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Namibia and Regional Destabilization in Southern Africa Namibia and Regional Destabilization in Southern Africa http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.uscg024 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. 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For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Namibia and Regional Destabilization in Southern Africa Alternative title Namibia and Regional Destabilization in Southern Africa Author/Creator Subcommittee on Africa; Committee on Foreign Affairs; House of Representatives Publisher U.S. Government Printing Office Date 1983-02-15 Resource type Hearings Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Namibia, Southern Africa (region), South Africa, United States, Angola Source Congressional Hearings and Mission Reports: U.S. Relations with Southern Africa Description These hearings include testimony by William H. gray III, Democrat of Pennsylvania and Chester A. Crocker, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. Appendixes include a study on Namibia by U.S. non-governmental organizations and report of a congressional study mission to Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Egypt in January 1983. Format extent 128 page(s) (length/size) http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.uscg024 http://www.aluka.org NAMIBIA AND REGIONAL DESTABILIZATION IN SOUTHERN AFRICA HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES NINETY-EIGHTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION FEBRUARY 15, 1983 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 21-3300 WASHINGTON : 1983 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI, Wisconsin, Chairman DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida WILLIAM S. BROOMFIELD, Michigan LEE H. HAMILTON, Indiana LARRY WINN, JR., Kansas GUS YATRON, Pennsylvania BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York STEPHEN J. SOLARZ, New York ROBERT J. LAGOMARSINO, California DON BONKER, Washington JOEL PRITCHARD, Washington GERRY E. STUDDS, Massachusetts JIM LEACH, Iowa ANDY IRELAND, Florida TOBY ROTH, Wisconsin DAN MICA, Florida OLYMPIA J. SNOWE, Maine MICHAEL D. BARNES, Maryland HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois HOWARD WOLPE, Michigan GERALD B. H. SOLOMON, New York GEO. W. CROCKETT, JR., Michigan DOUGLAS K. BEREUTER, Nebraska SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut MARK D. SILJANDER, Michigan MERVYN M. DYMALLY, California ED ZSCHAU, California TOM LANTOS, California PETER H. KOSTMAYER, Pennsylva ROBERT G. TORRICELLI, New Jers LAWRENCE J. SMITH, Florida HOWARD L. BERMAN, California HARRY M. REID, Nevada MEL LEVINE, California EDWARD F. FEIGHAN, Ohio TED WEISS, New York ROBERT GARCIA, New York JOHN J. BRADY, Jr., Chief of Staff MICKEY HARMON, Staff Assistant SUBCOMMrITEE ON AFRICA HOWARD WOLPE, Michigan, Chairman GEO. W. CROCKETT, JR., Michigan GERALD B. H. SOLOMON, New York HOWARD L. BERMAN, California TOBY ROTH, Wisconsin HARRY M. REID, Nevada ED ZSCHAU, California EDWARD F. FEIGHAN, Ohio TED WEISS, New York ANNE FORRESTER HOLLOWAY, Subcommittee Staff Director DAVID LONIE, Minority Staff Consultant STEVE WEISSMAN, Subcommittee Staff Consultant PRISCILLA NEWMAN, Subcommittee Staff Consultant CONTENTS Page Hon. William H. Gray III, a Representative in Congress from the State of P en nsy lvan ia................................................................................................................. 4 Hon. Chester A. Crocker, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs .........10 APPENDIXES 1. Responses to written questions submitted to the Bureau of African Affairs by Hon. Gerald B. H. Solomon, a Representative in Congress from the State of New York, concerning the Soviet bloc in Africa ...............................................59 2. A study entitled, "Namibia: The Crisis in U.S. Policy Toward Southern Africa," produced by several national organizations ............................................61 3. Statement of Hon. Larry P. McDonald, a Representative in Congress from the State of Georgia, regarding U.S. policy toward Namibia ..............................115 4. Report of a congressional study mission to Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Tanza nia, and Egypt, January 8-21, 1983 ..........................................................................121 (III) NAMIBIA AND REGIONAL DESTABILIZATION IN SOUTHERN AFRICA TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1983 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, Washington, D.C. The subcommittee met at 2:15 p.m., in room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Howard Wolpe (chairman of the sub committee) presiding. Mr. WOLPE. The subcommittee hearing will come to order. This afternoon the Subcommittee on Africa is meeting to hear testimo ny from Congressman William Gray, vice chairman of the Congres sional Black Caucus, and from the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Dr. Chester Crocker, regarding our Namibian di plomacy and the matter of regional destabilization in southern Africa. It is appropriate that the subcommittee's first hearing of the 98th Congress, with a subcommittee that is substantially reconsti tuted, with all but two of the members being new to the subcom mittee, it is appropriate that that first hearing focus on the current status of U.S. involvement in resolving the issue of independence for Namibia because there is no African issue that has occupied more of the time or the resources of both the Carter and the Reagan administrations. We now are entering our 6th year of American participation in what has been a multilateral effort, and still Namibia is not yet freed of the illegal occupation and administration of South Africa. In addition, over the past 2 years we have witnessed an alarming increase in regional cross border violence, most of which has been a consequence of South African aggression against its neighbors, Angola, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe. Even the Seychelles was the target of a South African commando raid and attempted coup. Just before Christmas, as we met in these same chambers to assess South Africa's role in regional instability, South African de fense force commandos boldly attacked the capital of Lesotho, Maseru, and killed over 40 people. Within South Africa itself the past 2 years have seen an intensi fication of government repression. Every day we read of new cases of arbitrary detentions, police torture, forced removal of urban blacks, and the banning of trade union leaders and other political activists. All of these developments have profound consequences, both for the states of southern Africa and for American interests in the region. The intensification of South African repression at home and of South Africa's destabilizing campaign against its neighbor ing states is particularly worrisome because these developments have occurred against the backdrop of the American Government's new policy of so-called constructive engagement with South Africa. What has happened, very bluntly, is that in the eyes of African leaders throughout the continent, the United States is now directly implicated in South African regional aggression and in South Afri ca's domestic repression. We are seen as having encouraged the South Africans in the belief that they now have a free hand to do as they will within the region. Not only will the United States no longer engage in public condemnation of South African brutality, but we will, even in the face of such brutality, use our veto power within the United Na tions to protect the South African regime from international cen sure and develop new American South African trade and military ties. Repeatedly in hearings before this committee and in other forums in the past 2 years, the administration has argued that the various initiatives that have been taken toward South Africa under the label of constructive engagement were designed to enhance American leverage and influence with the South African regime with respect to both ongoing Namibian diplomacy and the question of internal change within South Africa itself. What we want to focus on in this hearing today is whether or not there is any evidence that America's new approach has yielded any positive results on either front. Is it not possible that the African critics of American policy are correct, that the principal consequence of constructive engagement has been to add to the regional instability by signaling to the South African regime that it will incur no cost whatsoever, at least as far as an American response is concerned, regardless of how much ag gression it perpetrates against its neighbors and regardless of how much repression the regime sanctions in its domestic policies? This may not have been what the administration has intended by its new relationship with the South
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