Conservatives WHY ARE THEY DESTROYING the GOP?

RIPON The New Right December 15, 1977 VOL. XIII, No. 24 50 cents .,.. e •• ~ ....... Commentary: Conservatives WHY ARE THEY DESTROYING THE GOP? Anyone wishing to understand why marked for such treatment. While she American parties are in trouble should champions the crusade against the Equal examine the New Right movement in Amer Rights Amendment, Phyllis Schlafly is ica. It seeks to extend its influence often rumored to be a potential oppon within the Republican Party at the same ent to Sen. Charles Percy(R-Ill.) On time it undermines the party and seeks ly Oregon Sen. Mark O. Hatfield seems a bipartisan conservative' coalition. thus far to have escaped a serious chal lenge. Recently, a group of eight Republi can senators wrote Republican National There is a certain ethereal quality Chairman Bill Brock to complain about to the new conservative attacks on Re the New Right's tactics in seeking to publican progressives. First, the chal depose Republican incumbents in next lengers they are backing have little . year's GOP primaries. They were dis real chance of winning the general elec turbed by fundraising letters support tion. The prime motive for their candi ing the Senate candidacies of Jeff Bell dacies must inevitably be seen as the de in New Jersey and Avi Nelson in Massa struction of the party's progressive wing chusetts. The Bell letter (sent by U.S. ---a group most notably represented in Rep. John Ashbrook) attacked Sen. Clif the U.S. Senate. EVen the well-publicized ford Case's liberal record, stating: "potential" candidacy of Phyllis Schlafly ... we conservatives have failed in has to be taken with a grain of aspirin; the past to get aggressive candidates she has made no visible moves to "organ into races for congressional seats ize" in Illinois and would be naturally early enough for victory. This sin leary of jeopardizing the purported pop gle mistake has cost innumerable con ularity of her anti-ERA movement by los servatives any chance of winning. ing a primary to Percy. Conservatives nationally have rec ognized this error.and are rapi~ly Second, the New Right has a tenuous moving to correct ~t. Nowhere ~s loyalty to the GOP. One of Schlafly's this more evident than in New Jersey, most prominent boosters has been the Com and the defeat of a leading liberal mittee for the Survival of a Free Con senator in that state is an exciting gress, one of several New Right politi possibility. cal action funds which have stressed The Nelson letter attacking Sen. Ed the necessity to work outside the exist Brooke of Massachusetts maintained a ing Republican Party structure and sup similar thread of attack:"To Ed Brooke, port conservative Democrats such as U.S. the Republican Party and the Re~ubli Rep. Larry McDonald(D-Ga.). CSFO is one can Party's principles just don t seem of many New Right accounts handled by to matter." Another letter promoting the godfather of the New Right, direct radio personality Nelson's candidacy mail mastermind Richard Viguerie. Viguer' was sent out under the signature of ie is perhaps the New Right·s most vocal U.S.Rep, Steve Symms(R-Idaho). critic of the Republican Party. His stepchildren---theNational Conservative Virtually every Republican moderate Political Action Committee, Gun Owners progressive up for reelection in 1978 of America, the ,Committee for Responsi seems to have been targeted for elimina ble Youth Politics, and the Public Se~ tion. Prior to his retirement announce vice Political Action Committee---tend ~ent, Sen. James Pearson(R-Kansas) was to reflect his influence. And his influ- , ence is great because the New Right de country's jingoistic past, not in the pends to a remarkable degree on ~he post-colonialism present. By tying money generated by Viguerie's lists of the Republican Party to a foreign poli potential contributors. It was esti cy of the past by opposing a turnover mated by the Associated Press' Don Mc of the Canal and rejecting normaliza Leod last summer that Viguerie is re tion of relations with the Peoples Re sponsible for 70 percent of the coun public of China, the conservatives will try's political direct mail. But much simply drive out the remaining moderates of the funds collected by Viguerie are and liberals, thus narrowing even fur siphoned off for his operation. Accord ther the party's already dangerously ing to Scripps-Howard's Tim Wyngaard shrunken base. close to $7 million of the $7.8 million raised by three of Viguerie's far right Columnists Jack W. Germond and Jules groups in 1975-76 went for overhead wit cover have also written extensively much of it Viguerie's overhead. Th~t's on the efforts of U.S.Rep. Phil Crane, a lot of overhead that isn't of any di Sen. Orin Hatch, Conservative Caucus rect benefit to Republicans of any ideo director Howard Phillips, et al to logical persuasion. What Viguerie says block the proposed treaties, Writing carries a lot of postage. last August, the columnists observed: Under Howard Baker, a likely rival The growth of the New Right and its to (Ronald Reagan) in 1980 presidential fundraising offshoots is partly a re politics, the Senate Republicans have flection of the demise of traditional shown a remarkable ability to put aside party politics. Pare organizations are their differences for the higher purpos no longer the repositories of political of thwarting the Democratic administra cash that they once were. Fundraising tion so far this year. is increasingly candidate-centered as But what they must decide in this hew limitations on individual contribu case is whether a display of party mus tions have limited the pool of resources. cle is as important as a showing of As a result, the pool of small contribu political responsibility. And what tions available through Richard Viguer those with national ambitions, a group ie's computers has grown enormously in not limited to Baker, also must decide importance. And this pool of contribu is whether they risk the enmity of the tors is primarily responsive to appeals conservative groups that are the single about emotional issues. Fortunately, most potent force in their party •••• people do not vote the way they spend What is notably absent from all money. Therefore, the victories of these calculations is any discussion of Viguerie-style conservatives tend to the merits of the agreements with Pana be concentrated in states like Utah ma---or, more to the point, an alterna where a little money can go a long way tive to simple approval or disapproval for a candidate like Sen. Orrin Hatch. of that agreement ••• A favorite trigger for New Right Much of the conservatives' pressure contributions is the Panama Canal. It cooker strategy has been directed at is true that the New Rieht's position Senate Minority Leader Howard Baker Jr. is currently superficially popular, but who has refused to take a position on it contains the seeds of a future nation the treaties until next year. As a re al and partisan disaster for the GOP, as sult, Baker had the· target of a news New York Daily News columnist James paper campaign intended to convince Ten Wieghart has pointed out: nessee voters that only the state's sen Even if the Canal treaties are rati ior senator can prevent ratification of fied by the Senate, the conservatives the canal treaties. The American Con will be helped more than hurt. The servative Union followed up this media angry, rock-throwing demonstrations blitz with an airplane-towed banner over by left-wing Panamanian students who the University of Tennessee versus Mem think the treaties do not go far phis State University football game in enough in Panama's favor show that a early November:"KEEP OUR CANAL---WRITE gradual turnover of the Canal to Pana SENATOR BAKER." At one point Jesse ma will not end the anti-U.S. agitation Helms suggested that Baker was "squirm in Panama. Conservatives will be able ing like a worm on a hot brick," but to exploit this and the strong, emo later backed off from his statement. tional "giveaway" issue to rally their forces over the next several years. Baker's position contradicts conven In the long run, however, the Canal tional conservative logic that opposi is a no-win proposition for the con tion to the treaties is a conservative servatives because it is rooted in this boon and that support for them is a conservative bane---one that could cost and conservatives to ride. My guess is Baker the 1980 presidential nomination. that the amount of heat latent in the troeaties issue is overestimated ... And Baker, however, has stood firm on in truth, voting the treaties up or his non-position. It may be much bet down is not going to decide the fate ter politics than his conservativecri of our country or of the Canal." tics ever imagined. Writing recently in the New York Times, Tom Wicker ob More responsible national Republi served: can leaders like Brock, Baker, and House If the treaties are ratified, what Minority Leader John J. Rohdes recogn good would it do Republicans for their ize that emphasis on the canal is mis Senate leader to go down with a small placed even though they themselves band of bitter-ende~s? And if the doubt the treaties' wisdom. And so, treaties are defeated, it wouldn't Rhodes, Baker, and Brock inevitably necessarily be in the party's best in will be new targets for conservative terest to have the major responsibil wrath.

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