining room wall in Glasgow. (Me, PREGNANT WITH POSSIBILITIES Scottish History leaves an indelible mark she, her, we … it.) Indeed, the decisions taken in history. on just about every page, and the Earlier reviews of this novel shaping Robertson’s narrative are level of detail at times points even have typically moved from the to the fore from the beginning: we further to chronicle, at worst to obvious – its scale (674 pages), its are made aware of what Robertson jobbing journalese. Yet dramatic ambition (“a searching journey might have written, as much as dialogues, extracts from fictitious into the heart of a country” what he has. “What if, what if? If newspapers, art and photography according to the jacket blurb) – to only, if only, if only”, Robertson transposed and refracted into the particular – the characters writes. “Those phrases sit like words, and song rhythms pulsing (Angus, Mike, Jean, Don, Jack, crows on the passage of the years. in the responses of characters indi - James Bond – yes, you read cor - They settle on politics, they settle cate that this is a work of the imag - rectly – Ellen …), the politics – on love, they settle on life.” ination, call it what you will. Mike with a clarity of direction not Robertson’s text is as pregnant – the first protagonist to spin a nar - matched in the novel itself. Not with the possibilities of other pasts rative thread in Part One – would

PERSPECTIVES 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / 11 THE LIE OF THE LAND understand. When attempting to closer than most to realising the Whilst So what then of history if even write the introduction to an exhi - beguiling promise of realism in Robertson’s novelists resist conventional story bition catalogue honouring his unlocking the “truths” of the and claim the role of chronicler? father’s work in the art of photog - nation that those seeking a treatment of As a historian whose recent mono - raphy, he “has another look at the “Scottish voice”, a new Grassic time and graph, Whaur Extremes Meet , cov - introduction, essay, memoir, what - Gibbon, or a herald for a new history was ered much the same period as ever it is he’s trying to write. Scottish “school” identify as the Robertson’s novel, his treatment of That’s the problem, he doesn’t litmus test of the arts in Scotland. profound, history is of particular interest. know.” In a recent Scotsman inter - Yet things are not that simple. I found his Indeed, it was uncanny (if, I sup - view, Robertson said much the Robertson’s characters live treatment of pose, predictable) the extent to same of his own novel: “The diffi - through the same historical period which Robertson appears to have culty was not knowing exactly and experience it in different historical grappled with the same dilemmas what the story was.” (27 July 2010) ways: contrasting generational, detail at as I did in that text. From the It’s surely not coincidental. class, gender, sexual, geographic times outset, I have to say that whilst his and political identities offer differ - treatment of time and history was MULTIPLICITY OF VOICES ent lenses through which Scotland clunking and profound, I found his treatment of Indeed, there is a self-conscious is observed, while character – in all intrusive. historical detail at times clunking attempt in the Land to reflect and its various manifestations – influ - and intrusive, and at others some - examine the artifice and honesty ences how Scotland is felt. No one what overdone. I am yet to be con - inherent in story-making. Jean – voice is privileged, no collective is vinced that lives are generally lived Robertson’s most developed allowed to over-ride the personal, in ways so rooted in their contem - female character – exemplifies this and Scotland itself is seen as some - porary socio-political context as to tendency. It is at her hidden thing often only truly glimpsed in be aligned so meticulously with the Edinburgh flat that the nationalist fleeting moments of realisation, or periodisation of the state. Would sympathisers congregate in the through chance photographs that Mike really have remembered that 1970s to story the nation, to sing resist narrativisation. The “deci - he went to see Goldfinger with his the nation, and to drink the sive moment”, as Mike reflects, father the day after the 1964 nation’s health by sacrificing their borrowing from Cartier Bresson. General Election? Is it entirely own. One wonders if Jean – a wise plausible that Angus just happened but barren Scotia – and her stories AUTHORITY OF DETACHED to be in Arbroath the day the Stone are to be read as allegory. Yet, HISTORIAN of Destiny was returned? I can also while the hostess of the national - Robertson also rejects a singular say with some authority that not ists is in repose, it is obvious that narrative voice. While, for the even historians of the period Jean’s voice is but one of many in most part, the novel is written in would be able to offer with such the movement. Robertson in this the third-person, the prologues are ease the seat count of the way rejects a singular national(ist) addressed directly to Jack – Conservatives in 1966 as this all- narrative, and the potential of any Robertson’s everyman who is at knowing narrator. Regular leaps one narrative to accommodate the once part of, at odds with, between the lives of characters and contradictions and paradoxes of emblematic of, and eventually historical contextual detail were the multiplicity of Scotland’s claimed by the Still land of the also jarring at times, and the narra - voices – unionist and nationalist, book’s title. These short introits tive voice – the aspiring historian – male and female, historic and con - are also addressed to the reader often lapses in its pursuit of real - temporary. Jean’s stories seldom (“you”) with an immediacy ism. I, for one, am yet to be con - work towards resolution: “you just eschewed in the rest of the text. vinced that from 1997, think what you like.” The third-person approach facili - “Everything from then on is By thus rejecting the impulse to tates the historicising of the text: another story. The new parlia - essentialise a Scottish story, Robertson acquires the authority ment, the new country, the person - Robertson sets himself in opposi - of the detached historian, and his al and the political.” tion to the tendency in Scottish lit - characters – as historical subjects – erary criticism to claim a novel appear to have little choice in the TESTAMENT TO QUALITY (and novelists) as exemplars of the fates that await them. Robertson – In a way, such reservations are tes - nation itself. (Recent reviews, as historian – gives them no choic - tament to the overall quality of the regrettably, have often failed to es, while Robertson – the novelist writing itself. I would not be terri - grant him that liberty.) – makes us achingly aware of how bly concerned about Mike’s mem - Nevertheless, as Robertson’s fic - things could have been very differ - ories, for example, if I was not tional MacDiarmid advises Bond: ent. Only Marjory Taylor – the convinced by him as a plausible “The only thing you need to do … only English character in the character. I would have lost is to be yourself.” Given the wealth novel’s core of protagonists – patience with the narrator, if I was of historical detail in this work, speaks for herself. (I still don’t not convinced that Robertson as Robertson on the surface gets know quite why that is.) novelist is equal to the task of

12 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 allowing his characterisation and ural way of releasing a narrative”. Robertson, in Robertson to have been bolder: to craft to make the same points with These are all lessons modern the very act have left the connections between greater conviction and more origi - Scottish historiography would do characters unrealised in a physical nality than he does as Robertson well to take to heart. For what it’s of writing sense in the pages of the novel; for the historian. worth, this historian agrees with history – or the connections to be left at the Robertson’s greatest gift to him. at least in level of the imagination. Is that Scottish history in this work, how - not, after all, one of his central ever, is not the detail. Rather, it is MULTIPLICITY OF PERSPECTIVES historicising themes? in his engagement with a temporal Where we depart is in the search the novel – Robertson’s novel is, however, Scotland – a Scotland that is as for a conclusion. Robertson has exposes its much much more than this. His much about time, memory, hind - suggested elsewhere that the epic depiction of what happens when sight and history and how we proportions of the novel can in contingen- the departure of industry cripples approach these ways of knowing, part be explained by the fact that cies, its small communities and common as it is about a physical, political “The story is still going on.” On limitations appreciations of masculinity; when Scotland and our attempts to that point we are in agreement. marriages become a force of habit, mould it. Robertson’s Scotland And yet, Robertson makes a very and its false and then a force of mutual destruc - exists in “the lee of what was then conscious effort in the novel to promises. tion; when sexuality is realised and the future” and his characters’ bring the narrative threads togeth - released; when hopes in a new “ability to look back on the past, er. Mike’s final speech to the tomorrow reveal a future pretty [their] need or desire to make assembled guests at the Edinburgh much like yesterday, and when sense of it, is both a blessing and a exhibition uses as a motif David class and nationhood vie for the curse.” “We don’t know what the Octavius Hill’s painting of the radical inheritance all stand in story is when we’re in it”, reflects Disruption of 1843. He reflects need of a critical assessment. Mike in the concluding pages of that while it was not a historically I finished reading the novel long the novel, “and even after we tell it accurate picture it was “a represen - after I had taken photographs of we’re not sure.” His conclusion? tation of a moment”. The parallels Kirkaig Bay and measured them “Trust the story. That’s all. Trust between the Hill painting, his against the abstractions of the the story. Whatever it is these pic - father’s photographs and the watercolour in the dining room. tures tell you, individually or col - assembled cast of characters does Indeed, it was weeks after my son lectively, trust the story.” not need spelling out. Yet the sym - and I had walked to the falls, pass - Robertson, in the very act of bolism here does not have the ing on the way a cairn to Norman writing history – or at least in his - lightness of touch that marks much MacCaig: a makar whose short toricising the novel – exposes its of Robertson’s most successful pas - poems are a useful counterpoint contingencies, its limitations and sages: it is too deliberate, too con - and complement to Robertson’s its false promises. Ultimately, the trived, and permissive of a epic. It was as a historian that I sat written word is unequal to truth. polemical style that to that point down to write this in the middle of Ellen – Jean’s antagonist, mother he has been largely successful in Glasgow as snow encrusted the to a child conceived in an act of avoiding. There was something tenement opposite. One book, one violent rape, and a Scotia befitting that irritated in the partial resolu - reviewer, but read across the con - a new Scotland – affirms: “Don’t tion and weaving together of tradictions of time and space in believe a word you read … All sto - story-lines that to that point had this still land. Robertson’s gift to ries are lies … The secret is to been most successful in highlight - Scotland’s literary tradition is to work out how big the lie is. That’s ing the multiplicity of perspectives make the writer’s craft the story, to why we keep believing in a thing on Scotland’s past and their inher - bring to life the contingencies of called truth. It doesn’t exist but we ent discontinuities. The religious lives as they are lived, and to marry can’t help looking for it. It’s one of overtones of the painting were also the big questions with the para - the most endearing human fail - strangely out of step with the rest doxes of circumstance. ings.” Just as literature refuses to of the novel: to that point religion harness a singular Scotland, so his - had not been a major theme. Faith I Dr Catriona MM Macdonald is tory fails to deliver on its promise in whatever form we had encoun - author of Whaur Extremes Meet: to offer a benchmark of authentic - tered it had been shown to be false, Scotland’s Twentieth Century ity. In this novel , Robertson points and the most compelling religious (John Donald, 2009), winner of the to the fact that by knowing more motifs had been related to the Saltire Society Scottish History we need not necessarily under - agents of the state – Croik and Book of the Year Award 2010. She stand more deeply; that the “tyran - Canterbury – who appeared to is also author of The Radical ny of time” does not lead to a personify the secularising tenden - Thread (Tuckwell, 2000), editor of singular expression of the past, cies of an age marked by the Unionist Scotland (John Donald, and that chronological order, increasing reach of central govern - 1998), and co-editor of Scotland while a “sensible” historical ment. There is part of this review - and the Great War (Tuckwell, regime, is not necessarily the “nat - er that would have preferred 1999).

PERSPECTIVES 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / 13 JAMES CONNOLLY, COLONIALISM, AND “CELTIC COMMUNISM”

James Connolly is, together with John Maclean, one of the most important Scottish radicals of the modern era, yet his brand of socialist republicanism is often overlooked in histories of Scotland, argues Willy Maley , who goes on to show that Scottish writers from Hugh MacDiarmid to James Kelman have admired Connolly’s radical thought.

n 5 June 2009 the Edinburgh Evening News Hibernian Football Club, founded in 1875 by Canon reported a “controversial bid … to commemo - Edward Hannan, an Irish priest based in Edinburgh’s Orate the Edinburgh-born Irish revolutionary Cowgate, known as “Little Ireland”. Connolly didn’t James Connolly with a statue in the city centre … Sites just support Hibs; he carried the players’ kits and did under consideration include the Meadows, where other odd jobs at the ground. He also worked at the Connolly gave some of his most famous speeches, the Edinburgh Evening News . His political influences, for - West Port, where he lived, and the Cowgate, his birth - mation and connections were in Scotland. He left place and home to the majority of Edinburgh’s Irish school at ten and worked in a printer’s, a bakery, and a immigrant community until the mid-20th century”. The first tiling factory. As a radical republican opponent of On the other side of the Irish Sea, on the 11th of thing to physical force imperialism, Connolly stands in a long October 2010, the Scotsman ran an item entitled Scottish tradition stretching from Knox and Burns “Scot in line for top Irish title”. The Scot was of remember through to Maclean and MacDiarmid. course Connolly, the title that of Ireland’s greatest his - about James torical figure. Connolly came fourth of the five short - Connolly and JAMES’S COLONY: SCOTLAND AND THE ULSTER listed candidates, but he did beat Bono. The winner, PLANTATION revealed on the 22nd of October, was not after all a Irish James Connolly’s Scottish connections go back to Scotsman with an Irish name but an Irishman with a tradition is James’s colony, to the Ulster Plantation presided over Scottish name, John Hume, and not just a Scottish that he was by King James VI and I in 1609, an event that trans - name but a great-grandfather, Willie Hume, from the formed Irish-Scottish relations to the benefit of lowlands of Scotland, who emigrated to Donegal born England and the emerging British state. Connolly during the reign of Victoria. outside it. expressed his view on Ulster and the Scots in an essay As Owen Dudley Edwards reminds us: “The first written for Scottish socialist magazine Forward on 12 thing to remember about James Connolly and Irish July 1913, where he sympathised with the presbyteri - tradition is that he was born outside it. He was an planters as victims of English colonial manipulation Edinburgh born, his parents were Monaghan emi - in a passage that anticipates the views of Alasdair Gray grants to Edinburgh … Looking up from the squalid in his pamphlet on Scottish independence to the effect and almost lightless depths of the Cowgate, the young that the Ulster plantation was designed to divide and Connolly could learn Marxism simply by seeing the rule the Irish and Scottish: “A large body of English stately folk walking far above him on the fashionable settlers might have held Ulster down, but very few George IV Bridge which swept above the slums below. English wanted to settle in a hostile and much poorer He could see he was a proletarian long before he land … Jamie did what could only be done by a could hear he was Irish.” Edwards makes fun of the Scottish king ruling Ireland with an English army: he Irish tendency to render invisible Connolly’s Scottish colonized Ulster.” As Jonathan Githens-Mazer puts it: origins: “In Irish tradition, Connolly was born at the “Sectarianism blinded Catholic and Protestant to age of 28 in Dublin in 1896, in the manner of Mr. common exploitation by English elites who intro - Furriskey in At Swim-Two-Birds , when he was not duced or settled outsiders in Ulster to exploit them for born in Clones at the age of 0 in 1870. But in fact, he personal gain.” was of course born at the age of 0 in Edinburgh in Belfast-born Ulster Scot William Walker reminded 1868, and therefore his view of Irish tradition was Connolly in their exchange in Forward in 1911 that never wholly Irish.” Edwards insists that Connolly’s Scottish Presbyterianism and Protestantism more “immediate heirs” are to be found “not among the broadly had played a progressive part in modern Irish Irish republicans but with such figures as John history, including labour history. According to James Maclean of Scotland.” Connolly wasn’t just born in D. Young: “The role of Forward in providing Edinburgh – the youngest of three sons. He lived in Maclean, Connolly and Larkin with space to expound Scotland till he was twenty-eight. Connolly supported their views testified to the developing links between

14 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 the left of the Scottish and Irish workers’ move - “It seems the postscript that read: “Since writing this pamphlet the ments.” Walker stood unsuccessfully as Labour candi - Scots are Glasgow Herald in a leader on Tuesday, June 8, 1920, date for Leith, close to where Connolly was born, in entitled The Army in Ireland , gloats over the fact that the general election of January 1910, so he had being used Scots regiments are pouring into Ireland and others Scottish connections in the neighbourhood from to crush the are held in readiness. It seems the Scots are being used which Connolly sprang. In fact, Connolly and Walker Irish. Let to crush the Irish. Let Labour effectively reply.” In his had both stood for office in Scotland, Connolly unsuc - General Election Address of 1922, standing in the cessfully contesting elections to Edinburgh Council in Labour Gorbals, Maclean declared: “When Jim Connolly saw 1894 and 1895. effectively how things were going in Edinburgh he resolved on reply.” the Easter Rebellion in Dublin, the beginning of RED CLYDESIDE, GREEN CLYDESIDE Ireland’s new fight for freedom, a fight that can only Many Irish and Scottish socialists had cross-cultural end in an Irish workers’ republic based on commu - connections and cross-water connections. They nism.” Connolly had spoken in Glasgow on 15th included Willie Gallacher (1881–1965), born in the October 1910, so he was certainly attuned to events Irish ghetto of Sneddon, Paisley in 1881, who played there. Young confirms Maclean’s views on Connolly’s a key role in founding the Communist Party of Great awareness of Scottish developments in the run-up to Britain in 1920–21; and Ulster Scots Socialists like Easter 1916: “Connolly was aware of what was hap - William Walker (1871–1918), the Belfast Protestant pening on Red Clydeside. In the 20 November, 1915 who challenged Connolly, and David “Davy” Robb issue of the Workers’ Republic , he attacked the sup - Campbell (1874/5–1934), the Belfast Protestant who pression of ‘Free Speech in Scotland’ … At much the supported Connolly. John Wheatley (1869–1930) is same time, he published an article entitled ‘Glasgow another key crossover figure. Born in Bonhamon, Co. Gaels Will Fight’ in which he reported on a meeting in Waterford, in 1869, his family moved to Bargeddie, the Sinn Fein Hall, London Street, Glasgow ... In an near Glasgow, in 1876. Wheatley became a leading article on ‘Scots Labour Men and Lloyd George’, Scottish socialist, joining the Independent Labour Connolly published a report in the Workers’ Republic Party in 1906, and founding the Catholic Socialist saying that the majority of Clydeside workers at the Society in the same year. The Dublin Lock-out of famous meeting in Glasgow were anti-war.” 1913 and the Glasgow Rent Strike of 1915 showed Connolly’s intimate knowledge of the Scottish scene solidarity across the water. Speaking in March 1918, was mirrored by the growing activism of other Irish- Cathal O’Shannon claimed that: “Glasgow and Scots increasingly exercised by events across the Dublin are the two cities in these countries that lead water. the van in the militant army of Labour, and from them, if from nowhere else, we may expect a bold MARGARET SKINNIDER: FROM COATBRIDGE TO lead.” CONNOLLY’S SIDE One of the most radical Scottish socialists of the Arguably the most interesting Scottish connection time was John Maclean (1879–1923). According to with Connolly and the Easter Rising is Margaret James Hunter: “Both Connolly and MacLean – the Skinnider (1893–1971). According to Iain D. two most outstanding Marxist revolutionaries so far Patterson, “British intelligence sources computed Irish produced in these islands – were born to Gaelic-speak - Volunteer membership to be about 3,000 in Glasgow ing parents. And they devoted no small part of their in 1914”. One member of the Irish Volunteers among considerable abilities to reconcile socialism with the the 200 women who joined the 1400 rebels was nationalisms of their respective countries.” In the Margaret Skinnider, schoolteacher, suffragist and aftershock of Easter 1916, and after a spell in prison nationalist born in Coatbridge near Glasgow in 1893. for breaching the Defence of the Realm Act, Maclean Skinnider joined Cumann na mBan (League of moved closer to Connolly’s views. According to Gavin Women) and the Irish Volunteers, while in Glasgow. Foster, when Maclean visited Dublin for the first time In her account of the Easter Rising – published in New in July 1919, “he was exposed to the large British mil - York in 1917 as Doing My Bit For Ireland – a title she itary build-up in Ireland and was forced to confront never liked but picked by the publisher – Skinnider several of his ideological blind spots on the ‘Irish says: “I learned to shoot in one of the rifle practice Question’”. As James D. Young remarks: “From 1 clubs which the British organized so that women May, 1919, Maclean was committed to the Irish cause could help in the defense of the Empire. These clubs as a part of a worldwide anti-imperialist struggle. had sprung up like mushrooms and died as quickly, When he, John Wheatley, and Countess Markievicz but I kept on till I was a good marksman. I believed spoke at the Glasgow May Day in the presence of the opportunity would soon come to defend my own 100,000 workers, Irish tricolours were openly carried country.” And Skinnider was clear as to which country among the crowd and the Soldiers’ Song was sung she was talking about: “Scotland is my home, but along with the Red Flag.” Ireland my country.” In 1920, Maclean wrote one of the most forceful Skinnider was invited to Dublin at the end of 1915 pamphlets on the Irish situation of the period, The to meet Constance Markievicz. She crossed the Irish Irish Tragedy: Scotland’s Disgrace (1920), which had a Sea with detonators in her hat, and the wires wrapped

PERSPECTIVES 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / 15 CELTIC COMMUNISM under her coat. She slept on the detonators and was The Scottish Bedroom Secrets of the Master Chefs (2006): “As they later told the pressure could have set them off. She reclamation walked in the cold night he talked effusively, seeming scouted out a barracks for bombing, and her map of fascinated by her green mane, and told her that this the target was passed on to James Connolly, who she of Connolly part of town used to be known as Little Ireland … He then got to meet. As a maths teacher she could draw a can be seen pointed over to St Mary’s Church, and told her that mean map. She travelled back to Glasgow on the in Hibernian many years before Celtic in Glasgow, the Edinburgh understanding that she’d return for the Rising. Irishmen had formed the Hibernian Football Club in “Fortunately”, she said, “Glasgow is two fifths Irish. FC supporter these very halls. He grew animated when he pointed Indeed, there are as many Irish there as in Dublin Irvine up the street, and told her that Hibernian’s most itself, and the spirit among the younger generation is Welsh’s famous supporter, James Connolly, was born up that perhaps more intense because we are a little to one road and had went on to lead the Easter Risings in side and thus afraid of becoming outsiders.” novel Dublin, which culminated in Ireland’s freedom from Skinnider cross-dressed, passing as one of the “Bedroom British imperialism. It seemed important to him that Glasgow Fianna, claiming to be able to wrestle and Secrets of the she knew that Connolly was a socialist, not an Irish whistle as well as any boy. She acted as a messenger nationalist. – In this city we know nothing about our and sniper in Easter week. She was wounded while Master real identity, he said passionately, – it’s all imposed on fighting in the uniform of the Irish Volunteers and Chefs”. us.” imprisoned, before going to America and writing her It wouldn’t be Irvine Welsh without some scatology, memoir. She certainly did her bit for Ireland: “Once, so later in the novel Skinner, searching for his father on my way back to Liberty Hall with some dynamite among the cooks of the world, comes across one wrapped in a neat bundle on the seat beside me, I called Cunningham-Blyth with a story to tell and the heard a queer, buzzing noise. It seemed to come from scars to prove it. Cunningham-Blyth has literally lost inside the bundle. ‘Is it going off?’ I asked myself, and his manhood for his country: “As a young man back in sat tight, expecting every moment to be blown to bits. the sixties, I became interested in politics. Particularly But nothing happened; it was only the cart-wheels the national question. I wondered how it was that complaining as we passed over an uneven bit of most of Ireland was free, while Scotland was still in track.” Skinnider was paymaster of the IRA during the servitude under the English Crown. I looked around Irish Civil War, spent time in prison, during which at the New Town, its streets named after English roy - Nora Connolly took her place, then taught in Dublin. alty due to that toady Scott, while a great, Edinburgh She retired in 1961, and died ten years later, buried in native son and socialist leader like James Connolly the republican plot at Glasnevin cemetery. merited little more than a plaque on a wall under a shadowy bridge.” Cunningham-Blyth uses his cooking SCOTTISH WRITERS IN PRAISE OF CONNOLLY skills in order to hatch a plot: “I was always a recipe According to David Lloyd, one of a number of critics maker ... a concocter , I suppose one might say. As a to revisit Connolly’s work in recent years: “There is gesture, I resolved to fashion a home-made bomb and no doubt that the concept of ‘Celtic communism’ blow up one of the symbols of British imperialism that lends itself potentially to an idealizing nationalism litter this city. I had my eye on the Duke of that seeks to trace in the past the contours of a benev - Wellington’s statue at the east end. So I made a pipe olent and undegraded national spirit. But Connolly’s bomb. Unfortunately, I had the device between my deployment of the concept in Labour and Irish thighs as I was packing it with explosive. It went off History, The Reconquest of Ireland and elsewhere, prematurely. I lost my penis and one of my testicles … though a consistent element of his socialist project, is It probably wouldn’t even have scratched the Iron if anything precisely opposed to such idealizing.” Duke.” The following year, in the short story collec - Several Scottish writers have certainly drawn inspira - tion, If You Liked School, You’ll Love Work (2007), tion from Connolly as an activist rather than an ideal - Welsh has another character say of a stirring speech ist. According to Chris Harvie, Hugh MacDiarmid that it was “Pure James Connolly or John McLean “had several streams running through him, one of [sic]”, and he alludes to “Willie Gallagher [sic]” and them Ireland and the Easter Rising of 1916, where the “Soviet Socialist People’s Republic” of Fife. poets had apparently changed a nation.” Harvie James Kelman is another Scottish writer who has points out that “to younger Scottish socialists like acknowledged Connolly as a relatively unsung MacDiarmid, politicised by the war and the industrial Scottish socialist, and has pointed to the lost legacy of struggles of the ‘Red Clyde’, Connolly became a the left nationalism of the early twentieth-century, a hero.” Sorley MacLean was another great admirer. nationalism that was thoroughly internationalist in His poem on Connolly’s shirt in the National outlook: “Now it’s just assumed that if you are not Museum of Ireland – “Ard-Mhusaeum na h-Eireann” parliamentarian, then you have no politics, and that’s (“The National Museum of Ireland”) – testify to his a really extraordinary reaction to what started hap - sense of Connolly as a bridging figure between an pening about a hundred years ago when the debate Ireland and Scotland divided by England. was much more sophisticated politically, and there The Scottish reclamation of Connolly can be seen in was such a great divergence amongst socialists. It was Hibernian FC supporter Irvine Welsh’s novel probably valid to have a belief in self-determination,

16 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 to have a position like James Connolly or John One aspect in Glasgow, and was buried in Edinburgh with full MacLean.” In this regard, Kelman has spoken of the of Connolly’s military honours, as an honourably discharged veter - way in which the Irish question has dropped out of an corporal. The two brothers who served in the sight in Scottish political culture: “Part of the extraor - life that is British Army met very different ends, but their fates dinary thing is the marginalisation of Irish politics in often testify to the ways in which Irish-Scottish relations are relation to Scottish radical history. I would say that overlooked skewed by empire and the legacy of plantation. you cannot get an understanding of radical politics, probably throughout the UK, but certainly in … is his time I Willy Maley is Professor of English Literature at the Scotland, without understanding the significance of in the British University of Glasgow. This essay is an extract from a Irish politics as well. Take James Connolly for exam - Army. keynote address entitled “Edinburgh Go Bragh: ple. About twenty years ago when a young refugee Connolly’s Celtic Connections”, delivered at the Ahmad Shaikh, a boy of twenty-one, was murdered in Eighth Annual Irish Studies Conference organised by a racist attack and a protest march was organised, the North East Irish Culture Network (NEICN), police said it couldn’t take place. The reason why was University of Sunderland, 12 November 2010. because one of the groups marching in solidarity was the EIS, the teachers’ union. It was the local branch, NOTES which carried on their banners a portrait of James 1. Paul Routledge, John Hume: A Biography Connolly, the Irish Republican martyr who was mur - (London: HarperCollins, 1997), p. 20. dered by the British government in 1916. The extraor - 2. Owen Dudley Edwards, “Connolly and Irish dinary thing about all of this was that James Connolly Tradition”, The Furrow 30, 7 (1979), p. 411. was actually an Edinburgh man, he’s Scottish. He 3. Edwards, “Connolly and Irish Tradition”, p. 412. didn’t go to Ireland until his early twenties. His father 4. Edwards, “Connolly and Irish Tradition”, p. 424. was Irish, but he was born less than a mile from where 5. Alasdair Gray, Why Scots Should Rule Scotland we were about to march. You know there are a lot of 1997: A Carnaptious History of Britain from ironies; a lot of Scottish-Irish people, because of the Roman Times until now (Edinburgh: Canongate, indoctrination and propaganda, don’t even know that 1997), p. 35. James Connolly was Scottish. I’m talking about guys 6. Jonathan Githens-Mazer, “Ancient Erin, Modern who are maybe seventy-five years of age who are Socialism: Myths, Memories and Symbols of the Scottish Catholics. They’re not necessarily Republican Irish Nation in the Writings of James Connolly”, because the whole thing’s a kind of mish-mash. But Interventions 10, 1 (2008), p. 98. when I speak to them about James Connolly they will 7. James D. Young, “John Maclean, Socialism and know that type of background – and until that kind of the Easter Rising”, Saothar 16 (1990), p. 26. background is known by everyone, there will never be 8. Joan Smith, “Labour Tradition in Glasgow and a real understanding of radical politics in this country. Liverpool”, History Workshop Journal 17, 1 These areas are still marginalised or suppressed.” (1984), p. 37. 9. Cathal O’Shannon, “Labour Day”, Voice of BROTHER-IN-ARMS Labour , 30 March 1918, cited in Young, “John One aspect of Connolly’s life that is often overlooked Maclean, Socialism and the Easter Rising”, p. 30. – an aspect that might shed an ironic sidelight on the 10. James Hunter, “The Gaelic Connection: The recent protest over the wearing of poppies at Celtic Highlands, Ireland and Nationalism, 1873– Park – is his time in the British Army, which he joined 1922”, The Scottish Historical Review 54, 158 under-age in 1882, and from which he deserted in (1975), p. 198. 1889, subsequently joining the Scottish Socialist 11. Gavin Foster, “‘Scotsmen, Stand by Ireland’: John Federation in 1890. Many Irish and Irish-Scottish men Maclean and the Irish Revolution”, History and women passed through the ranks of the British Ireland 16, 1 (2008), p. 34. Army. Thomas Maley, father of the Celtic manager 12. Young, “John Maclean, Socialism and the Easter Willie, was a sergeant in the Royal North British Rising”, p. 31. Fusiliers. Willie Maley himself was born in the bar - 13. John MacLean, The Irish Tragedy: Scotland’s racks at Newry in 1868, the same year that James Disgrace (1920), accessed 10 November 2010. Connolly was born in Cowgate. But Connolly’s own 14. John Maclean, General Election Address, military connections have a particularly bitter twist to November 1922 , accessed 10 November 2010. them, as Easter 1916 had another poignant Scottish 15. John Maclean, Socialism and the Easter Rising , dimension. Connolly’s eldest brother, John, had pp. 26–7. joined the British army ahead of James, in 1877, aged 16. Iain D. Patterson, “The Activities of Irish fifteen, possibly serving in India. While James desert - Republican Physical Force Organisations in ed to become a socialist and die fighting for Ireland, Scotland, 1919–21”, The Scottish Historical John stayed on. When James was speaking in Dundee Review 72, 193 (1993), p. 47. in 1913, he didn’t appreciate John turning up to hear 17. Margaret Skinnider, Doing My Bit for Ireland him in the uniform of Edinburgh City Artillery. (New York: The Century Co., 1917), p. 6. Shortly after James’s execution in Dublin, John died 18. Skinnider, Doing My Bit for Ireland , p. 3.

PERSPECTIVES 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / 17 19. Skinnider, Doing My Bit for Ireland , pp. 64–5. 25. Welsh, Bedroom Secrets of the Master Chefs , pp. 20. Skinnider, Doing My Bit for Ireland , pp. 79–80. 104–5. 21. David Lloyd, “Rethinking National Marxism: 26. Irvine Welsh, If You Liked School, You’ll Love James Connolly and ‘Celtic Communism’”, Work (London: Jonathan Cape, 2007), pp. 371– Interventions 5, 3 (2003), p. 351. 2. 22. Christopher Harvie, “Ballads of a Nation”, History 27. Tom Toremans, “An Interview with Alasdair Gray Today 49, 9 (1999), p. 14. and James Kelman”, Contemporary Literature 23. Máire Ní Annracháin, “The Highland 44, 4 (2003), pp. 576–7. Connection: Scottish Reverberations in Irish 28. Roxy Harris, “An Interview with James Kelman”, Literary Identity”, Irish University Review 21, 1 Wasafiri 24, 2 (2009), p. 23. (1991), pp. 45–6 29. Austen Morgan, James Connolly: A Political 24. Irvine Welsh, Bedroom Secrets of the Master Biography (Manchester: Manchester University Chefs (London: Jonathan Cape, 2006), p. 3. Press, 1988), p. 13.

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18 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 BOOK REVIEWS THE RISE OF THE SNP: FROM AMATEUR GROUP TO PRAGMATIC POLITICAL PARTY

Michael Gardiner is impressed by a collection of essays on the modern SNP, especially topical as the party approaches May’s Scottish Parliament elections after four years in government.

his collection is conceived in coalition, and also shows a slight omy and the UK’s place in the large part as a response to a gap between chapters in terms of global economy” (p2). Analysing Tperceived need to advance on how much account they take of the the relationship between emotion - the only major previous history of 2008 financial crisis – though this al and political nationalism, the Scottish National Party, Peter is editorially well evened out by Hassan also persuasively describes Lynch’s solo-written 2002 book. Hassan and the historical sophisti - how the Party have used the fail - And although the comparison is cation of the book is untainted. ures of New Labour as in a previ - made unfair by rapid advances in Avoiding becoming sucked in to a ous era they did with Thatcherism. the field during devolution, this is British history in which He charts, as do others here, the an incomparably more compre - The Modern Thatcherism is central, the collec - movement from amateur group to hensive and sophisticated account. SNP: From tion is more even, eloquent for pragmatic political party, and a rise Somewhat interdisciplinary, it Protest to example on the party’s parliamen - to power despite the lack of a mass mixes Institute of Governance- Power tary golden era, the 1974–79 membership and a difficult rela - style tabulated sociological break - Gerry Hassan (ed) period – and James Mitchell in tionship with its intellectual sup - downs with the kind of critical (Edinburgh particular debunks the idea that porters such as Tom Nairn and analysis which Hassan rightly University Press, this was primarily oil-driven. Neal Ascherson. Indeed there is claims has been missing from 2009) Rather, there is more of a sense of some debate here about how intel - accounts over-reliant on Party Labour’s mixed record on address - lectual SNP supporters are – they sources. The ambition is bold, and, ing (and managing) the urban tend to be highly educated, but as despite some contradiction Scottish working class, and the Stephen Maxwell and others point between chapters and a slight fading fortunes of the UK. out, historically the party has had absence of cultural-theoretical an aversion to debate. However, input, this ambition is fulfilled CRISIS OF BRITISH STATE flagging up another general theme abundantly. The editor has long Hassan’s own introduction shows of the collection, Hassan shows been at the forefront of this com - a strong sense of how the fortunes how the effects of Party’s growth petitive field of commentary, and and stances of the SNP have been are linked to a rise in a culture of here has collected some of the tied to the international standing democracy in general. And as he most celebrated and interesting of the UK, and sets up a historical has done elsewhere, he predicts specialists in the field. Every con - framework for the book: “[t]he the constitutional fallout accompa - tribution is erudite, some riveting - road from Wilson’s humiliation nying the end of devolutionary ly so; all are highly historically with the November 1967 devalua - “joined-upness”, in which a (New) informed and politically subtle, tion, two weeks after Winnie Labour administration in and the whole points to a ground - Ewing’s victory, takes us directly to Westminster deals with (New) breaking understanding of the the 1976 IMF crisis, the final Labour administration in implications of the SNP’s various burial of Croslandite social democ - Holyrood. From a civic-national phases of presence. This type of racy, the ascendancy of stance that defines the collection, publication is always time-sensi - Thatcherism and the creation of Hassan calls for a “national proj - tive, and this collection arrives at a Blair’s New Labour … The emer - ect” which reconstructs civic socie - particularly tricky time after the gence of Scottish and Welsh ty from the ground up. 2007 SNP minority victory but nationalism were a product of the After this, the collection proper before the election of the 2010 UK crisis of the British state and econ - begins with straight political histo -

PERSPECTIVES 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / 19 BOOK REVIEWS ry, Richard Finlay’s highly- Devolution in roots level is disproportionately doctrine. Jim and Margaret informed chapter accounting for a sense is the male” (p51). Cuthbert provide an excellent the period to Winnie Ewing’s 1967 John Curtice, these days a UK- description of this (though not Hamilton victory, an account beginning of wide renowned political commen - fully accounting for the fall-out of which is inevitably stretched yet the SNP – as tator, describes the SNP’s the 2008 crash), while Stephen ultimately well-balanced in the it moves historical struggle with the first- Maxwell, representing a left posi - context of the collection, given the past-the-post electoral system – tion for which he has been known democratic importance of more towards showing how “devolution not only since the 1970s, argues that never - recent changes, and the need for stressing saw the advent of a new parlia - theless the actual performance of space for other kinds of analysis. personalities, ment but also a new electoral the SNP in government has typi - James Mitchell then takes up the system … the introduction of the cally been left-leaning. In particu - political history from 1967 to the pragmatism new electoral system is one key lar, Maxwell historicises long-term 2000s, and dates the rise of and reason why the advent of devolu - SNP thinking on social policy; modern Scottish politics as such profession- tion has provided an electoral life - despite neo-liberal temptations from this period, again setting a line to the SNP” (p59). Again, and gender problems, the ethical tone in which Nationalism’s con - alism, and structural electoral changes can be contest with the big Westminster stitutional challenge utterly recon - comes to linked to Party history – and the parties has crystallised a particular figures the nature of political control the rise and fall of devolution move - social policy position, albeit some - representation. Like others here, ments within the Labour Party has, times open to accusation of idealist Mitchell charts the SNP’s pragma - terms of the ironically, been instrumental. Like populism. For Maxwell, the SNP’s tism as well as its ideology, as it devolution other contributors, Curtice shows attitude to inequality is “one of the moves from amateur organisation debate. how although voting in the most radical commitments to to political player, and historicises Scottish Parliament is a way to redistribution made by any UK the problem of balancing the stress concentrate on national issues, the political party since the founding between the “national” angle SNP do not have a monopoly on of the welfare state … [and i]n versus the “left” angle – largely dis - “national” feeling. There is an government the SNP has strength - missing the radicalism of the leftist increasing institutional split ened rather than diluted its com - ’79 Group as a somewhat ineffec - between Scottish and British iden - mitment to social democracy” tual exercise in student politics. tity – though Curtice’s casual use (p127). Maxwell’s is clearly a of “identity” here shows how “Nordic” position – “early inter - GENDERING OF SNP some cultural theory might be vention to support and engage the Fiona Mackay and Meryl Kenny needed to finesse the political situ - most vulnerable from a baseline of then present a complex picture of ation to fulfil even further high-quality universal services” the gendering of the Party, begin - Hassan’s “analysis” promise. Colin (p129) rather than an “Irish” low- ning with a sociological break - Mackay also describes the com - tax one. Nevertheless, he provides down of membership and support, plex link between desire for consti - a wonderfully concise statement of with women often being promi - tutional changes and SNP votes, the SNP’s social-economic bind, nent at the top but under-repre - and how devolution in a sense is which has not been properly sented in the body of the Party, the beginning of the SNP – as it acknowledged by the Party leader - then persuasively criticise a candi - moves towards stressing personali - ship: “Over the last decade as the date selection process which often ties, pragmatism and professional - SNP’s social heart has become fails to get women into winnable ism, and comes to control the more attached to social democra - seats, and the favouring of “soft” terms of the devolution debate. cy, its economic head has inclined measures such as managerial Mitchell, Johns and Bennie look at to neo-liberalism” (p131). Of courses and rebranding over the demography of SNP members, course, the 2008 crisis goes a long “hard” measures such as zipping traditionally older and male but way towards vindicating the candidate lists. In all, the Party now less so, and including those Swedish social democratic model presents a gender paradox, having born outside of Scotland, and over the Irish neo-liberal one – and “a long and impressive record of shows how the SNP has also his - ironically the Edinburgh financial recruiting and promoting women, torically been highly socially liber - sector which has created problems including Nordic-levels of female al – the social analogue of the for the SNP actually arose from a MSPs in the first Scottish “Scandinavian economic model”. unionist cultural moment, and Parliament, and women have held British imperial investment. Philip high-profile leadership positions in LEFT-LEANING Schlesinger’s contribution is a very both opposition and government. One emerging critical theme of the highly-informed description of However, the transition to a major book, stressed by many contribu - public funding and the growth of party has, after the first elections, tors, is how although the SNP have the (actually anti-creative) idea of been accompanied by an overall demonised Thatcherism and New an entrepreneurial “creative econ - decline in women’s representation. Labour, they have also embraced omy”, another neo-liberal concep - Furthermore, the party at grass - many aspects of their neo-liberalist tion, filtered, again, largely

20 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 through New Labour. He also The desire David Torrance accounts for the amongst nationalist movements. In stresses that one result of devolu - for story of the leftist ’79 Group, of Scotland the desire to “detach” has tion has been an “Englishing” of which Stephen Maxwell was a got stronger but also more compli - British TV, though the SNP have independence lynchpin, and which diagnosed the cated, and she confirms the move pledged to increase the proportion is actually 1979 devolution referendum fail - from independence fundamental - of UK-wide broadcasting – a par - quite ure as a class problem, feeling vin - ism to gradualism. Hepburn dis - ticularly important issue since dicated with the UK electoral cusses the possibility of a pooled “broadcasting devolution” is close - unusual success of Thatcher two months sovereignty which nevertheless ly tied to control of the news amongst later. Torrance describes the retains negotiated control (an agenda. The merging of arts insti - nationalist group’s vague but radical social impossibility in Anglo-British tra - tutions into Creative Scotland, and economic policy and traces a dition), concretised in a certain Schlesinger shows, is a bureaucrat - movements. history which saw the group’s understanding of the European ic attempt to kill this debate, and claiming victory in 1981 then Union, with which the SNP is usu - “[t]he neo-liberal assumptions seeing the resignation or expulsion ally keen to engage. This also embedded in the New Labour of key members in 1982, adeptly raises the question of “how much” project live on in the SNP’s pro - handled by leader Gordon Wilson. sovereignty is desired by the SNP; posed cultural lead body, just as Nevertheless, in many ways the devolution has indeed in some they have been challenged by our Group did eventually force a cul - senses acted as a palliative against profound financial and economic tural leftward shift within the independence, and strongly “nego - crisis” (p144). Party, as well as a move towards tiated sovereignty”, or “devolution gradualism rather than independ - max”, has commanded much LABOUR INSECURITY ence-fundamentalism. Isobel public support in the context of Hassan’s own chapter describes a Lindsay tackles the question of globally weakening states. battle for the heart of Scottish negotiation with a Westminster social democracy, drawing on wide Parliament that is by definition NATIONALISM MADE and deep historical research, and unwanted, a form of exertion of RESPECTABLE showing how after 1968 onwards pressure, returning to the 1974–79 This has for years been the area of Labour attempted to smear the era, and describing tensions emphasis of the collection’s final SNP as “Tartan Tories” – which between party members in and out contributor, Michael Keating, who often backfired in suggesting a of power, as well as between here provides an extremely degree of Labour insecurity – Westminster MPs and the rest of detailed and intelligent compara - while the SNP learned to use fear - the party, concluding that, despite tive study of the forms and desires ful epithets like “London” and and through the drift towards neo- of nationalisms (though since his “British”. There has been a danger, liberalism and professionalism, comparison concentrates on as Hassan shows, especially during during devolution the Party has Western and Central Europe and Winnie Ewing’s post-1967 era, of helped bring Westminster and North America, it is slightly less a clumsiness in addressing the Holyrood more in touch. This is a global than he implies). Keating Scottish working class and by conclusion slightly at odds with shows how anti-nationalism is extension the labour movement in Alex Wright here, who outlines the often misguided since it fails to see general. Labour then blamed the growing potential for conflict, mis - how the national inevitably returns SNP for its aid in the 1979 vote of understanding and confidentiality as “a continual argument over the no-confidence which it claimed led issues between Westminster and locus and meaning of political to Thatcherism, while the SNP Holyrood, detailing the changing authority that has no end as long as never trusted Labour to deliver and sometimes confusing shape of history itself has no end” (p204). devolution. Hassan also makes the “autonomy” via shifting formal Scotland is moreover now some - vital point that the New Left arrangements. Wright historicises times considered as having a enabled nationalists, for example the SNP’s sense of responsibility “state” (for example by the through CND and direct action, towards the UK and the empire, second, 2001 edition of David and arrestingly describes the intel - and examines current possibilities McCrone’s celebrated 1992 lectual weakness of a certain strain and desires for a “federal” United account). Keating stresses how of anti-separatist thought: “[New Kingdom, as well as other arrange - nations are historically and con - Labour policy] stressed the sup - ments. textually constructed and recon - posed unique success story of the structed, as well as, like Hassan, multi-cultural, multi-national FROM FUNDAMENTALISM TO grasping how the late 1960s, the nature of the Union that is the UK GRADUALISM New Left and decolonisation made … There was an element of vague - Eve Hepburn begins to focus the nationalism respectable, and con - ness in this, selective memory and end of the collection on a theme of stituted a real ideological shift: a Whig-like sense of history as the “negotiated sovereignty” by “[f]rom the 1960s, [fundamental - forward March of British describing how the desire for inde - ism and ethnocentrism] began to progress” (p158). pendence is actually quite unusual change under the ‘small is beauti -

PERSPECTIVES 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / 21 BOOK REVIEWS ful’ philosophy, disillusion with centralisation, and all the libertari - an leftism of the 1968 generation. Peripheral nationalism and region - NEO-L IBE RAL alism moved to the left, incorpo - rating new social movements, notably in environmentalism and pacifism” (p212). Nationalism also SCO TLAND became bound up with “human rights” issues, leading to an anti- state undertone and the “negotiat - ed sovereignty” which now Whether we like it or not, the neo-liberalism that prevails. Like Hepburn, Keating describes the EU in terms of both began in the mid-1970s is now firmly entrenched extending and limiting autonomy, in Scotland. David Purdy dissects a book that though clearly sees the pro-EU negotiated model as the legitimate ably analyses the phenomenon but falls short in civic form of nationalism. And yet, its approach to policy and strategy for the left. he argues, the “post-sovereignty” model has yet to be publicly accepted as political realism – seen in a relative lack of public debate his book combines an impres - WHAT WAS NEO-LIBERALISM? on this in Scotland. He ends opti - sive account of the forces that In a long opening chapter, Neil mistically by suggesting that the Thave reshaped Scotland’s Davidson seeks to explain what civic tends to win out – though the economy and society over the past neo-liberalism was. The use of the SNP has yet to take advantage of thirty years, with a hopelessly past tense is not intended to sug - this new model, neglecting “nation narrow, class-based approach to gest that the neo-liberal era is over: building and fail[ing] to develop a the problems of strategy and simply that the crisis triggered by narrative around identity, collec - policy facing the “vanquished left” the financial crash of 2008 marks tive action, economic development – in Scotland, the UK and, indeed, the end of one phase and the and social solidarity” (p217). But the developed world as a whole. beginning of another. By and large, the tone on which the collection Its central claim, amply supported this is a good overview, marred ends is very like the one on which by argument and evidence, is that only by some dodgy economics. In it opens – critical yet optimistic, far from halting south of the tracing the intellectual antecedents subtly connecting SNP history and Tweed, the neo-liberal policy revo - of neo-liberal ideology, Davidson changes in democratic form, and lution that began in the mid-1970s conflates the neo-classical school working highly intelligently has been thoroughly assimilated by of thought, which has dominated towards new, ground-up civic def - Scotland’s corporate and political Anglo-American economics since initions. elite and is now entrenched in its the late nineteenth century, with This collection’s importance can system of government. the Austrian school represented by hardly be overstated for these rea - The first part of the book details thinkers such as Joseph sons, and for its consistent erudi - the resulting disparities of power Schumpeter and Friedrich Hayek. tion and historical awareness. As a and reward between an interna - Neo-classical economists depict study of civic society’s relationship tionally networked ruling class and the self-regulating market as a to the national, as well as an a post-industrial proletariat machine-like equilibrium system, account of a political history, it employed predominantly in public whereas the Austrians extol the should find a large readership both and private services. The second restless dynamism and adaptive inside and outside of Scotland. part explores the impact of the flexibility of capitalism, eschew the new regime on selected spheres of concept of equilibrium and stress I Michael Gardiner is Associate public policy: environmental plan - the powerful boost that competi - Professor in the Department of ning, urban regeneration, inward tive markets give to technological English and Comparative Literary labour migration, criminal justice innovation and “creative destruc - Studies at the University of and the efforts of the “happiness tion”. 1 The two traditions thus Warwick. As well as creative fiction industry” to improve personal make uneasy bedfellows, though and comparative criticism, he has well-being by prescribing individu - both are precursors of neo-liberal - published widely on culture and alised remedies for the various psy - ism. A political project, as distinct devolution, including The Cultural chological and social disorders from a scientific theory, need not Roots of British Devolution (EUP, which are, at root, the conse - be free from contradiction: wit - 2004) and Scottish Critical Theory quences of living and working ness the unresolved (though possi - Since 1960 (2006). under neo-liberal capitalism. bly creative) tension between

22 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 economic liberalism and social WHO RULES SCOTLAND? pressure, but to the power of an conservatism at the heart of Mrs Subsequent chapters focus on the ideology that regards any hin - Thatcher’s project. specific case of neo-liberal drance to capitalist expansion and Davidson likewise fails to distin - Scotland. David Miller describes the commodification of the envi - guish the economics of Keynes the corporate capture of Scottish ronment as unthinkable. from the bowdlerised version of governance by a ruling class net - Elsewhere in the book, the possi - “Keynesian” economics that was work, whose activities and inter - bility of conflict within the ruling taught to students and employed ests transcend national borders. To class is mentioned – for instance, by policy makers during the NeoLiberal speak of a ruling class, as distinct about whether the UK should join “golden age” of capitalism after Scotland: Class from one that is effortlessly privi - the euro-zone – but is not taken the Second World War. 2 And when and Society in a leged or dominant, is to imply up. we are trying to understand either Stateless some degree of concerted organi - the profitability crisis of the 1970s Nation sation, backed up by the self-serv - CLASS LOCATION AND CLASS or the quite different demand-defi - Neil Davidson, ing belief that what is good for the FORMATION ciency crisis in which we are now Patricia class is good for society. Two chapters survey class division mired, Marx is not much help. His McCafferty and Accordingly, Miller marshals evi - and conflict in contemporary attempt, in Capital , to show that David Miller (eds) dence on the close working rela - Scotland. Alex Law and Gerry relative prices and the rate of (Cambridge tionships between Scottish Mooney argue that de-industriali - profit are determined by values Scholars business executives, political lead - sation, the growth of the financial and surplus value (conceived as Publishing, 2010) ers, government officials and a sector and the reconfiguration of quantities of embodied labour penumbra of intellectuals and pro - the public sector have given rise to time) is logically flawed. 3 There is, fessionals variously located in a simplified and polarised class therefore, no warrant for Marx’s think tanks, research institutes, the hierarchy. At the top stand the belief that labour-displacing capi - media, law firms and consultan - super-rich corporate elite, the core tal accumulation driven by com - cies. What binds this class togeth - of the larger ruling bloc. Below petitive pressure to raise labour er, he argues, is a common them are the post-industrial work - productivity will eventually under - allegiance to neo-liberal ideas and ing class, comprising two unequal mine capitalism by driving down a common involvement on both groups: the depleted workforce the average rate of profit. Nor is sides of an increasingly blurred employed in manufacturing, con - there any need to explain the long boundary between the public and struction, mining and quarrying, post-war boom by invoking private sectors. who between them accounted for “unproductive” state spending on Miller builds up a strong case, 22 per cent of total employment in armaments as a (temporary) coun - but to clinch it he needs to go 2001, compared with 35 per cent teracting force, though the wider beyond the institutions and proce - in 1981; and an expanded white role of the Keynesian-social demo - dures of the market state and focus collar proletariat employed in cratic state in seeking to regulate on specific policy issues and out - public and private services, mostly markets, stabilise capitalism and comes. Only then can we gauge in relatively large establishments. protect society is, of course, inte - the influence, if any, of counter - “Neither the small hive of digital gral to any satisfactory explana - vailing forces, weigh the impor - creativity nor the casualised family tion. tance of collective organisation business is typical”, while large More generally, it is impossible against that of conventional corporate supermarkets have to understand successive phases of wisdom, and find out what hap - largely replaced independent capitalist development by means pens in cases when there is dis - shopkeepers and traders. (The of an abstract model of capitalist agreement within the ruling bloc class location of the long-term commodity production in which about what policy or course of unemployed, the irregularly the state is merely a background action is best. The historic decline employed and those who make a presence, as distinct from an active of organised labour and the with - living in the underground econo - agency responding to problems as ering away of the left suggest little my is not discussed.) they arise and, at moments of need to qualify Miller’s general Patricia McCafferty and Gerry crisis, wrestling with the tensions thesis on the first count. But on the Mooney take this argument between restoring business confi - role of ideas, a case study reported further, examining the ways in dence and maintaining popular in a later chapter by Eurig which neo-liberal policies of legitimacy. At his best, when he Scandrett shows how a potentially privatisation, outsourcing, does not feel the need to affirm the radical version of the concept of PFI/PPP arrangements, the old religion, Davidson recognises environmental justice was initially introduction of quasi-markets and this and treats neo-liberal capital - embraced by the Labour-Lib Dem other organisational changes ism, like every other variety of the coalition government under Jack pursued in the name of value for beast, as an integrated complex in McConnell, only to be later ren - money, cost efficiency and which economy, polity and culture dered harmless to business inter - “customer” service, have affected are inextricably intertwined. ests, thanks not to overt business both the pay and conditions of

PERSPECTIVES 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / 23 BOOK REVIEWS public sector workers and the The SNP’s of social atomisation and to retain variously constituted aspects of the ethos of public service. attitude to their cultural identities as Poles, same body of people. The appro - The economic and social trends Roma etc., while still acquiring priate response to is to develop invoked in these chapters are not independence some sense of belonging to systems of democratic planning in dispute. But as Law and resembles Scottish society. involving representatives of all the Mooney remind us, citing that of the Any account of how people relevant stakeholders, who are Raymond Williams, in the context experience profound social change tasked with managing public serv - of social theory the word “class” is Second is bound to be selective. ices, solving problems and resolv - used in two distinct senses: as a International Nevertheless, it is disappointing ing conflicts. descriptive economic category, to socialism: that the book focuses entirely on commonly – if questionably – the Central Belt and has nothing at POLITICS IN POST-DEVOLUTION framed in accordance with occu - an ultimate all to say about gender relations. SCOTLAND pational criteria and including all aspiration Moreover, if you always view the The final chapter is a long and who meet the relevant criteria, rhetorically world through the lens of a one- closely reasoned, but original and regardless of which class they dimensional, class-based model of thoughtful analysis of Scottish pol - think they belong to; and to invoked in society, your vision is liable to be itics since devolution by Neil denote a socio-economic forma - platform distorted. A small, but telling Davidson, whose two contribu - tion in which class consciousness speeches, example occurs on page 172 in a tions fill 40 per cent of the book. and organisation have developed. discussion of public sector Having noted that capitalism and But the relationship between class but “reform”, where we find the fol - nationhood developed in tandem, location on the one hand, and cul - otherwise lowing statement: “With the sector he poses two questions: What is ture and politics on the other is subordinated representing around 25–30 per the attitude of the representatives notoriously problematic. This is cent of the working population, it of neo-liberal capitalism to the partly because class is intersected to achievable is difficult to conclude, as New break-up of Britain through by gender, race, nationality, reli - reforms. Labour do, that there is a clear Scottish independence? And has gion and other lines of social divi - division between workers and cus - neo-liberalism politicised Scottish sion; and partly because social tomers [sic] since they and their national consciousness sufficiently identities and interests are not families are also customers.” to create a mass movement that inscribed in the social structure, Three comments are pertinent. might lead to this outcome? like parts in a play-script, but are First, if you must refer to patients, Davidson argues that as long as continually formed and reformed students, benefit claimants etc. as a post-independence, SNP-led as people strive to make sense of “customers”, then at least put the regime was suitably pliant, the their social experience, itself a word in quotation marks. Second, (largely externally owned) Scottish communicative, social activity. when the interests of public service corporate economy would have producers and users come into nothing to fear, while for British LIFE IN NEO-LIBERAL SCOTLAND conflict, it is best to focus on the and international capital in general The experience of life in neo-liber - specific services and relationships the question is a tactical one. In al Scotland is examined in the concerned: between doctors and any case, there is no need to decide second part of the book. Two con - patients, teachers and students etc. since, according to polling evi - tributions stand out: Kirsteen Third, such conflicts are not inher - dence, support for independence Paton’s case-study of gentrification ent features of public provision has not gained momentum since in Partick and Colin Clark’s and can be avoided or resolved 1999, is not consistently expressed account of how migrants from without mimicking the market and by those who sometimes flirt with Central and Eastern Europe living turning public services into it, and is generally accorded a low and working in Glasgow react to (quasi -) commodities. But it is priority relative to other issues. and cope with their new (tempo - absurd to dismiss or discount the Thus, Davidson concludes, it is rary or permanent) home. Paton possibility of conflict on the not true that stateless nations nec - sees gentrification as a state-led grounds that producers and users essarily seek statehood: there have policy aimed at attracting the are overlapping groups. Car driv - to be compelling reasons for state - middle class to working class ers and their passengers are (some - hood to become a goal. Such rea - neighbourhoods in the hope that times) also pedestrians or cyclists, sons have not existed for the established residents will come to but this hardly guarantees harmo - majority of Scots and still do not. emulate their devotion to owning, nious and equitable patterns of The SNP’s attitude to independ - earning and shopping. Clark’s road use. Nor does the fact that we ence resembles that of the Second chapter sounds a more hopeful all need clean air insure us against International to socialism: an ulti - note than the others, suggesting air pollution. In cases like these, mate aspiration rhetorically that what he calls “inter-cultural what we have is not conflicts invoked in platform speeches, but dialogue”, rooted in the informal between the similar interests of dif - otherwise subordinated to achiev - transactions of everyday life, can ferent groups of people, on the able reforms. The issue, therefore, help migrants to resist the danger class model, but conflicts between is the future of devolution, the

24 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 SNP’s role within it and the scope Scotland has of whatever hue, for tempering twentieth. Still, we all have our for reforms that defy neo-liberal escaped the neo-liberal economic policies with dreams and whistling in the dark is orthodoxy. social democratic social policies. one way to keep one’s spirits up. Hitherto, thanks to the exigen - more (The possibility of building a broad cies of inter-party competition extreme coalition of resistance to fiscal con - I David Purdy is a regular contrib - under a hybrid voting system that neo -liberal servatism based on an alternative, utor to Perspectives and a member effectively prevents any party from UK-wide programme for promot - of Democratic Left Scotland’s winning an overall parliamentary policies ing economic recovery and reduc - national council. majority, Scotland has escaped the introduced ing the budget deficit is not more extreme neo-liberal policies south of the considered, though since any such NOTES introduced south of the border coalition would bear a family 1. It is also worth noting that for such as academy schools and foun - border. resemblance to the popular fronts Hayek what ultimately justifies dation hospitals, while Scottish of the 1930s, which Davidson capitalism is not that it max - governments have enacted meas - denounces, presumably he would imises aggregate happiness, ures that improve on conditions in be against it.) but that it enlarges individual England – notably, land reform At this point, Davidson gives liberty. Neo-classical econom - and the right to roam, free person - vent to his own heartfelt aspira - ics, by contrast, has always al care for the elderly, the abolition tions, insisting that what is been wedded to utilitarian of student tuition fees and (from required to overcome neo-liberal - ethics and is thus more discon - next April) free medical prescrip - ism is a party which is fundamen - certed by recent evidence ema - tions for all. But Scotland has not tally opposed to it, “regardless of nating from the “happiness escaped the decline in electoral whether Scotland becomes an inde - industry”, which raises serious participation and the popular dis - pendent state or not.” He warns, doubts about the benefits of affection with mainstream politics however, that: “… before any pro - continuing economic growth in found in all those countries where grammes or policies can even begin societies that have already neo-liberalism has put down the to be discussed … the social basis passed the threshold of afflu - deepest roots. This suggests that of any reconfiguration of the left ence. devolution has failed as a strategy needs to be established or rather re- 2. This distinction is elaborated in of legitimation, even if it has had established.” In other words, first David Purdy (2010) “Keywords: more success as a strategy of dele - rebuild the trade union movement, Keynesian”, Perspectives 26. gation. and then found a new workers’ 3. For a demonstration, see Ian From now on, moreover, fiscal party, as if you could solve the Steedman (1977) Marx After austerity will reduce the headroom problems of the twenty-first centu - Sraffa (London: New Left available to Scottish governments, ry by re-running the history of the Books), pp 13–49.

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PERSPECTIVES 28 / WINTER 2010-11 / 25 environments – and they are DIARY generally more active. What children receive however are Maire McCormack proportionally larger doses of those toxins, because pound for dons The Hat and pound, they breathe, eat and reflects on a major drink more than adults do. I work in the area of children’s human rights issue. rights and this is clearly a children’s rights issue. The was due to submit this article We should are now registered for use in the Children’s Environmental Health just as I returned from hearing not tolerate EU. WHO’s International Agency Network underlines the dangers of ISandra Steingraber address for Research on Cancer have listed the presence of chemical Members of the European this tragic several hundred known, probable compounds in children’s bodies. Parliament in Brussels. I expected human and and possible carcinogens and a few Amongst their many studies, one that listening to this remarkable economic hundred known or suspected stands out. This focused on the woman would provide inspiration endocrine disrupting substances high levels of Bisphenal A in but, sadly, the Scottish weather toll, made (EDCs).They permeate every premature infants in an intensive ruined my plans. Instead, I spent a more aspect of our lives – the air we care unit. BPA is found in baby day in Edinburgh Airport intolerable breathe, our food and water, inside bottles and food containers and absorbing an updated version of our homes and workplaces – down many everyday products where it her book, Living downstream, a because it is to our personal care products. can leach into food, drink and personal investigation of cancer largely Synthetic chemicals have even dust. It is also used in medical and the environment . preventable. been found in umbilical cords, tubing in hospitals. It has many Steingraber, a scientist and placenta, blood, urine and breast hormonal effects and is associated internationally acclaimed expert milk. 1 with an increased risk to male in environmental links to cancer Those of most concern are reproduction, obesity and breast and human health, also happens persistent (they don’t break down cancer as well as damage to to be a cancer survivor. In many in the environment); bio- developing brain tissue. 2 The ways she has taken up the mantle accumulative (they build up in our WHO notes that preventative from Rachel Carson. Unlike bodies), endocrine disruptors – interventions are needed to protect Carson, herself a cancer victim, hormone disrupting chemicals, for children from adverse exposures, Steingraber speaks from personal example found in plastics and ptbs i.e. removing cancer-causing experiences to imbue her science and vpvtvbs, (bio-accumulative substances so that the disease does with humanity. Carson feared that and very persistent). Diseases not occur in the first place. by speaking openly about her which may be linked to chemical In April 2010, the ground- cancer, her detractors would and radiation exposure include breaking US President’s Cancer discredit her science. cancers, mental and physical birth Report claimed that the Carson’s legacy was to raise defects and reproductive environmental causes of cancer awareness of the harmful and problems. Recent studies highlight are hugely underestimated and long-term effects of pesticides on that the timing of exposure is also neglected. 3 It emphasised the need the environment, ultimately vital; for example, the developing for precautionary action in the bringing about a ban on DDT. Her human foetus is uniquely at risk of face of potential threats to public book, Silent Spring , was viciously harm from environmental health and made an economic case attacked by the chemicals industry toxicants, leading to babies being for the development of and those who accused her of born toxic with heightened alternatives, and a human rights being alarmist and unscientific. potential to develop serious case for focusing not just on Carson also documented what diseases earlier in life. reducing deaths but on improving she believed to have been the start Whilst improved treatment has the quality of life, particularly for of a cancer epidemic. Steingraber reduced mortality, the increase in those disproportionately affected takes this further. Both note our the prevalence of cancer and other by environmental contamination. increased exposure to synthetic illnesses has brought huge Readers may be aware of a chemicals as being a contributor. economic, social and Petition 1089 on behalf of the The industrial revolution and its psychological costs. Lifestyle Women’s Environmental consequences in areas such as choices are cited as playing a part, Movement (WEN), calling on the energy, transport, agriculture, food and whilst that may be true for Scottish Parliament to investigate and health led to the production adults, it is hard to blame exposures to hazardous toxins in and introduction of millions of children’s and animals’ cancers on the environment and in the man-made chemicals into the this – they don’t smoke or drink, workplace. The petition ran for environment: 100,000 chemicals nor work in stressful two years, closing in April 2010.

26 / WINTER 2010-11 / PERSPECTIVES 28 In the run up to next year’s elections, WEN will be reminding politicians of their commitment to the NHS and the treatment of ill health. We will argue for more attention to be given to preventing illnesses, not only those associated with personal life choices but from exposures over which we have little or no control. We will urge the Government to follow through the EU’s declaration to ban BPA and to start a Public Information and Right to Know Campaign in a similar vein to that used for alcohol and tobacco. Treatments and survival times will continue to improve and numbers of people living with cancer will continue to rise, but we should not tolerate this tragic human and economic toll, made more intolerable because it is largely preventable. The reader- ship of Perspectives includes those engaged in environmental justice, poverty, and human rights. This major human rights issue needs us all to collaborate to create a healthier society for our children.

I Maire McCormack is a member of Democratic Left Scotland.

NOTES 1. One US study found the umbilical cord blood of 10 newborns to contain 287 industrial chemicals and pollutants, including brominated flame retardants and pesticides – a chemical inheritance from time spent in the womb. 2. In November the European Commission announced that it would ban BPA in baby bottles Visit Democratic Left Scotland’s from 2011. 3. The panel was set up in the website for news, views, events 70s to record and report on all matters concerning cancer in listings, articles, blogs and the US. It takes evidence from a range of people and downloads from Perspectives . organisations. For the first time this year, the report dealt with environmental and occupational factors affecting www.democraticleftscotland.org.uk cancer and other serious health problems.

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