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Shanahand1984m-1B.Pdf (9.102Mb) Lakehead University Knowledge Commons,http://knowledgecommons.lakeheadu.ca Electronic Theses and Dissertations Retrospective theses 1984 Irish-Catholic journalists and the new nationality in Canada: 1857-1870 Shanahan, David http://knowledgecommons.lakeheadu.ca/handle/2453/1616 Downloaded from Lakehead University, KnowledgeCommons IRISH CATHOLIC JOURNALISTS AND THE NEW NATIONALITY IN CANADA 1858-1870 by DAVID SHANAHAN A Thesis submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies through the Department o£ History in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts at Lakehead University. Thunder Bay, Ontario 1984 ProQuest Number: 10611282 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Pro ProQuest 10611282 Published by ProQuest LLC (2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106 - 1346 ABSTRACT This study examines the growth of the concept of a ’’New Nationality" as it became the ideology of a nation, and the means by which an ethnic group was "Canadianized". The main sources are the articles and speeches of Irish Catholic journalists as published in newspapers which represent a cross-section of political and geographical areas, showing the struggle for a new nationality as it was worked out in the Irish Catholic press. The concept of a new nationality did not originate in British North America; its roots lay in early nineteenth century Ireland and it was brought to British America by an Irish Catholic journalist. The audience he and other journalists addressed was made up in large part of Irish Catholics only recently arrived in the New World, still bearing their memories, history, culture and prejudices. Between 1858, when the first proposals for Confederation were introduced in the Canadian Assembly, andil870, when the new Dominion consolidated its acquisition of the West, the new nationality was central to the scheme of Confeder- ation. In the 1860's especially, Irish Catholics were faced with painful choices as they settled into a new land. The role of Irish Catholic journalists is important in this period, not just to the general applic- ation of the new nationality, but more particularly in the process of assimilation experienced by the Irish Catholic community. In that struggle the concept of a new nationality played a major part. For Irish Catholic immigrants, their leaders were their journalists; -and it was in the pages of their newspapers that the new nationality was debated and preached. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I "A Nation Once Again".. 1. "I The Exiled Gaels , 15. 1. The Emigrants 16. 2. Irish Catholic Journalists 29. Ill A New Nationality 40. 1. Thomas D'Arcy McGee 41. 2. Years o£ Upheaval 53. 3. A Split in the Ranks 67. 4. Conflicts and Conferences 81. ^ Divided Loyalties 100. ( 1. * Anglin's Confederation Debate 101. 2. The Fenians 111. 3. Anglin and the Fenians 132. 4. The Fenians in Canada 152. 5. The End of an Era . 170. Celtic Twilight . 186. Bibliography... 195. CHAPTER ONE »'A NATION ONCE AGAIN" The concept of a new nationality in North America was central to the scheme of Confederation of the British North American Provinces. It formed the ideological basis for a union that would otherwise have been difficult to rationalize, given the divergent histories, attitudes and perspectives of the various Provinces. Instead of being merely a political merger based on economic or military considerations. Confederat- ion achieved the stature of grandeur, a constitutional experiment in nation-building through an emphasis on the creation of a New Nationality. The concept, even the phrase "new nationality", as used in the campaign for Confederation, was, however, an imported one. It came, not from British Americans, but from an Irish Catholic journalist who arrived in Canada in 1857. As an ideology for Confederation, the new nationality owed much to the publicity given to it through the pages of Irish Catholic newspapers from 1857 to 1870 in the British American Provinces. As Irish immigrants arrived-in the Provinces in increasing.numbers^during the first half of the century, they became an important component in the population. They came with their baggage of history. And as they groped to define their ne.wi>.identity as immigrants in the strange New World, their spokesmen in their press sought to give guidance and direction. The decade of the 1860's so important in the history of Confederation, saw Srish CathoTics in partic ul^r faced withggrave crises of loyalty as they were forced to choose between the old and the new nationality. This struggle, paralleting that of the Provinces to find a new formula for expressing their corn- mop links and separateness from the United States, supplied the idea of a new nationality for British America with a context, a forum and a willing audience. The new nationality was a product of Ireland. It had its genesis in attempts by Irish nationalists to create a nationality that could embrace people from all backgrounds and traditions in the Irish context. The question of nationality in Ireland had always been a complicated one. In the centuries of English rule, many groups had settled on the island, blending, to varying degrees, with the native Irish Celts to produce a bewildering array of Gaels, Old English, Anglo-Irish and S Scots-Irish. Until the Glorious Revolution of 1688-90, Ireland had retained much of its Gaelic identity intact, a result of a very uneven British conquest.that had left much of the country in the hands of the old Gaelic system of tribal control. There was no 'national' identity, or even a common defense against the foreign invasion. As a result, as the eighteenth century saw the traditional system almost completely destroyed by a series of Penal Laws against Catholics and Dissenters that broke the power of the Gaelic chiefs and replaced them with a Protestant elite. Political power went to the Anglican Establishment, who took over the Parliament of Ireland and began the reign of a Prot- estant Ascendancy in Ireland. In 1782, inspired by the American Revolution, this Ascendancy demanded, by threats of rebellion, legislative independence for the Irish Parliament. This was granted in a limited form which left a veto in the hands of British officials in London. Still, many of the members of the Irish Commons hoped that this would be the first step in the evolution of an Irish Protestant nation, linked to England, but independent in its local affairs. However, in spite of the fact that many of the Penal Laws had either been repealed or become dead letters over the years, Irish Catholics still had no right to sit in Parliament. They had received the vote in the 1790's and many of the Protestant leaders in the Irish Parliament hoped to see further steps taken towards the emancipation of Catholics. They were, however, in a minority, for the nation .that most Irish'Anglicans wanted to build was a Protestant one British rather than Irish in its nature and struct- ures . To allow for Catholic emancipation would ensure Catholic domin- ance in the Parliament of Ireland and.that they were not prepared to accept. Total union with Britain was preferable, and to this solution many Anglicans .moved by the end of the century. The impossibility of ruling Ireland through a Protestant elite was emphasized by the rise of a new organization dedicated to unite Irishmen of. all classes and denominations: the United Irishmen. Founded in? .1791, its aim was to sever the links between Britain and Ireland and form a separate Republic on the model of the Thirteen Colonies or that' of the French Revolutionaries. It was a mainly bourgeois organization of intellectuals, but it was the first of a long series of Irish, republican revolutionary societies dedicated to the total independence of Ireland and the unity of all Irishmen. Th.e United Irishmen had their opportunity for revolution in 1798, when various parts.of the country were disturbed by often bloody and savage uprisings quickly put down by the authorities with equally savage efficiency. The north of the country, where the.United Irishmen were founded and where they had most of their support, never rose at all. This was as a result of a great failure of the organization: the rifts between Catholics and Protestants were too.great to hold the organization together for very long. Traditional fears and suspicions were too strong. The Irish Parliament failed to live up to the expectations of its members. An Irish Protestant nation did not seem possible in the. face of British vetoes and Irish Catholic rebellion. The integrity of the Parliament was often questioned even.by its members: Who out of Ireland-ever hears of Ireland? Who respects us? Where are our ambassadors? What treaties do we enter into? With what nation do we make peace or war? Are we not a mere cipher in all these, and are not these what give a nation consequence and fame?...True, we are^an independent kingdom; we have an imperial crown distinct from England; but it is a metaphysical distinction, a mere sport for speculative men. 1 Irish Protestants were compelled to realize that they could not form a nation separate from England without involving the Catholics and such involvement would alter the nature of the nation they wanted.
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