Legislative Control of the Executive in Nigeria Under the Second Republic
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The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: the Case of Nigeria
3 The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: The Case of Nigeria Nduba Echezona As the Cold War cycle played itself out, some of the multinational nation-states which had been taken for granted such as the former Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia suddenly dissolved. Their splitting pointed towards a direction which had hitherto been a trend in world politics, namely that the nation’s territory had to be synonymous with the territory of the state, the nation being made up of people with shared cultures and myths of blood ties. This direction in Europe might have set a worldwide pace. Africa has shown very little sign of complying with it. Africa entered the post-Cold War era with seemingly high prospects of terri- torial disintegration. This was exemplified by many civil wars in recent years, some with genocidal features. But, except for Eritrea and, to a lesser extent Somaliland, the political map of Africa’s states and borders has remained remarkably unchanged. Wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo have not caused these states to split. Nonetheless, wars have led to spatial recompositions, to emerging spaces of sovereignty within state territories and to renewed challenges to the official geography from above — the latter being defined by: the various corporations that have or have had the political or technocratic vocation of establishing, defending or modifying foreign or internal (administrative) borders of established states and organizing their geographical space (regular armies, diplomatic corps, colonial or contemporary administrators) (Ben Arrous 1996:17). 3.Chap.3_2.pmd 79 10/06/2009, 11:10 80 African Studies in Geography from Below In Nigeria, the colonial and postcolonial efforts to construct a nation-state from above rather than from below produced an ‘uncertain’ Nigerian; somebody with equivocal national feelings and many other allegiances. -
Succession Under Esan Customary Law in Nigeria: Grounds for Disinheriting an Heir from Inheriting His Deceased Father’S Estate Under Esan Customary Law
www.ijird.com August, 2018 Vol 7 Issue 8 ISSN 2278 – 0211 (Online) Succession Under Esan Customary Law in Nigeria: Grounds for Disinheriting an Heir from Inheriting His Deceased Father’s Estate under Esan Customary Law Paul Okhaide Itua Senior Lecturer, Department of Commercial and Industrial Law, Ambrose Alli University, Nigeria Abstract: In Nigeria, there are three main ethnic / tribal groups; these are Hausa - Fulani, Igbo and Yoruba. Apart from these major ethnic groups, there are about 371 (three hundred and seventy-one) other ethnic groups with diverse languages and phonological structures, which are some time noticeable even within the same socio cultural setting. Majority of these ethnic groups share a lot of historical and deep cultural relationship between them as evidence mostly in the application of customary law that regulate their private life on one hand and the relationship that exist between them on the other hand. Apart from these rules of customary law, the common law and statutory law equally plays a major role in the regulation of these relationships. Some time these rules of customary law are subjected to certain test as prescribed by the common law and the statute in other to determine their validity and applicability. These regulatory mechanisms, also apply to the people that constitute Esan ethnic group. They presently occupy Edo Central Senatorial District consisting of five local government areas in Edo State of Nigeria. Historically they share cultural relationship with the Edos in the area of customary law, however with some noticeable differences in its application in certain areas. One of such area is succession. -
Inequality and Development in Nigeria Inequality and Development in Nigeria
INEQUALITY AND DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA INEQUALITY AND DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA Edited by Henry Bienen and V. P. Diejomaoh HOLMES & MEIER PUBLISHERS, INC' NEWv YORK 0 LONDON First published in the United States of America 1981 by Holmes & Meier Publishers, Inc. 30 Irving Place New York, N.Y. 10003 Great Britain: Holmes & Meier Publishers, Ltd. 131 Trafalgar Road Greenwich, London SE 10 9TX Copyright 0 1981 by Holmes & Meier Publishers, Inc. ALL RIGIITS RESERVIED LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING IN PUBLICATION DATA Political economy of income distribution in Nigeria. Selections. Inequality and development in Nigeria. "'Chapters... selected from The Political economy of income distribution in Nigeria."-Pref. Includes index. I. Income distribution-Nigeria-Addresses, essays, lectures. 2. Nigeria- Economic conditions- Addresses. essays, lectures. 3. Nigeria-Social conditions- Addresses, essays, lectures. I. Bienen. Henry. II. Die jomaoh. Victor P., 1940- III. Title. IV. Series. HC1055.Z91516 1981 339.2'09669 81-4145 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING IN PUBLICATION DATA ISBN 0-8419-0710-2 AACR2 MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Contents Page Preface vii I. Introduction 2. Development in Nigeria: An Overview 17 Douglas Riummer 3. The Structure of Income Inequality in Nigeria: A Macro Analysis 77 V. P. Diejomaoli and E. C. Anusion wu 4. The Politics of Income Distribution: Institutions, Class, and Ethnicity 115 Henri' Bienen 5. Spatial Aspects of Urbanization and Effects on the Distribution of Income in Nigeria 161 Bola A veni 6. Aspects of Income Distribution in the Nigerian Urban Sector 193 Olufemi Fajana 7. Income Distribution in the Rural Sector 237 0. 0. Ladipo and A. -
Senate Committee Report
THE 7TH SENATE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA COMMITTEE ON THE REVIEW OF THE 1999 CONSTITUTION REPORT OF THE SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE REVIEW OF THE 1999 CONSTITUTION ON A BILL FOR AN ACT TO FURTHER ALTER THE PROVISIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA 1999 AND FOR OTHER MATTERS CONNECTED THEREWITH, 2013 1.0 INTRODUCTION The Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria referred the following Constitution alterations bills to the Committee for further legislative action after the debate on their general principles and second reading passage: 1. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.107), Second Reading – Wednesday 14th March, 2012 2. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.136), Second Reading – Thursday, 14th October, 2012 3. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.139), Second Reading – Thursday, 4th October, 2012 4. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.158), Second Reading – Thursday, 4th October, 2012 5. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.162), Second Reading – Thursday, 4th October, 2012 6. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.168), Second Reading – Thursday 1 | P a g e 4th October, 2012 7. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.226), Second Reading – 20th February, 2013 8. Ministerial (Nominees Bill), 2013 (SB.108), Second Reading – Wednesday, 13th March, 2013 1.1 MEMBERSHIP OF THE COMMITTEE 1. Sen. Ike Ekweremadu - Chairman 2. Sen. Victor Ndoma-Egba - Member 3. Sen. Bello Hayatu Gwarzo - “ 4. Sen. Uche Chukwumerije - “ 5. Sen. Abdul Ahmed Ningi - “ 6. Sen. Solomon Ganiyu - “ 7. Sen. George Akume - “ 8. Sen. Abu Ibrahim - “ 9. Sen. Ahmed Rufa’i Sani - “ 10. Sen. Ayoola H. Agboola - “ 11. Sen. Umaru Dahiru - “ 12. Sen. James E. -
Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa?
Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa? DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS BUT NO DEMOCRACY Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos cahiers & conférences travaux & recherches les études The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non- profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. The Sub-Saharian Africa Program is supported by: Translated by: Henry Kenrick, in collaboration with the author © Droits exclusivement réservés – Ifri – Paris, 2010 ISBN: 978-2-86592-709-8 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27 rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – France 1000 Bruxelles – Belgique Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Internet Website : Ifri.org Summary Sub-Saharan African hopes of democratization raised by the end of the Cold War and the decline in the number of single party states are giving way to disillusionment. -
Interrogating Godfathers
Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa (Volume 19, No.4, 2017) ISSN: 1520-5509 Clarion University of Pennsylvania, Clarion, Pennsylvania INTERROGATING GODFATHERS – ELECTORAL CORRUPTION NEXUS AS A CHALLENGE TO SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND NATIONAL SECURITY IN FOURTH REPUBLIC NIGERIA 1Preye kuro Inokoba and 2Chibuzor Chile Nwobueze 1Department of Political Science, Niger Delta University, Bayelsa State, Nigeria 2Department Of History & Diplomatic Studies, Ignatius Ajuru University of Education, Port Harcourt ABSTRACT In all modern democracies, election is not only an instrument for selecting political officeholders but also a vital platform for ensuring government legitimacy, accountability and mobilization of the citizenry for political participation. However, elections in Nigeria since independence have been bedeviled by electoral corruption characterized by such vices as election rigging, snatching of electoral materials, result falsification, political intimidation and assassination before, during and after elections. This situation has often brought unpopular governments to power, with resultant legitimacy crisis, breakdown of law and order and general threat to security. The paper, in explaining the adverse effects of electoral fraud and violence on sustainable development and national security, identified political godfathers as the main orchestrators, masterminds and beneficiaries of electoral corruption in Nigeria. Through the application of the descriptive method of data analysis, the study investigates how godfathers, in a bid to achieve their inordinate political and pecuniary interests, flout all known electoral laws, subvert democratic institutions and governance and as a result threaten national development and security. The paper therefore concludes that, to effectively address the undemocratic practice of electoral corruption, which is a threat to sustainable development and national security, there is need for the strengthening of the legal framework and democratic structures in Nigeria. -
Nigeria's Nascent Democracy
An International Multi-Disciplinary Journal, Ethiopia Vol. 5 (2), Serial No. 19, April, 2011 ISSN 1994-9057 (Print) ISSN 2070-0083 (Online) Nigeria’s Nascent Democracy and ‘WAR’ Against Corruption: A Rear View Mirror (56-71) Ojo, Emmanuel O. - University of Ilorin, P.M.B. 1515, Ilorin, Kwara State, Nigeria E-mail: [email protected] Cell: +2348033822383; 07057807714 Home: 022-008330 Abstract One of the problems facing the nascent democracy in Nigeria which is more pressing than economic development is the high rate of brazen corruption in virtually all facets of the polity’s national life. Thus, the thrust of this paper is a review of the recent ‘WAR’ against corruption in Nigeria. The paper surveys a number of manifestations of corruption in the body politik and the country’s woes. The paper however infers that unless the institutional mechanisms put in place are rejuvenated coupled with political will on the part of the political actors, the so-called war may be a mirage after all. Key words: Corruption, Kleptocracy, Constitutionalism, Integrity, Poverty. Introduction Most of us came into the National Assembly with very high expectations...when we go around campaigning and asking for votes, we don’t get these votes free. You spend some money. Most of us even sold houses. You come in through legitimate means but you can’t recoup what you spent (The News , April 4, 2005:50). Copyright © IAARR 2011: www.afrrevjo.com 56 Indexed African Journals Online: www.ajol.info Vol. 5 (2), Serial No. 19, April, 2011. Pp. 56-71 The above quotation by a one time Senate President – Adolphus Wabara – betrayed what psychologists would call a Freudian slip. -
Political Party Defections by Elected Officers in Nigeria: Nuisance Or Catalyst for Democratic Reforms?
International Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Studies Volume 7, Issue 2, 2020, PP 11-23 ISSN 2394-6288 (Print) & ISSN 2394-6296 (Online) Political Party Defections by Elected Officers in Nigeria: Nuisance or Catalyst for Democratic Reforms? Enobong Mbang Akpambang, Ph.D1*, Omolade Adeyemi Oniyinde, Ph.D2 1Senior Lecturer and Acting Head, Department of Public Law, Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria 2Senior Lecturer and Acting Head, Department of Jurisprudence and International Law, Faculty of Law, Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria *Corresponding Author: Enobong Mbang Akpambang, Ph.D, Senior Lecturer and Acting Head, Department of Public Law, Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria. ABSTRACT The article interrogated whether defections or party switching by elected officers, both in Nigeria‟s executive and legislative arms of government, constitutes a nuisance capable of undermining the country‟s nascent democracy or can be treated as a catalyst to ingrain democratic reforms in the country. This question has become a subject of increasing concerns in view of the influx of defections by elected officers from one political party to the other in recent times, especially before and after election periods, without the slightest compunction. It was discovered in the article that though the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) has made significant provisions regarding prohibition of defection, except in deserving cases, yet elected officers go about „party-prostituting‟ with reckless abandon. The article concludes that political party defections by elected officers, if left unchecked, may amount to a nuisance capable of undermining the democratic processes in Nigeria in the long run. -
Impeachment Power of the Legislature and Executive Unaccountability in Nigeria: Between Rhetoric and Practice
International Journal of Law ISSN: 2455-2194; Impact Factor: RJIF 5.12 Received: 03-11-2020; Accepted: 17-11-2020; Published: 03-12-2020 www.lawjournals.org Volume 6; Issue 6; 2020; Page No. 252-263 Impeachment power of the legislature and executive unaccountability in Nigeria: Between rhetoric and practice Ngozi Udombana1, Prudence Adula Okparavero2 1 Department of Public Law, Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, University of Lagos Campus, Akoka, Lagos, Nigeria 2 Department and African and Comparative Law, Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, Supreme Court Complex, Three Arms Zone, Abuja, Nigeria Abstract Nigeria’s governance structure comprises three arms of government: the legislature, executive and judiciary. The Constitution vests each arm with specific roles in consonance with the doctrine of separation of powers. Reciprocal checks and balances in the governing system is an important feature of separation of powers. The legislature checks the other organs, and vice versa. The goal is to ensure accountability in governance. One way by which the legislature ensures accountability of the executive is through the impeachment process. This power is vested in a bicameral legislature at the federal level – the National Assembly (NASS). This paper, a desk review, appraises the impeachment power of the National Assembly as provided for in the Constitution. It examines the extent to which this power has been employed to ensure the accountability of the executive under the present democratic dispensation. It argues that the National Assembly has failed to utilise its power of impeachment because it has been compromised due to its own accountability deficit. It recommends, among others, that the NASS should strive to conduct the business of the Assembly in a manner that preserves the integrity of the legislature and avoids conflicts of interest. -
PROVISIONAL LIST.Pdf
S/N NAME YEAR OF CALL BRANCH PHONE NO EMAIL 1 JONATHAN FELIX ABA 2 SYLVESTER C. IFEAKOR ABA 3 NSIKAK UTANG IJIOMA ABA 4 ORAKWE OBIANUJU IFEYINWA ABA 5 OGUNJI CHIDOZIE KINGSLEY ABA 6 UCHENNA V. OBODOCHUKWU ABA 7 KEVIN CHUKWUDI NWUFO, SAN ABA 8 NWOGU IFIONU TAGBO ABA 9 ANIAWONWA NJIDEKA LINDA ABA 10 UKOH NDUDIM ISAAC ABA 11 EKENE RICHIE IREMEKA ABA 12 HIPPOLITUS U. UDENSI ABA 13 ABIGAIL C. AGBAI ABA 14 UKPAI OKORIE UKAIRO ABA 15 ONYINYECHI GIFT OGBODO ABA 16 EZINMA UKPAI UKAIRO ABA 17 GRACE UZOME UKEJE ABA 18 AJUGA JOHN ONWUKWE ABA 19 ONUCHUKWU CHARLES NSOBUNDU ABA 20 IREM ENYINNAYA OKERE ABA 21 ONYEKACHI OKWUOSA MUKOSOLU ABA 22 CHINYERE C. UMEOJIAKA ABA 23 OBIORA AKINWUMI OBIANWU, SAN ABA 24 NWAUGO VICTOR CHIMA ABA 25 NWABUIKWU K. MGBEMENA ABA 26 KANU FRANCIS ONYEBUCHI ABA 27 MARK ISRAEL CHIJIOKE ABA 28 EMEKA E. AGWULONU ABA 29 TREASURE E. N. UDO ABA 30 JULIET N. UDECHUKWU ABA 31 AWA CHUKWU IKECHUKWU ABA 32 CHIMUANYA V. OKWANDU ABA 33 CHIBUEZE OWUALAH ABA 34 AMANZE LINUS ALOMA ABA 35 CHINONSO ONONUJU ABA 36 MABEL OGONNAYA EZE ABA 37 BOB CHIEDOZIE OGU ABA 38 DANDY CHIMAOBI NWOKONNA ABA 39 JOHN IFEANYICHUKWU KALU ABA 40 UGOCHUKWU UKIWE ABA 41 FELIX EGBULE AGBARIRI, SAN ABA 42 OMENIHU CHINWEUBA ABA 43 IGNATIUS O. NWOKO ABA 44 ICHIE MATTHEW EKEOMA ABA 45 ICHIE CORDELIA CHINWENDU ABA 46 NNAMDI G. NWABEKE ABA 47 NNAOCHIE ADAOBI ANANSO ABA 48 OGOJIAKU RUFUS UMUNNA ABA 49 EPHRAIM CHINEDU DURU ABA 50 UGONWANYI S. AHAIWE ABA 51 EMMANUEL E. -
Social Development
Social Development NG-Journal of Social Development, VOL. 5, No. 5, October 2016 Journal homepage: www.arabianjbmr.com/NGJSD_index.php POLITICAL PARTIES AND CHIEF EXECUTIVES AS THREATS TO DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA: A STUDY OF PEOPLES DEMOCRATIC PARTY (1999 TO 2007) Dr. Mohammed-Hashimu Yunusa Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Department of Political Science Federal University, Lokoja, Kogi State Abstract Although Political Parties are undoubtedly a key ingredient of building a robust democracy, the character of the parties and their modus operandi have a significant impact on democracy, with Political Parties often having glaring gaps that block the exercise of participatory democracy. Many Political Parties, especially in transitional and semi-authoritarian States, lack internal democracy. They also frequently fall under the control of powerful economic and political elites. It is from this view that the paper discuses political parties and Chief Executives in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic with a focus of PDP (1999 to 2007). The paper argues that, in Nigeria, Chief Executives, particularly at the National level have been having influence over the activities of political parties at the detriment of “descent democracy”. To get out of the malaise, the paper recommends that, the Chief Executives should learn to put aside their personal ego in the interest of the state and that they should aim at good governance. There should be freedom of thought and expression. Keywords: Democracy, Political Parties, Chief Executives, Impeachment, Democratization. Introduction The development of Political Parties in Nigeria dates back to 1923 when the Nigerian National Democratic Party was launched. This followed the establishment of the Nigerian Legislative Council in order to provide some Political space for the participation of Nigerians.