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It's What's Inside That Counts RIPON

MARCH, 1973 Vol. IX No.5 ONE DOLLAR

This Year's Presidential Prop8ID! CONTENTS

Politics: People .. 18 Commentary Duly Noted: Politics ... . 25

Free Speech and the Pentagon ...... 4 Duly Noted: Books ...... 28 Editorial Board Member James. Manahan :e­ Six Presidents, Too Many Wars; God Save This views the past wisdom of Sen. RIchard M .. NIX­ Honorable Court: The Supreme Court Crisis; on as it affects the cases of A. Ernest FItzge­ The Creative Interface: Private Enterprise and rald and Gordon Ru1e, both of whom are fired the Urban Crisis; The Running of Richard Nix­ Pentagon employees. on; So Help Me God; The Police and The Com­ munity; Men Behind Bars; Do the Poor Want to Work? A Social Psychological Study of The Case for 6 Work Orientations; and The Bosses. Mark Frazier contributing editor of Reason magazine and New England coordinator for the Libertarian Party, explains why libe:allsm .and Letters conservatism are passe and why libertanan­ 30 ism is where it is at. 14a Eliot Street 31 Getting Out of the Closet 8 Last month, the FORUM printed the first in a series of articles about what the GOP shou1d be doing to broaden its base. Former RNC staff- er J. Brian Smith criticized the Young Voters Book Review for the President for ignoring college students. YVP national college director George Gordon has a few comments about what YVP did on The Politics of Principle ...... 22 campus and what the GOP ought to be doing John McCIaughry, the one-time obscure Ver­ in the future. Gordon was previously college di­ mont legislator who unsuccessfu1ly sought the rector for Sen. James Buckley's (Cons.-N.Y.) Republican nomination for lieutenant governor 1970 campaign as well as youth director for in 1972, reviews Mr. Republican, a biography San Diego Mayor (R). of Sen. Robert , Sr. The Price of Money.... 10 Ripon's Managing Director Richard Rahn, a Energy, Energy, Who's Got the Energy? 24 professor of industrial management by trade, Tanya Melich, freelance writer and member explains why the should replace of the FORUM Editorial Board, reviews three a fixed exchange rate for the dollar with a books on the American Energy Crisis: Power fioating exchange rate. Along the Hudson; The Last Play; and Energy, Ecology, Economy.

THE RIPON FORUM is published semi-monthly by the , Inc., 14a Eliot Street, At Issue Cambridge. Massachusetts 02138. Second class postage rates paid , Massachusetts. Contents are copyrighted ~ 1972 by the Ripon Society. Inc. Correspondence to the Editor IS welcomed. In publishing this magazine the Ripon Society seeks to provide a forum for a spirit of criticism, innovation, and independent think­ Getting Involved in Crime and Corrections 19 ing within the Republican Party. Articles do not necessarily rep­ Ann L. Cunningham, assistant director of Man resent the opinion of the Ripon Society, unless they are explicitly to Man, Inc., a Washington, D.C. program for so labelled. a community corrections program, discusses SUBSCRIPTION RATES are $10 a year. $5 for students. service­ men. and for , Vista and other volunteers. Overseas what makes prisons fail and why prisoners will air mail, $10 extra. Advertising rates on reques!. $10 of any con­ continue to fail in society until society gets in­ tribution to the Ripon Society is credited for a subscription to the volved. Ripon FORUM. Editor: Dick Behn Editorial Board: Robert D. Behn, Chairman Tanya Melich Robert H. Donaldson Howard Reiter James Manahan Ralph Thayer Features Contributing Editors: CliHord Brown, Glenn Gerstell, William A. Koelsch and Daniel J. Sw!llinger. Circulation and Technical Editor: Judith H. Behn. Art: Leslie Morrill, Editorial Assistants: Deborah Bowen and Victoria Golden. Politics: Profiles ... 12 Correspondents Foy McDavid. Deryl Howard. North Carolina Gov. will not be run­ Mike Hall!well. California Henri Pell Junod, ning for re-election. The FORUM profiles pos­ James F. McColJum. Jr .• Florida William K. Woods. Ohio sible Republican successors: Robert Finch, Con­ Michapj McCrery, Idaho Stephen Jones. Oklahoma troller Houston Flournoy. Lieutenant Gov. Ed Mike Hansen. Idaho Eric R. Blackledge, Oregoll David Allison, Indiana Richard Ober. Jr.• Pennsylvania Reinecke, and Attorney General Evelle Young­ Thomas A. Sargent. Indiana Donato Andre D'Andrea. R. I. er. The race may well be one of the most im­ C.R. ConnelJ. Io...... a Bruce M. Selya. Rhode Island portant between now and 1976. John C. Yoder, Kansas Dean Sinclair. South Carolina Eric Karnes, Kentucky Stanford M. Adelstein. S. D. ames Harrington, Mcline Edward C. Denny. TeJUlessee fulia M. Renner, Michiqcm Mark Gustavson, Utah Politics: Reports ...... 16 Arthur F. McClure, Missouri W. Stuart Parsnns. Wise01lllfn William Harding, Nebraska Foy McIlrrvld, Te=essee New Jersey, the Office of Economic Opportuni­ Scott Green, N_ Hampshire ty and the National Women's Political Caucus. George Charles, Vermollt eMargin Release BREED'S HILL - I have a certain sympathy for Magazine, "If every criminal knew he would be punish­ President Nixon in his dealings with Congress. Legisla­ ed if caught ..." Wilson argues that one reason that pris­ tors have a tendency to know it all. .. and are seldom bash­ ons do not deter is that there is little certainty what sen­ ful in letting the world know that they are the chosen recip­ tences a criminal will receive. "It is not too much to say ients of most of nature's knowledge. One of my many that many sentences being administered are, in the strict pet peeves is legislative fact-finding tours. Such tours are sense, irrational - that is, there is no coherent goal to­ meant, I suppose, to enlighten otherwise unenlightened leg­ ward which they are directed." In seeking to rationalize islators regarding the state of state institutions and the the system, Wilson suggests the following reforms: like. Usually, the legislators succeed in wreaking .ha.voc in - "First, the court system would be organized around the institution. But we are nevertheless blessed by a sub­ the primary task of sentencing, not around the largely sequent report from the fact-finders who insist on inform­ mythic task of determining guilt." ing the public of how they are protecting the innocent, - "Second, the sentencing process would be placed curing the sick and saving the general populace from the under central management with uniform standards ..." nasty habits of an unbeneficent government. - "Third, every conviction for a non-trivial offense For example, a group of legislators in a nearby state would entail a penalty that involved a deprivation of lib­ recently made their annual pilgrimage to the state's re­ erty, even if brief." form school to determine whether the youthful inmates - "Fourth, 'deprivation of liberty' need not, and were still being mistreated by tl:eir callous guardians. And, usually would not, entail confinement in a conventional since it always takes legislators one percent of the time prison." normally needed by average humans to learn anything, - "Fifth, conviction for a subsequent offense would these legislators were easily able to determine that the invariably result in an increased deprivation of liberty." maximum security unit of the institution - which is But, concludes Wilson, "of course nothing will be used for disciplinary purposes - was inhumane and done. The proposal is l:opelessly utopian." Instead of overcrowded. That a maximum security unit in which reality, the public and their legislators insist on dealing youngsters aged 12 to 16 are locked up in 5 x 10 foot with imaginary worlds of idealized rehabilitation and sa­ cells is inhumane does not require a stroke of genius. That distic vengeance. Tain't neither one gonna work, as Wilson such conditions persist because legislators are too short­ points out. So, the only solution is to lock up whole leg­ brained and too short-sighted to appropriate the necessary islatures in solitary for one day. Let them speechify to funds to correct such defects is beyond the small and tor­ the walls and yell repeatedly for toilet paper witl:out re­ tured minds of some legislators. sponse. Let them wonder when, if ever, they will be re­ Just the week before their visit, a youthful offender, leased and wonder if there is much, i~any., rationality to aged 15 - let's call him Leggie - escaped from the re­ American criminal justice. Maybe then there will be prison form school. It was to be expected. He had escaped many and penal reform. db. times before. He was quite proficient - the only person I know who watched "It Takes a Thief" on TV for ed­ ucational purposes. But Leggie had been locked up for the three months prior to his escape. He had only recent­ ly been released to a freer environment. His lock-up was not due to the sadistic instincts of the reform school em­ ployees. It was due to the fact that his community would have screamed holy terror if Leggie had been spotted in the vicinity - with good reason; he is not exactly the kind of individual with whom you would want to play Russian roulette. But there are no facilities to deal with Leggie. Even a boy who had been rejected by two mental hospitals as not amenable to treatment has been locked up in that maximum security unit. All of which is more reason to read James Q. Wilson's positively brilliant suggestions for corrections which he made in his January 28 article in the Times

I wish to subscribe to the Ripon Name ...... FORUM through use of one of Address ...... the following options: Tired of liberalism? Zip Code ...... o Contributors - $25 or more Please send a $ gift sub­ o FORUM - $10 o FORUM (Student Rate) - Too old for radicalism? scription in my name to: $5 1...... o In addition to receiving the Too concerned to be conservative? above FORUM subseription, I would like to participate Try the FORUM; actively in Ripon projects. 2•...... Please contact me about membership. It's progressive. o I have enclosed a check for ·······Mil:k~··~ii~~k~··p~~b·i~··t~······· $ ...... THE RIPON SOCIETY March, 1973 3 "The demotion, dismissal or re­ the Defense Department means that tirement (other than voluntary or anyone who values his career simply Editorial Board for physical disability) of such refrains from making critical com­ witness within one year after at­ ments, and that official reports are COMMENTARY tending or testifying in such edited to eliminate most bad news and inquiry or investigation, unless pessimistic forecasts. This perhaps ex­ such testimony discloses misfea­ plains the inconsistency of years of sance, malfeasance, derelictions optimistic reports sent to Washington of duty, or past reprehensible from Vietnam while field commanders Free conduct on the part of such wit­ were fully aware of the hopeless na­ ness, shall be considered prima ture of the war. (See, for example, facie evidence that such witness 365 Days, by Ronald Glasser, Bantam Speeoh was demoted, dismissed, or re­ Books, 1971.) tired because of such attendance In October 1968, Sen. William Prox­ or such testimony." mire (D-Wise.) invited Fitzgerald to In spite of this seeming commitment testify before the Joint Economic Com­ and to the principle of free speech, we mittee of the Congress concerning have witnessed during President Rich­ the economics of military procurement. ard Nixon's first term two remarkable Fitzgerald was first notified by his De­ the cases of unblushing retaliation against fense Department bosses that he would dedicated civil servants who spoke not be allowed to testify, then was told freely and publicly. The experiences of he could appear as long as he did not A. Ernest Fitzgerald and Gordon Rule discuss the C-5A. At the hearing, how­ Pentallon raise important questions about the role ever, Sen. Proxmire directly asked him of the First Amendment and the bal­ to confirm or deny his staff's analysis ance of power within our government. that the C-5A contract was running by James H Manahan Fitzgerald was hired by the Pen­ $2 bilIion over estimates, and Fitzge­ tagon in 1965 as deputy for manage­ rald conceded that this was so. On April 26, 1951, Sen. Richard ment systems in the Air Force. He Fitzgerald's willingness to tell the Nixon introduced a strong biII to had been running a small cost consult­ truth was aided to some extent, at j protect government witnesses testify­ ing firm and was supposed to apply least, by the fact that in September ~ Ing before congressional committees his expertise to help trim the Air 1968, he had completed three years from discharge by superior officers. Force's cost overruns and disappearing of employment and was granted career "I have introduced in the Senate budgets. tenure. But on November 25, exact- today," he said, "a bill to make it a In his book, The High Priests of ly 12 days after his testimony, Fitz­ violation of law for any officer of the Waste (Norton, 1972, $8.95), Fitz­ gerald received notice that his tenure federal government to dismiss or other­ gerald details the repeated efforts by was retroactively revoked. Thereafter, wise discipline a government employee contractors, generals, and his Penta­ he was reassigned to progressively less for testifying before a committee of gon superiors to deter and defer all important jobs. When Congress. .. It is essential to the se­ efforts to eliminate waste. The Minute­ took over as Secretary of Defense, the curity of the nation and the very lives man missile program, the F-lll swing­ pattern continued. In fact, Fitzgerald of the people, as we look into these wing jet, and the C-5A transport plane was fired November 4, 1969, ostensi- vitally important issues, that every wit­ are some of the more noteworthy bly as part of an "economy move." ness have complete freedom from re­ examples of the Pentagon's success and Three days later, sixty members of prisal when he is given an opportuni­ Fitzgerald's failure. the House of Representatives signed ty to tell what he knows." Address­ Rather early in his government ca­ and sent to President Nixon a letter ing himself to upcoming congressional reer, Fitzgerald gave a speech to a strongly protesting the firing. As Clark hearings, Sen. Nixon continued: "Un­ group of generals explaining his theo­ Mollenhoff has pointed out, "the prob- less protection is given to witnesses ries of government waste. However, lem of the cost overruns involved ac­ who are members of the anned services the Office of Secretary of Defense tions in the last months of the John- or employees of the government, the Robert McNamara promptly forbade son Administration, so there was no scheduled hearings will amount to no printing or distribution of the speech, reason for either President Nixon or more than a parade of yes-men for even within the Department of De­ Defense Secretary Melvin Laird to get Administration policies as they exist." fense or the Air Force, on the ground involved." (The Pentagon, by Clark (Congressional8.eawd, April 26, 1951, that if Fitzgerald's criticism leaked out R. Mollenhoff, Pinnacle Books, 1972 S4393 and S4394.) it might cause the -public to lose con­ edition, p. S62.) Nonetheless, Nixon • The biII which Sen. Nixon intro­ fidence in the managemental-the De­ refused to reverse the decision, and on • duced (S1390, 82nd Congress, First fense Department, and this would un­ January 5, 1970, Fitzgerald left the Session) was most explicit in the def­ dermine military security. Pentagon. inition of retaliation for testimony: The acceptance of this logic within Subsequent events are also informa-

4 Ripon Forum tive. Fitzgerald appealed to the Civil of Sen. Proxmire's committee. In an­ of government (Congress) to find out Service Commission, which insisted on swer to a question, he stated that Pres­ what is going on in another branch hearing the case in secret session. Fitz­ ident Nixon's appointment of Roy L. (the Executive, which includes the De­ gerald then took his case before U. S. Ash as director of the Office of Man­ partment of Defense and the Penta­ District Judge WiIIiam Bryant, who agement and Budget was a mistake. gon)? Surely employees should be agreed that closed hearings are uncon­ Recalling the late President Eisenhow­ without the fear of losing their jobs. stitutional and a violation of due er's warning about the military-indus­ Our ccnstitution attempted to estab­ process. The Commission was "per­ trial complex, he stated, "General lish civilian control over the military, manently enjoined from holding hear­ Eisenhower must be twitching in his naming the President as "Command­ ings closed to the press and the public grave." er in Chief" and giving Congress the in the appeal of plaintiff Fitzgerald." The basis of Rule's opinion, of power of the purse and also the pow­ In August 1971, the Justice Depart­ course, was that Roy Ash is the former er "to make rules for the government ment appealed this order, and in Sep­ president of Litton Industries, which is and regulation of the land and naval tember 1972, the Court of Appeals currently seeking $544 million from forces." It would appear fundamental, affirmed Judge Bryant's order. Open the Navy in cost overruns. As director then, that there is no justification of hearings commenced in Washington of OMB, Ash will preside over any sort, not "national security" and on January 26, 1973. secret budget decisions which will di­ certainly not embarrassment, for with­ (Editor's Note: At his January news rectly affect Litton Industries. holding information from Congress. conference, President Nixon said that The day after his testimony, while Secret committee sessions may be justi­ he had personally ordered Fitzgerald's Rule was at home with laryngitis, he fied when classified information is be­ dismissal. He said, "No, this was not received a visit from Admiral Isaac ing discussed, but the executive branch a case of some person down the line Kidd, Jr., the Navy's material chief, cannot be given the right to withhold deciding he should go. It was a de­ and Rule's immediate superior. Ad­ facts from the legislative branch in a cision that was submitted to me. I miral Kidd brought along papers for balance of power system of govern­ made it and I stick by it." Press Sec­ Rule to sign applying for retirement. ment. retary Ronald Ziegler later denied that When Rule refused, Kidd promptly Congress has passed a law (18 USC Nixon had personally ordered Fitz­ fired him from his remaining job as 1505) which makes it a crime to im­ gerald's dismissal and said the Presi­ director of Navy Procurement Control, pede congressional witnesses or to re­ dent "misspoke.") and reassigned him to an innocuous taliate against them afterwards. The post as consultant to a naval supply penalty is up to five years in prison In his book, Fitzgerald calls Gordon school. or a fine of up to $5,000 or both. But Rule "one of the Navy's toughest and Kidd's justification for the transfer this law was not. enforced against the most experienced contract specialists." was that Rule violated an order not to people who fired A. Ernest Fitzgerald, A former Navy captain, Rule won the comment on "delicate" negotiations and it seems unlikely that Attorney U. S. Navy civilian merit award in between the Navy and two defense General will ap­ 1971. He simultaneously held two top contractors, Grumman Aerospace Corp. ply it to Admiral Kidd. jobs in the Navy, serving as chairman and Litton Industries. Kidd said that Perhaps a better approach is Sen. of the Contract Claims Control and he found Rule's testimony to be an em­ 's 1951 bill, which has SurveiIIance Group, and as director of barrassment to the Navy. been resurrected this year by Con­ the Procurement Control and Clearance Like Fitzgerald, Rule has appealed gressman Les Aspin (D-Wisc. ). This Division. to the Civil Service Commission. He would shift the burden of proof Unfortunately, Rule has a pro::livi­ may be less than pleased when he dis­ by making any involuntary transfer, ty for exercising the right of free covers that the vice chairman of the demotion or termination within one speech. In 1970, he accused two Sena­ Commission, Jayne Baker Spain, sits year after testifying before a congres­ tors and two Congressmen of using im­ as one of the ll-member board of di­ sional committee presumptively retalia­ proper influence to win an award of rectors of Litton Industries. tory and void. However, any legisla­ $716 million for the Avondale Ship­ Both of these cases involve blatant tion is ineffective if unenforced, and building Company of Louisiana. The attempts to silence criticism, using un­ Congress must be prepared to use its legislators concerned were Senators disguised reprisals as an example to impeachment power to force the Jus­ Russell B. Long and Allen J. Ellender others within the defense establish­ tice Department to obey the law. (Chairmen of Finance and Appropria­ ment. In neither case was classified in­ Best of all would be a forthright tions, respectively) and Congressmen formation·,or national security a factor. commitment to the principle of the Hale Boggs and F. Edward Hebert The sole offense was the giving of First Amendment, -within government (Majority Leader and Armed Services embarrassing information to a congres­ as well as without. President Nixon Chairman, respectively), all Louisiana sional committee. and Secretary of Defense Elliot Rich­ Democrats. Thereafter, Rule was re­ If freeclom of speech is to have ardson should make it perfectly clear moved from his job with the Navy's any meaning in this country, surely that Pentagon employees may com­ Contract Control Group and replaced it means that government employees municate at any time with Congress­ by a more compliant military man. should not be fired nor demoted for men without fear of reprisals of the On December 19, 1972, Rule was criticizing their bosses. In a balance of type visited upon A. Ernest Fitzgerald asked to testify before a subcommittee power system, how else is one branch and Gordon Rule. •

March, 1973 5 any purpose. They enVISIOn a society nomist named Milton Friedman first COMMENTARY in which all relationships are peace­ proposed the voucher system as a ful where each individual has sover­ means of improving education, and ei~n power over his own person and asked that compulsory attendance laws whatever property he has received be lifted. John Holt and George Den­ through voluntary contracts. The apol­ nison expanded on these early attacks itical message of this approach has in the mid-1960's, advocating "free been well received by disparate seg­ schools" as an alternative to public ments of the current spectrum. Former education. Ivan Illich, a left-wing rad­ The SDS president Carl Oglesby wrote in ical, proposed "deschooling society" in 1966 that decentralist elements of the a beok of the same name published in were "morally and polit­ 1971. He claimed that public school­ Case ically coordinate" with the libertarian ing all over the world put diplomas right. Sen. , whose before learning, and suggested that ed­ philosophy is in many ways not a lib­ ucation be left up to the voluntary ertarian one, reciprocated Oglesby's arrangements of children and their lor comments by saying in 1968 that he parents. had "a lot in common" with the peace­ While these arguments spread and fuI anarchist wing of SDS. Advocates of decentralism and dereguIation who took root, so did other, more empirical Libertari- are more in the mainstream have also reasons for leaving education to the been heard in recent years: Sen. Mark free market. The Coleman Report of ., Hatfield and Milton Friedman, to give 1965 - a huge federal survey of pub- two examples. lic school systems - found the rela- aDISIn tion between student achievement and While the principles of libertarian­ the amount spent per student to be ism may sound utopian, the revolt almost nil. Christopher Jencks's 1972 against the paternalism of New Deal Harvard study found education to have by Mark Frazier liberals has been so sweeping as to only slight influence on an individ­ have elevated libertarian stands on cur­ ual's ultimate economic success. In­ rent issues into good favor. To Mc­ Early in January, read deed, by the end of the past decade, • Govern supporters weary of wars in high schools were ~ the tally of electoral college votes in­ foreign lands, libertarians offer an end to the record. The event would nor­ graduating enormous numbers of stu­ to military interventionism and a re­ dents who could not read beer bottle mally have been interred as filler in duced defense budget. Conservatives the back pages of the New York labels. It struck many as curious that and Wallace-Schmitz supporters, now the city's level of per-pupil spending Times. Yet, in this case, it drew sub­ on the verge of tax rebellion, agree stantial news coverage: an electoral was already higher than the state aver- with libertarian proposals to end the age - and rising - while the level delegate had bolted the Republicans. tangled web of state subsidies. To Robert Lea MacBride, in protest to of educational achievement was de­ those who wish to lead "divergent" clining. With the advent of the defer- the growing statism of both the Dem­ life-styles, libertarians promise legali­ ocratic Party and the GOP, had cast red tuition system at leading colleges, zation of victimless crimes. Leaders of libertarians began to propose that all his vote for the ticket of the fledgling the one-year-old Libertarian Party are Libertarian Party. education be paid for out of a per­ now sure that enough disaffection with centage of the student's future earn­ MacBride is in many ways rep­ politics exists to give the 1976 Lib­ resentative of the new constituency ings. This system wouId not only re­ ertarian Party presidential candidate al­ move the need for school taxes, but which sees itself as "libertarian." Ivy most a million votes. League-educated and an ad~irer of create financial incentives, presently Jefferson, he chafes at a left-nght po­ Libertarians, however, have already lacking, for a school to educate its litical spectrum which sets out only had an impact on public debate over children well. a choice of paternal isms - economic four major issues. On ending Penta­ In urb:m policy, a curious melange regulation by the left, or civil con­ gon waste, the public schooling dis­ of left and right criticisms also con­ trol by the right. Like other liber­ aster, liberal urban programs, and in­ verged on common libertarian points. tarians, he believes that a clearer choice voluntary mental hospitalization, the Fumbling public housing projects and would come from a spectrum which critiques of libertarian theorists have counter-productive urban renewal proj- began with tyranny at one pole and been impressively well received. ects fell under Jane Jacobs's unflinch- ended with Ia~;£ake at the other. The cIaim that public schooling is ing, now classic, analyses in the mid­ In sum, he has a profound distrust barren to most, and harmfuI to many, sixties (The Death and Life of Great ~ of political power. first came from Paul Goodman, the American Cities and The Economy of • Libertarians hold to a basic tenet noted left-wing liOertarian who wrote Cities), while on the right-wing, Pro­ that no man may initiate force or Compulsory Mis-Education. Also in fessor Martin Anderson, an admirer of theft against any human being, for the 1950's, a rising libertarian eco- Ayn Rand, documented in his best-

6 Ripon Forum selling book, The Federal Bulldozer, the fact that "urban renewal" almost always meant "Negro removaL" In 1969, Edward Banfield attacked a number of state welfare programs, such as minimum wage laws, as det­ rimental to job opportunities for the poor. The same year, Professor Jay W. Forrester of MIT revealed a so­ phisticated "Urban Dynamics" com­ puter model, which suggested that al­ most any gcvernment program to help the cities would wind up hurting them, because the program would at­ tract consumers of tax money to the city while driving out revenue pro­ ducers. The government should avoid programs which attract the poor to the city, he tentatively concluded, and concentrate on improving the upward mobility of the poor who already live in the city. Proponents of the Diligent opposition to curbs on per­ * Free Market on the Farm (1969); Urban Dynamics approach now include sonal freedom has also become a * Crimes Without Victims (1972); Richard Lugar, mayor of Indianapolis; strong libertarian position in recent and John Collins, former mayor of Boston; years. Libertarians hold that all legal * Expanded Ownership (1972). and Eugene Callender, the black lead­ attempts to regulate private morality The FORUM, in addition, has fre­ er of the New York Urban Coalition. are immoral, and thus support laissez­ quently run articles which explore the The libertarian role in disputes over faire in drug use, sex mores, freedom alternatives to centralized New Deal defense and foreign policy has also of the press, and freedom of speech. liberalism. Those reflecting a partic­ been notable. Leonard Liggio, an in­ Not only do they view laws govern­ ularly clear critique of paternalism in­ structor in history at the City College ing such activities as invasive of in­ clude Howard Reiter's "Neighborhood of New York and an advocate of lais­ dividual rights, but in the case of il­ ?ower and the GOP" (March, 1968), sez-faire, played a major part in or­ legal heroin usage, for instance, they John McClaughry's "Jefferson and the ganizing the 1967 Bertrand Russell believe the law has actually contrib­ GOP" (May, 1968), J. Lee Auspitz's War Crimes Tribunal over United uted to the spread of the problem it "Reprivatization" (December, 1969), States involvement in Vietnam. More was designed to cure. Outlawing her­ Patricia Lines's "Why Decentralize?" significant was the recent controversy oin shoots prices up to levels where (January, 1971), Daniel J. Elazar's over C-5A cost overruns. A. Ernest a habit can be supported only by steal­ "Toward a Revival of Progressivism" Fitzgerald, a Pentagon cost analyst and ing, prostitution, or creation of new (October, 1972), and Sen. Mark Hat­ a right-wing libertarian, lost his job addicts who then buy narcotics from field's speech at Ripon's tenth anniver­ early in 1969 for exposing a $2.5 bil­ those who turned them on. In regard sary dinner, reprinted in the January, lion padding of the bill for the plane to involuntary mental hospitalization, 1973 FORUM. (see "Free Speech and the Pentagon," libertarian Thomas Szasz has finally Outside the FORUM, J. Lee by James H. Manahan on page 4). begun reaping the rewards of a long, Auspitz's article in the April, 1970 Fitzgerald now heads the National lonely struggle to remove the power Playboy, "For a Moderate Major­ Taxpayers Union, a libertarian anti-tax of psychiatrists to commit patients to ity," suggested that the moverr:ent to­ group which includes such leftists as institutions without their consent. So ward libertarianism is not only de­ Noam Chomsky and , and long as a person does not harm others sirable on philosophical grounds but such rightists as and or destroy others' property, he con­ is also a practical necessity. Without Ludwig von Mises. He has also just tends, no one can justify incarceration a movement toward non-bureaucratic written a book on the Pentagon called of someone who displays "aberrant" solutions to problems, the United The Hif!.h Priests of Waste, which to behavior. States cannot accommodate anew, highly educated and indepencent-mind­ date is the definitive work on Defense The Ripon Society has taken a pre­ ed citizenry. And unless one of the Department boondoggling. Nearly all dominantly libertarian point of view major parties begins to move away libertarians oppose American military on a number of these issues and on from statism soon, the electoral vote of intervention abroad; the sole excep­ others. The Society's proposals in this Robert MacBride may be merely a por­ tions are advocates of "containment" line have been: and the rollback of , an tent of a spreading distaste for current * A Volunteer Army (1966); increasingly rare breed. All support re­ politics, a revulsion which could cul­ moval of barriers to free trade and in­ * Rights of the Mentally III (1967); minate in vast defections to a new vestment. * The Negative Income Tax (1967); party. •

March, 1973 7 circles alike, were taking the YVP that it could be won with speeches, seriously. Time Magazine quoted a debates, literature and normal campaign COMMENTARY ·'high White House official" as say­ paraphanalia. Hostility, built up over ing, "Rietz is nuts," when told of a period of several years as a result YVP Director Ken Rietz's statement of radical agitation and the lack of a that the President would carry the Republican presence on campus, caused youth vote. Democrats were gleefully many otherwise undecided students to Getting circulating a long list of states where either tune out GOP speakers com­ Nixon's 1968 margin of defeat or vic­ pletely or to discount their arguments. tory was exceeded by the number of There was a real effort by the far left C:olle&~ newly enfranchised voters. Sen. George element on campus to make it appear McGovern, struggling to establish cred­ absurd or even socially unacceptable ibility as a candidate, based his claim to consider Nixon as an alternative. to electability largely on the youth Obviously, a new campaign approach Republi.. vote. was needed by the YVP program. It On campus, the situation seemed was necessary to bore from within - bleak to most Republicans. Few GOP to involve enough college students eans party spokesmen had ventured onto campaigning on their own campus to campuses in some time. College Re­ establish by their presence that a pro­ publican clubs, though sometimes a Nixon stance was a legitimate one for Out good campaign nucleus, were often a student. small and ideologically-oriented. Nix­ One way of establishing the legit­ on and his people, the Democrats said, imacy of the pro-Nixon position was would never dare campaign on cam­ the organization of the Student Lead- 0·1 pus. Generally, tremendous peer group ers for the President. The purpose of pressure was directed against any stu­ this organization was twofold: first, to dent who openly supported the Pres­ place known campus leaders out front ident. for President Nixon; second, to get the th·e Fl.aunting all "informed opinion," advice of students who were currently the President's campaign proceeded to running their campuses on how the ~ confront the dismal youth situation Nixon college campaign could be most Closet head on. The Young Voters for the effective. This organization consisted of President hired a college staff and pro­ 600 members nationwide, including the vided it with the resources and pro­ student body president of such schools grammatic freedom necessary for the as the University of Southern Califor- by George Gordon task. nia, the University of Washington, The College Division was the first Colorado State, the University of operational division of the Young Nebraska, Brandeis University and Old Questions have arisen in some quar­ Voters. It was charged with the re­ Miss. ters (see J. Brian Smith's commentary sponsibility of helping to organize the The first reaction that Nixon staff- in the February FORUM) about the YVP effort in New Hampshire and ers received on many campuses was direction and scope of the Nixon col­ the other initial primary states. While "Nixon, are you kidding, nobody's for lege effort in 1972. That President the college organizers sent onto cam­ Nixon!" But, of course, as the polls Nixon was successful on campus, no puses in that early stage met with an later revealed, many students actual- one can deny. The Gallup Poll shows expected reluctance, they also met with ly wer:!, they just did not talk about that the President's support among an unexpected interest. Within a rel­ it. The best way to ferret out the in- college students grew from 17 percent atively short period of time, there were itial Nixon supporter on a given cam- in November of 1971 to 47 percent in organizations on all the major cam­ pus was to walk into the student gov­ November of 1972. Indeed, some ob­ puses in the initial primary states. In ernment office, student newspaper of- servers believe that the success of fact, the backbone of the volunteer fice or a randomly selected fraternity, the Young Voters for the President's YVP manpower used in that final week and simply stop individuals and ask (YVP) college effort heralds the in New Hampshire (where YVP be­ them who they supported for Pres­ coming of a long-awaited Republican came the largest youth organization in ident. A number of tries almost in­ youth majority. the history of that state's primary with variably resulted in the identification In November of 1971, when the over 1,000 young people involved) of an articulate Nixon supporter who Young Voters' college program was came from the college campuses of could be convinced to help. The cam- ~ initiated, the primary political ques­ New Hampshire and the neighboring paign experience in innumerable cases • tion was whether or not Richard Nixon states. across the country was that if one ar­ could survive the youth vote. Few po­ The first mistake made in approach­ ticulate student could be convinced to liticians, in Democratic and Republican ing the college vote was to assume set up a Nixon table on campus, and

8 Ripon Forum actively seek the support of his fel­ 1972 presidential campaign is no dif­ signed up. low students, he could, in several ferent. All of this discussion is ir­ And, it worked. The Northern Cal­ days, recruit a corps of between fifty relevant, however, unless we consider ifornia registration chairman was a (Berkeley) and 3,000 (University of the one major point - more young former official of the Democratic Par­ .South Carolina) volunteers. Most prop­ people were involved in the 1972 elec­ ty. A Wisconsin Nixonette leader was erly organized YVP clubs ranged tion than in any election in history. a former McGovern girl. A Michigan from 200 to 500 members, with many And, involvement is the key. No mat­ organizer was a former Humphrey having more than 1,000. ter how many speeches are made, pam­ staffer, etc. The next important step was to have phlets issued, TV ads aired, etc., if No one presidential campaign is a vigorous and visible club campaign. young people are not actively involved ever a carbon copy of another, and The simple existence of a group of stu­ then the future of both of our parties because of the particular circumstances dents campaigning for President Nix­ is in danger. If we get them actively of 1972 - an incumbent President, on compelled uncommitted students working, and that is what YVP did George McGovern, the enfranchise­ to reject the notion that only Demo­ (more than 400,000), then our par­ ment of 1S-year-olds, among other fac­ crats were acceptable to the academic ties' futures are bright. tors - 1976 and beyond will not be -community. Once they opened the In his article, Smith claimed that successful for the Republican cause if .door to the possibility of an alterna­ there was no YVP college effort. The the 1972 college handbooks are sim­ tive, the issues had to be reconsidered; figures used here should effectively ply dusted off, reprinted and redis­ then they were open to the persuasions destroy that notion. But, let me make tributed. But 1972 established several -of GOP spokesmen and literature. one further point - YVP Director general guidelines for the party in its The Young Voters scheduled as Ken Rietz initially said that college future approach to college voters: many speakers on as many campuses students would play a key role but 1. The approach to the colleges as time and resources allowed. Any that YVP would not be aimed at must be from within - an ap­ request for a speaker, from Counsel­ proach which will get students lor Robert Finch at Dartmouth, to involved. Washington speech­ Ed Cox at Malcolm X University, to makers and Madison Avenue ad­ Sen. Jacob Javits at San Francisco vertising will continue to play State, was filled when humanly pos­ a part. But students are student­ sible. Four hundred separate college community-oriented - the real appearances were made by top Admin­ battle for their votes is won by istration spokesmen through the YVP other students, campaigning el­ program. An additional 1,600 college bow to ,elbow, day to day, in appearances were made by young peo­ grass roots style. ple working through the YVP Speak­ 2. Never again should the party be ers Bureau. estranged from the campus. No In addition to campaigning on cam­ matter what philosophical turn pus, students were involved in every or social orientation the world level of the off-campus campaign. of academia takes, the GOP must Where possible, entire headquarters, remain an ever-present voice on phone banks, and precincts were campus. turned over to youth for staffing and supervision. In New Hampshire, phone 3. New people must be involved. banks, staffed heavily with students, We can begin in 1974 with the called every Republican in the state YVP members of 1972. But :t three times. Students were constantly base that is not constantly ex­ utilized off campus for voter registra­ panding rapidly contracts - the tion drives, literature blitzes and ral­ key word is involvement. lies. The Republican Party is stilI a mi­ By the end of the campaign, the either college students or the non­ nority party. But majority status can YVP had been active on 1,165 college young. Rietz attempted to strike be a reality with this generation. The campuses. They had systematically a balance, and in most states it worked. Young Voters for the President took a canvassed over 3.2 million students The YVP program was aimed at long step toward that goal. They helped and enlisted 321,000 supporters, over young people as young people. They to build President Nixon's "New Ma­ 130,000 of whom actively campaign­ were not asked if they were Repub­ jority" by involving young people who ed for the President. The Young Iic:lO or Democratic, if they were rich would otherwise never have been in­ Voters for the President had created or poor, black or white, college or ,'olved. The challenge for our party one of the most successful student ef­ non-college, or if they had ever now is to continue to interest those forts in the history of either party. worked for another candidate. Under already involved and to create a new In any successful campaign, there Rietz's careful instructions, they were vehicle for allowing more young peo­ is a lot of discussion about who play­ asked only if they wanted to become ple to be active partners in the party ed a key role and who did not. The involved and, if they did, they were as they were in the 1972 campaign .•

March, 1973 9 ning, disrupt American tourists abroad have fueled speculation. Foreign ex­ COMMENTARY and invite retaliation and general ill change markets could operate much will among nations. like grain markets; if the price of In recent years, it has been pain­ wheat falls too low, it will attract buy­ fully apparent that international cen­ ers; if it rises too high, a surplus of The tral bankers arc incapable of maintain­ sellers will result. ing a fixed rate or even a semi-fixed In the past, the prevalent wisdom rate of exchange without periodic in­ postulated that flexible exchange rates ternational monetary crises. The cur­ would discourage businessmen from Price rent semi-fixed or crawling rate sys­ engaging in international trade because tems being proposed aH appear to of attendant uncertainties. The present maintain many of the major weak­ system, however, has not reduced un­ nesses of the fixed exchange rate certainty. Under a system of flexi­ 01 systems; they would continue to en­ ble exchange rates, businessmen could courage countries to employ undesira­ hedge against price movements in the ble methods of payment adjustments same way they hedge in Money without providing the advantages of markets. The problem is analogous a fuH y flexible or .. dear float" ex­ to fault lines in the earth's surface. change rate system. Such faults cause uneven movement of by Richard W Rahn It is time to adopt such complete adjacent land masses. Under such con­ flexibility in exchange rates. Under the ditions it becomes far easier to live The Nixon Administration has again current system, speculators are en­ with frequent small tremors as the demonstrated its willingness to face couraged to attack a weak currency earth masses slip by each other (fre­ economic realities by devaluing the since the fixed rate protects them quent small price movements between American dollar for the second time against a price rise in the event that currencies) than with infrequent cat­ in the last year and a half. Unfortuna­ the currency under attack is not de­ aclysmic earthquakes (major devalua­ tely, the devaluation will not cure the valued. However, they have substan­ tions) . problem of too many dollars finding tial opportunities for windfall profits Differing rates of growth among na­ their way into too many foreign pock­ due to a sudden devaluation. Under tions are inevitable. The central bank­ ets. Although the move will raise a flexible exchange system, speculators ers and the international traders can the price of imports and lower the would find their occupation more haz­ coexist if they will abandon their at- ~ price of exports, neither our import nor ardous since the price of a currency tempts to artificially peg rates of ex­ export flows are likely to change appre­ could rise without limit. In all likeli­ change and instead adopt a fuHy flex- ciably. (The situation worsened after hood, flexible exchange rates would ible exchange rate system. the last time the Administration de­ stabilize speculation - whereas inflex­ We're having a sale today on yen valued.) The inelasticity of the cur­ ible or semi-inflexible exchange rates and rubles.. .. • rent situation can be attributed to the insensitivity of a large share of our imports to price changes. Buying de­ cisions on luxuries such as a Mercedes Benz are not made on the basis of a $700 price differential. Neither are de­ cisions on necessities such as fuel oil. On the other hand, many American exports are similarly price insensitive. A small cut in the price of computers, commercial aircraft or technical equip­ ment will not precipitate a substantial increase in sales to foreign customers. Further devaluations seem likely, given the nature of the import-export metabolism and the likelihood that the nation's rapidly growing indus­ trial competitors will continue to show greater increases in productivity than their American:-cbunterparts. The in­ ternational repercussions of devalua­ tions in the world financial communi­ ty, however, are rather traumatic when the U.S. is involved. Devaluations en­ rich speculators, upset business plan-

10 Ripon Forum WHO OWNS ? YOUR LIFE •

IF YOU BELIEVE THAT EACH INDIVIDUAL HAS AN ABSOLUTE lUGIn' TO HIS Ott HER OWN LIFE AND TO THE RESTJLTS OF FREE TRADE WITH OTHER INDIVIDUALS THEN YOU AU AN ADVOCATE OF THE PHILOSOPHY OF LIBERTARIANISM.

LIBERTARIANISM'S aASIC PRINICPLES LEAD TO STANDS SUCH AS THESE:

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March, 1973 11 Finch's theme - efficient use of governmental resources - explains his. POLITICS: PROFILES view of regional government in Cali­ fornia. "The attitude of the public is not enthusiastic about another level of government," he says. "The public is. California Gubernatorial Hopefuls more inclined to want levels of gov­ ernment to operate more efficiently, In 1974, Ronald Reagan will step down from the governor's chair of and this is really what the test of the nation's most populous state, setting off a unique scramble for that revenue-sharing is all about." powerful position. After eight years of a Republican Administration, anxious Democrats Finch is optimistic about the abili­ will be putting up their biggest political guns, including the speaker of ty of government to resolve the dif­ the assembly, the senate majority leader, the mayor of San Francisco, the ferences between orderly economic secretary of state, and a northern California congressman. This race, and growth and protection of the environ­ the subsequent changes in lower offices, may significantly shift state po­ ment. "This is the most difficult job litical alignments. government has at every level, at this The Democrats enter the battle armed with a strong registration edge point in time," he says, adding, "I and an overwhelming majority in the lower legislative house. The Repub­ think it is possible to do it." licans are banking on the lessons of eight years of executive control in a Finch has previously spoken out on Democratic state, and on the victory of Richard Nixon in 1972, in spite the high cost of campaign financing of their registration disadvantage. Four Republicans have surfaced so far and is skeptical of legislative propos­ as the front-runners to succeed Reagan. als for public campaign financing be­ The turmoil within each party, combined with the demands of pro­ cause of the tendency to favor incum­ tecting and enhancing the quality of life in a state which for many Amer­ bents. "The key is disclosure of cam­ icans has become the geographical end of the "Continental West," sets paign contributions," he says, "and ar­ the stage for a significant turning pOint in California's history. tificial spending limitations per voter The events in California have al ways affected many other states, and are very capricious and probably not the nation as well. Thus, Republicans outside California may get a preview defensible in terms of certain constitu­ of future trends by studying the personalities who will vie for the right to tional guarantees." seek another four years of a Republican Administration. These profiles, While he is thinking of the power C based on personal interviews, feature the front-running candidates for the and influence of the governorship, GOP gubernatorial nomination, men who represent all elements of the di­ Finch has not definitely excluded a verse California Republican Party. run for the U. S. Senate seat now held by Alan Cranston. His national pos- ture and familiarity with issues of rev­ Of all the Republicans contem­ people might desire could very well enue-sharing, expenditures for social plating the California gubernatorial come from within a party that has al­ programs, and reassessment of defense primary in 1974, Robert Finch is prob­ ready been in control of the executive spending could make Finch a formida- ably the best known outside the state. branch for two terms, drawing on his ble opponent. Back home from his position as a active California GOP political ex­ Realistically, he sees Cranston as counsellor to President Nixon, he perience from the age of 18 until elec­ an "accomplished politician, although pauses from his hectic schedule of tion to statewide office in 1966. meetings at the recent California Re­ In that year, Finch was elected lieu­ publican State Convention to assess tenant governor by a greater margin the local political climate. than Gov. Reagan. "Gov. Reagan re­ sponded to the desire of Californians In his characteristically deep voice, for some constraints on fast-burgeon­ Finch describes himself as an "institu­ ing government," says Finch, gather­ tional Republican and devotee of the ing his thoughts as he gazes out the party for over thirty years." He is con­ window from his convention hospital­ sidering running for governor because, ity suite. "But now we're in a differ­ as he sees it, "the Republican Party ent situation. There is less than zero is in trouble nationally and in Cali­ population growth and it's going to fornia. The party apparatus in Cali­ have an enormous impact on how we fornia," he explains, "is much more allocate governmental resources. 1974 uns~ructured thaU' in o'ther large states, will be a new game and I don't feel so in order to affect the party most, it is necessary to defend ·or not de­ you put together a party and set its fend Gov. Reagan's record. I think he tone from the governor's chair." met a need but now we are moving I' Finch is convinced that changes the into another period." Robert Finch

12 Ripon Forum definitely not unbeatable." Compared to win with Republican votes alone." ston once, when he was elected con­ to Cranston's six years in the Senate, "If you're going to expand the troller in 1966. Finch's federal experience is substan­ base of the party," he feels, "you're Flournoy has served 14 years in state tial. Before his election to the office of going to do it primarily through a government. He was elected to three, lieutenant governor, Finch had served candidate and not the party machine­ two-year terms in the state assembly as an administrative assistant both to ry." He feels that the "Republican before running for state controller with a California congressman and to then­ Party is not in much different a posi­ Ronald Reagan in 1966. He was re­ Vice President Nixon. He chaired tion than it was in the 30's." But its elected in 1970 by a plurality of 1.4 Nixon's 1960 presidential campaign minority status is buttressed by the fact million votes. He received a total of and was campaign manager for Georg:: that the "California voter has always 3.7 million votes that year; more than Murphy in 1964. Of course, his tenure been independent, and has always been any other candidate for state public of­ as secretary of the sprawling Depart­ willing to vote for a man, not a par- fice anywhere in the nation. ment of Health, Education and Wel­ ty." Relaxing in his high-backed chair, fare, and his position as counsellor to Flournoy feels that many young, he muses, "I believe that through my President Nixon, give Finch unique new voters registered as Democrats experience in the legislature, as well background experience from which to primarily because of the contested pres­ as in the controller's office, that I run for the Senate. idential primary. "I think that the could provide a kind of leadership that In summing up the state of the Cal­ young people are equally, if not more, might be able to accomplish some ifornia Republican Party, Finch says, independent than the general electo­ progress in many of the problems that "Obviously, some changes are needed. rate," he adds. "They really don't face the state." Recently, Flournoy Both parties are sharing the same gen­ feel committed because they find held a successful fundraising dinner eral alienation as other institutions. We faults with both parties. This is an in . He will decide to run need to broaden the base of the par­ opportunity for Republicans to pur­ if there is enough money and support, ty and specifically attract new voters sue." and if "it appears feasible for us to and minority voters. The California Flournoy speaks quite directly about undertake a race with the probability Republican Party has a great opportu­ the record of Gov. Ronald Reagan. of success." nity if we can rise up and seize it. That "In the course of the last six years, Because of Flournoy's academic is what '74 is all about." there have been a lot of things ac­ background and his role as the state's Robert Finch, the "institutional Re­ complished that I think have been de­ chief fiscal officer, he is an expert in publican," is thus seeking the office sirable and noteworthy." But he is the problems of school finance, dram­ in which he can best serve his party, quick to add, "At the same time, it's atized by the SerrmlO vs. Priest deci­ the state and the nation, based on his no secret that on some issues I have sion. "It will be. a major issue in the unique background. had disagreements with the Governor, future," Flournoy explains. "I don't and I would certainly not feel bound believe the question of equitable fund­ to support those actions of the Gov­ ing for schools in California has been H oustnll Flournoy looks more like accomplished by the recent tax act. The a graduate student than a college pro­ ernor and his Administration that I did not agree with." SerrallO decision, which I think is fessor. A Doctor of Philosophy in morally right, raised the question of Flournoy candidly states that "the government, he sits in his spacious how do we provide the funds for the direct responsibility in the state con­ office and explains that "there is a equal educational opportunity for chil- whole new element that has come in­ troller's office is somewhat limited in­ to the electorate since 1970. There sofar as my ability to affect the major are millions of young people in this questions that face the state." Al­ state who have not affiliated with the though Flournoy is a specialist in con­ Republican Party. They are, I suspect, stitutional law and political science by skeptical of both parties; and in that virtue of his academic training, his sense, they are available for a Repub­ duties as controller are limited to Cal­ lican candidate if the appeal and the ifornia's fiscal affairs. He is in charge posture of the candidate are such that of all disbursements made by the state, he attracts them." auditing those disbursements, apprais­ "1974 is not going to be an easy ing inheritances and gifts for state tax year for any Republican," Flournoy purposes, and is involved in virtual­ points out, "and a major primary is­ ly all other state fiscal matters. sue will be whether the Republican "The office of the Governor is cer­ Party wants to recognize the fact that tainly a more challenging opportuni­ we have to nominate a candidate who ty," he continues. "My prime interest can appeal significantly beyond the at the moment is for governor and borders of the Republican Party, to not for senator, although it is certain­ the independent elements in Califor­ ly not impossible for a Republican can­ nia. It is quite clear to me," he con­ didate to beat Sen. Alan Cranston." tinues, "that no Republican is going Flournoy already has defeated Cran- Ronald Reagan

March, 1973 13 dren that the state has committed it­ possibility of increasing the area of re­ Reinecke does not feel that eight ~elf to provide. I've advocated a state­ sponsibility of the states to provide years of a Republican Administration. wide property tax in the past, and I services that should be decentralized. most of which he was a part, will stiII support it. But the key method I think this is a welcomed shift of hamper him in seeking the governor­ that the state must come up with is emphasis from centralization in Wash­ ship. He was appointed to his office a system whereby we guarantee every ington to ." He sees by Gov. Ronald Reagan when Robert child in the state an adequate number the state's role being enlarged to pro­ Finch left to join the Nixon Admin­ of dollars for his education." vide services at the local level and istration in 1959, and then was elect­ Flournoy does not hesitate to point thereby preventing future federal in­ ed by a substantial margin in 1970. out the problem of continuing to tervention. Sitting attentively in his office un­ encourage the g(owth of California's Flournoy seeks to strengthen the cer the St::.:::: C:~;lvI dome, he says economy while "doi~g the least dam­ role of the states in line with a de­ that his close relationship with Gov. age to legitimate environmental con­ creasing federal role. He wiII seek the Reagan, his cabinet and staff, and the cerns as possible. It's going to be dif­ governorship if he finds sufficiently periods during which he was acting ficult," he continues, "to reconcile be­ broad support from Republicans and governor, have adequately prepared tween maximum economic develop­ non-Republicans alike. him to recognize and identify those ment and maximum protection of the problems that would be left for the environment." next governor. Regarding the costs of campaign fi­ Lt. Governor Ed Rei1;ecke leans over his desk and concisely states why he Reinecke, a former manufacturing nancing, Flournoy says, "the key ele­ company president, intends to use his ment of the whole problem is the pri­ is considering running for governor. "The great opportunity for innova­ private and public executive experience mary. I don't think that we would put "to continue to do what Gov. Reagan the state in a position of supporting tion and change in the American po­ is already doing in holding down the everybody who chooses to file in a pri­ litical system is now at the state level. size of state government, and, if pos­ mary unless you make filing far more The only place," he says, "that there sible, reducing it." But, he quickly difficult. The dilemma is that the pri­ is an opportunity to make change is volunteers that the issues of the 1974 mary should remain open." where, first of all, the organization election will be somewhat different Flournoy concludes by noting that is small enough to maneuver, to be than those which Gov. Reagan faced. "the President is pursuing a policy of handled, to be changed, and, second­ Reinecke is confident that the duties cutting back the size of the federal ly, where you can get to an executive and responsibilities of his office ade­ government, and I think that this is position where policies can be effect­ quately prepare him to meet the is. worthwhile. I think that holds the ed that will make that change." sues of the 1974 campaign. As lieu­ tenant governor, his duties are defined partly by the constitution, partly by the legislature, and partly by the Gov­ ernor. The constitution gives Reinecke a role in developing policy for higher education in California. He is a mem. ber of the governing bodies of both Word of mouth advertising is best. the University of California and the State University and College systems. Oh, lots of magazines have expensive Legislation gives him a policy role in such varied subjects as relations be-­ advertising budgets; twe~1I California and Mexico, the pro­ We don't. tection of the environment, interstate cooperation, the disposal and con trot So help us a little; of state lands, intergovernmental rela­ Put the word "FORUM" in a Republican tions, and marine and coastal resources. He also has b::en given responsibility ear. over the State Economic Development Commission, which is charged with Your mouth will feel good. developing and enhancing the health of the California business community, and he is a member of several speciat task forces established by Gov. Reagan. Because of the size of California­ and its vast areas of unincorpor­ ated and rural land, over 4,000 special­ function governmental districts have

14 Ripon Forum been formed to solve the needs of local ernment." The self-styled "career pub­ communities. Reinecke is heading a lic official" says he has not made up special task force to study these local his mind to run for governor, noting .governments, including new regional that his dedication to his present pos­ governmental forms. "I don't care for ition would only be overcome by strong the regional concept," he stresses, "ex­ support from the leaders and members cept in cases when, for physical rea­ of the California Republican Party. sons, a problem must be treated on There is precedent for the attorney a geographical basis, such as air pol­ general's office being a stepping stone lution or watershed problems." to the governorship; both Republican efficient than state control. Reinecke does not hesitate, how­ and Democrat Edmund Acquainted with large organizations ever, to commend the Federal Environ­ G. "Pat" Brown made the same jump. as a major general in the Air Force mental Protection Agency for suggest­ Younger, the first Republican attorney Reserve, the Nebraska-born Younger ing the rather extreme proposal for general since 1947, heads an army of is not optimistic about reducing the massive gas rationing in the Los An­ 1,767 civil servants, including attor­ size of government. His focus as gov­ geles area. "It shocked a lot of peo­ neys, investigators, narcotic agents, and ernor would be in trying to "manage ple into realizing that the problem is criminal statisi:icians, in advising the the system efficiently and effectively, tougher than they realized," he says, state's constitutional officers and 90 de­ and to reduce waste where possible." quickly adding that he does not think partments and agencies. He also rep­ He also is unconvinced that public such rationing will ever occur. resents the state's 20 million people in campaign financing is the best method Reinecke is quite specific in his criminal appeals and in proposing laws of solving the high cost of campaign­ views on the federal-state relationship. in areas such as the environment, con­ ing, and particularly questions the use "Unfortunately, most of what happens sumer protection, and organized crime of public money to fund all candidates. at the state level is handed down as control. "You can't treat all 13 Los Angeles a stepchild of some piece of federal Younger's views on campaign is­ mayoralty candidates seriously because legislation," he says, warning of the sues affecting the primary in 1974 are they're not all serious candidates, so need to fight the tendency toward what as neat and uncluttered as his desk and where do you stop?" he calls the "big brotherism" of fed­ personal appearance. "They don't real­ Asked about the health of the Cal­ eral programs. He cites his frustra­ ly let you talk about issues in a con­ ifornia GOP in light of a reduced per­ tions as a three-term Congressman, and tested Republican primary, so you have centage of registered Republicans last his first-hand observations of the "ter­ to start talking about background and November, he stresses that "in Cali­ ribly bureaucratic inertia in federal experience," he says, carefully looking fornia I think our voters have a monu­ agencies." for the right word and phrase as he mental lack of concern for parties." Looking at the chances for a Re­ speaks. At 54, his "track record" is The existence of a Republican Ad­ publican victory in 1974, Reinecke built upon service as an FBI agent, ministration and a Democratic legisla­ cites the President's significant elec­ city attorney, municipal and superior ture is proof that "the party identifica­ tion victory in California. "California court judge, and district attorney of tion is of very little importance to is a very pro-Republican state," he Los Angeles. most voters. The presentation of a says. "The GOP losses in the Assem­ Younger is realistic about the dif­ better candidate than the choice of the bly were nothing more than the fruits ficulty in succeeding a Republican Ad­ Democrats is the key to victory. But, of previous reapportionment, and were ministration that will have been in if one guy is as good as another guy, not any indication that the Republican power for eight years. "No matter how then they are going to vote their par­ Party is weaker." He stresses that it good a job a governor does, no mat­ ty; everything else being equal, the Re­ is "your philosophy that gets votes in ter how good a man he is, after eight publicans are going to lose." California, not the party registration." years in office his ship of state has got Younger questions the existence of a conservative-moderate split in the Reinecke's predisposition is that the some barnacles on it," he says. California Republican Party. He calls 'office of governor is where the most Younger has chaired President Nix­ himself a "conservative on law and can be done to make changes for the on's Task Force on Crime and Law order," but a "liberal or moderate in benefit of the state, and his interest Enforcement and presently heads the matters of welfare and other than en­ in that office grows from a concern state's criminal justice planning agen­ forcement" areas. He also identifies for the need to protect the state from cy. Int~Jviewed in his office, he dis­ the far left and the far right within an expanding federal government. cussed his views on regional govern­ ment, a complex and on-going prob­ the GOP, and finds himself comforta­ lem in California. He favors regional bly in between. Evelle ,. Younger, the lawyer for governmental units where efficiency Whether or not Attorney General the State of California as its attorney and cost require such centralization, Younger can be lured into running general, leans back in his chair, relaxes, but adds that in certain law enforce­ for the governorship will depend on and says candidly, "My job is fun - ment functions, such as record-keep­ the extent of support that he will -certainly, next to being governor, this ing and coordinating attacks on organ­ receive from party leaders and the job is the most important in state gov- ized crime, regional approaches are less polls. •

,March, 1973 15 as GOP chairman of Cape May Coun­ ty. During the past four years, Ca­ POLITICS: REPORTS hill moderates have been elevated to the chairmanships of Essex, Middlesex, and Mercer, all populous Democratic counties. he established close rapport with the Pro-CahiII county chairmen exerting NEW JERSEY mayors of New Jersey's large cities; top influence within the party are ­ he has since been in the forefront of erates George WaIlhauser (Essex) and attempts to secure additional revenue Harry Richardson (Middlesex). WaIl­ for urban areas. hauser broke with the Essex organiza­ IRVINGTON, N.}:'- It is gene­ Perhaps Cahill's greatest asset, how­ tion when it endorsed Sandman for rally agreed that President Nixon's ever, is the lackluster horde of Dem­ governor in 1969. Having been "right 1972 campaign in New Jersey served ocratic aspirants for the gubernato­ from the start," his coun~el was sought as a trial run for Gov. William T. rial nomination and the disarray of in the early days of the Cahill Ad­ c.miII's 1973 drive for re-election. the state's Democratic leadership. The ministration. In the two years Rich­ CahiII's main difficulties this year power of Democratic county bosses has ardson has served as Middlesex Coun­ may come not from the Democrats been diminished by repeated liberal ty chairman, he has broadened the but from conservative Congressman insurgencies and the election of reform party's base considerably. In 1972, he Charles Sandman, whom political pun­ mayors in Newark and Jersey City. engineered the upset of the Wilentz­ dits predict may make his third suc­ Divisions in the Bergen County Dem­ Otlowski Democratic machine that had ~essive shot at the governorship in this ocratic Party are so bad, for example, dominated Middlesex County politics year's June primary. (Sandman con­ that important McGovern backers have for generations. Signs of the machine's sidered chaIlenging Sen. Clifford P. threatened to back Gov. Cahill if ma­ vulnerability first appeared in May Case in the 1972 senatorial primary.) chine-backed State Sen. Ralph De Rose 1972 when a bipartisan reform slate Soon after the southern New Jer­ (Essex County) is nominated for gov­ smashed a machine-backed ticket in its sey Congressman's solid re-election to ernor. Aside from the 1972 McGov­ Perth Amboy base. Congress last year, he made it clear ern primary sweep of the state, how­ Pragmatic conservative Anthony that he would chaIlenge Gov. CahiII ever, the liberal wing of the Demo­ Statile (Bergen) would have been in­ if he could raise sufficient funds. cratic Party has not been able to im­ cluded in the same influence category Sandman announced his candidacy pose its wiII on more traditional Dem­ as WaIlhauser and Richardson, but he on February 17, saying he would seek ocratic leaders. Their impact is just recently resigned in the middle of a the governorship to give "better lead­ strong enough to guarantee bloody federal grand jury investigation of ership to both the state and to the par­ statewide primaries and to doom any GOP politics in Bergen County, a ty." He said he would make high taxes, possibility for a consensus nomination. longtime Republican bastion. Statile, crime, education and transportation CahiII's personal appeal, coupled a protege of former county and state key issues in the race. His campaign with a series of favorable coincidences, GOP leader Nelson Gross, had been is expected to focus on opposition to has considerably strengthened the GOP under fire by both liberal and conser­ a statewide income tax, attempt to tie organization throughout the state. A vative insurgents as the result of the Gov. Cahill to a pro-busing position, progressive from southern New Jer­ general election victories of Congress­ and make political on charges sey - which is known for its conser­ man Henry Helstoski (D) and Sheriff of political corruption. vatism - CahiIl's very presence has Joseph Job, an ex-Republican, despite CahiII is favored to win both re­ tended to submerge the traditional re­ the Nixon landslide. Gross, who is nomination and re-election despite gional-ideological split that has per­ again practicing law in the state after numerous setbacks he suffered in 1972. sisted in New Jersey for decades. serving two years with the State De­ These included the failure of the leg­ County organizations retain their pow­ partment, is chairing the ad hoc Re­ islature to enact his progressive in­ er over nominations and jobs - a sit· publican Leadership Group, which has come tax proposal, the Senate's refusal uation which has prompted the com· selected Englewood City Clerk Joseph to reconfirm Education Commissioner parison between the state's party sys­ Carney as its candidate to succeed Carl Marburger, who reportedly suf­ tem and the barony system of medieval Statile. Carney's election is considered fered from pro-busing thoughts, and France. Through effective use of his likely, although State Sen. Harold C. the conviction of Secretary of State patronage, however, CahiII has suc­ HoIlenbeck, a sauve young moderate, Paul Sherwin on corruption charges. ceeded in solidifying his support with­ may chaIlenge Carney for the post in While the Governor's legislative pro­ in the organizations of the major coun­ the June primary. grams have not always met approval ties. Gross will continue to exert con­ from his RepubliOlfl- legislature, Ca­ At a mid-January meeting of coun­ siderable influence- in Bergen politics hill has nonetheless established an ty chairmen, a motion was passed urg­ as weIl as to play an indirect role in image as a decisive leader who is un­ ing the Governor to seek. re~election. the re-election of Gov. CahiII, whose afraid to take bold action on such mat­ The lone dissenter, as would have been campaign he managed four years ago. ters as environment, mass transit, and expected, was Congressman Charles After losing his Senate bid to Sen. prison reform. Upon assuming office, Sandman, who simultaneously serves Harrison WiIliams in 1970, Gross

16 Ripon Forum stated that he was too young to ac­ President Agnew, as administrative as­ in the NWPC went to Republicans. cept the cloistered life of a judge. sistant to the director; Frances "Sissy" Farenthold, the lib­ Other options open to him are accept­ Daniel F. Joy, former editor of eral Democrat who ran unsuccessful­ ing a post in a second Cahill Ad­ Y AF's New Guard magazine, as act­ ly for her party's 1972 nomination for ministration or running for the Senate ing assistant director for program re­ governor of , was elected national again in 1976 or 1978. view; and chairwoman. None of the three na­ Other county chairmen solidly .m. Randall C Teague, former execu­ tional vice chairwomen, however, are Cahill's corner are Bill Danskin of tive director of Y AF, as deputy di­ Democrats, despite the preponder­ Monmouth, leader of the County rector for operations. ance of Democrats in the organiza­ Chairmen's Association; moderate Har­ One OEO staffer who failed to take tion. Elected vice chairwomen were: ry Sayen (Mercer), a relative new­ his dismissal with stoic silence was Audrey Colom, a black Republican comer to politics; and Henry R. Lein­ Theodore Tetzlaff, acting director of from Washington, D.C who former­ er (Camden). State Chairman John the legal services. Tetzlaff, whose phil­ ly worked for the National Welfare Dimon, formerly chairman of Burling­ osophical differences with Phillips over Rights Organization; ton County, is also expected to playa the program had been widely public­ Rhea Mojica Hammer, a major role in Cahill's campaign. II ized, was replaced by J. Laurence Mc­ Chicano active in La Raza Unida; and Carty, former chairman of the Mas­ Bobbi Green Kilberg, a white Wash­ sachusetts Conservative Union and for­ ington, D.C attorney active in both OEO mer treasurer of the American Con­ women's and Indians' rights. servative Union. Before assuming the Ms. Kilberg said that adoption post, McCarty was an associate counsel of the new national structure, which WASHINGTON, D.C - Any of New England Life Insurance Com­ stresses the involvement of state and questions about the directions in which pany in Boston. He had been an as­ local caucuses, was the convention's new OEO Director Howard Phillips sociate counsel at the Prudential In­ m03t important development. Although will take his department should have surance Company as well and had pre­ convention press reports emphasized been resolved by an examination of viously engaged in private practice. the bickering and wrangling that dom­ his key appointments. The list reads The biographical information available inated the convention, the NWPC vice like the Office of Conservative Oppor­ from OEO does not mention his po­ chairwoman called the conflicts "pos­ tunity. litical activities. The 38-year-old Mc­ itive," and said, "The kind of frustra­ His three top aides are David R. Carty had been a longtime ally of tions that build up in any young or­ Jones, principal assistant to the direc­ MacKay in the Massachusetts Conser­ ganization came out at that meeting tor for operational activities; J. Alan vative Party and in conservative-Repub­ and they got resolved." MacKay, principal assistant to the di­ lican politics in the state. McCarty, She had high praise for Jill Ruck­ rector for staff support; and John E. for instance, was active in the 1970 elshaus, the wife of Environmental Schrote, principal assistant to the di­ Republican primary campaign of John Protection Administrator William D. rector for liaison activities. Jones is J. McCarthy for Sen. Edward M. Ken­ Ruckelshaus, who to:Jk a strong role on a leave of absence as an administra­ nedy's seat. McCarthy was defeated by in mediating convention conflicts. tive assistant to Sen. James 1. Buck­ liberal Republican Josiah Spaulding. (Sidelight: Ms. Ruckelshaus will work ley. MacKay left a position as an as­ Speaking of the trio of Phillips-Mac­ part-time as an aide to presidential sistant general counsel of the Cabot Kay-McCarty, one Bay State Repub­ counsellor .) Corporation in Boston about a year lican said, "You couldn't destroy (the ago to work for Phillips. He was a Although the focus of debate at the OEO) more effectively. They're to the convention was on the organization'S national chairman of the Young right of Goldwater." Americans for Freedom, active in the structure, three main goals for the im­ Massachusetts Conservative Party and About the future of the legal serv­ mediate future were developed: rati­ an unsuccessful candidate for the Re­ ices program, Tetzlaff said, "I think fication of the equal rights amend­ publican Senate nomination won by there's a serious question whether ment, passage of day care legislation, Sen. Edward Brooke in 1966. Schrote, anything is going to be settled on the and election of women to state and who also had joined OEO previous to merits any more or whether the local offices. the recent conservative reunion, was sole consideration is going to be po­ 'Perhaps ironically, Republican del­ an administrative assistant to for­ litica1." • egates at the convention worked most mer Congressman Donald E. "Buz" effectively with black and Chicano Lukens. delegates, with whom they formed a Other key Phillips appointments in­ working coalition which succeeded in clude: NWPC carrying all three of the organization'S Alvin Arnett, executive director of "number two" spots. The coalition the Appalachian Regional Commission HOUSTON - Although Republi­ was so effective that one conservative, and former executive assistant to Sen. cans constituted only about 75 of the southern Republican delegate unsuc­ J. Glenn Beall, as a special consultant 624 delegates to the convention of the cessfully attempted to convince Con­ to the director; National Women's Political Caucus in gresswoman Shirley Chisholm (D) to Ronald Fuller, a former aide to Vice February, two of the four top slots run for the NWPC chair. •

March, 1973 17 Democrat, Sam Nunn, State Republican Chairman Robert Shaw is making noises about running against POLITICS: PEOPLE the popular Sen. Herman E. Tahnadge in 1974. • The Pennsylvania Republican Party has inter­ ., New Hampshire Gov. Meldrim Thomson has vened in the Ripon Society's to overturn the dele­ gotten in political hot water by ordering an aide to gate allocation formula adopted at the 1972 Republi­ investigate the tax records of former aides and allies can National Convention. In making the announce­ of his predecessor, former Gov. Walter Peterson. The ment, Sen. Richard S. Schweiker, chairman of the action has prompted an investigation from New Hamp­ Pennsylvania Republican Committee on Rule 30 said shire Attorney Gen. Warren B. Rudman (a Peterson "T~day's leg~l action follows a pledge by the pe'nnsyl~ appointee) as well as one by u.s. Attorney William B. varna delegation a~ the co?vention in Miami last August Cullimore to determine if the confidentiality of federal to seek co~rt action to msure that Republicans from tax records had been broken. The State Executive Coun­ Pennsylvarna and other large states are fairly repre­ cil has set up a special committee to investigate Thom­ sented. at the 1976 Convention." Schweiker said Penn­ son's actions. sylvarn~ w~s seeking to join the suit not to "declare ., Bumper Sticker Department: As if it were not unconstitutional any bonus delegates" under the for­ enough to festoon Bay State cars with stickers reading, mula, but ~o "insure that the national GOP delegate "Massachusetts: State of Awareness," another contribu­ formu!a fairly represents all states, whether this for­ tion to bumper art was spotted recently: "Massachu­ mula mcludes bonus delegates or not." setts: Love it or Leave it." . (I) Musical Chairs Department: John Lofton, ed­ 6) Another Republican reportedly decided he'd rather Ito~ of Monday, which the Boston Globe once de­ switch than fight. Congressman Donald W. Riegle, Jr., SCrIbed as the. GOP's answ~r to the Daily Worker, was a 35-year-old maverik Republican from Michigan, has recently appomted ali public affairs director of the Of­ reversed his political stripes. As a Democrat, Riegle ~ce of Ec.onomic Opportunity. Lofton left the Repub­ will reportedly be missed by House Republicans as hcan. NatiOn.al Committee on a Friday, spent one day much as Congressman Ogden R. Reid, the New York at hiS new Job, "got lonely" (according to one RNC Congressman who made the Republican-Democratic st~ffer), and returned to the Republican National Com­ conversion last year. Riegle had been a long-time con­ mittee. Like they say, "Never on Monday." gressional dove and supported Congressman Paul N. @ Recent announcements of White House staff McCloskey's presidential bid last year. McCloskey, how­ changes. include the ?-ppointment of chief speech writer ever, is fighting rather than switching. ~ay Pnce as a. specI.al consultant to the President. In • Reportedly unhappy with the proposed reorgan­ Ius new role, PrIce will be sort of a "house philosopher" ization of the Department of Health, Education and for the President on a broad range of governmental ~ Welfare, Patricia Reilly Hitt has gotten a new assign­ qu;stions. The W?ite House also announced the ap- , ment. The former assistant HEW secretary for com­ po~ntment of DaVId N. Parker as the President's ap­ munity and field services has been appointed director pomtments secret~ry. ~arker. succeeds Dwight Chapin, of ACTION, where she succeeds fellow Californian ~ho press reports Implicated m the Watergate espionage Joseph Blatchford, who returned to the west coast. rmg. Parker was an aide to former Interior Secretary e Voice from the Past Department: Former Sen. Walter Hickel. Stephen M. Young is testing the warmth of Democratic .. Big-name conservatives are talking about the political waters before deciding whether to plunge in­ need to boost Vice President Spiro Agnew as a presi­ to the 1974 race for Sen. William Saxbe's (R-Ohio) dential contender. Failing that, they talk of a "youth seat. Young defeated Sen. John W. Bricker in 1958 and movement" for Gov. Ronald Reagan (R-Calif.) who will be 65 in 1976. . • his successor, Sen. Robert Taft, Jr., in 1964 before vol­ untarily leaving Washington himself in 1970. ~ Congressman Clarence J. "Bud" Brown (R­ • State Rep. W. Murray Ryan was elected New OhiO) says that he.is keeping his options open for gov­ Mexico's Republican state chairman in January, re­ ernor and senator ~n 1974. Bro":n has been appointed placing Thomas F. McKenna. Dennis Stevens has also to lead the Repubhcan CongreSSiOnal Campaign Com­ resigned as the party's executive director; a permanent mittee's candidate development task force. Brown also replacement has not yet been named. has. reportedly ~een pushed by the White House to • State Sen. Stanley J. Aronoff has begun his cam­ chair the Republican Congressional Campaign Commit­ paign for Ohio attorney general. Aronoff, a 40-year-old tee, but Congressman Bob Wilson (R-Calif.) has refused liberal from , is seeking the office now held to step down. by William J. Brown (D). @) At California's Republican State Convention on • The House Administration Committee, chaired February 3, Republicans elected Paul Haerle a San by Congressman Wayne Hays (D-Ohio), has once again Francisco attorney, former appointments secr~tary to refused to permit minority staffing. The computer unit Gov. Ronald Reagan and former GOP. state secretary of the committee alone has 60 staff members, all ap­ to be Republican state vice chairman. Haerle defeated pointed by the Democratic majority. A small break Truman Campbell, a Fresno attorney 741-251 and with tradition occurred, however, when the committee therefore will probably succeed Gordon Luce as R~pub- voted that all meetings would be "open" unless voted lican state chairman in two years. Campbell, the more "closed" by the committee. In the past, all committee conservative of the two, labeled Haerle as one of Gov. « meetings were closed unless the majority voted to have Reagan's "palace guard;" he said the Governor's staff them open. act as "self-appointed kingmakers ... who have attempt- eD Although the Georgia GOP is still recoverina ed to control our leaders and legislators in California from their Senate setback last fall against an unknow~ politics."

18 Ripon Forum RIPON AT ISSUE: FORUM

GettinglnYolved in CrilDe and Corrections

Corrections is part plmishmwt and part rehabilitation, according to Ann ClI1minghanl, a former caseworker for Sen. Edward W. Brooke in the corrections area and now assistant di­ rector of the Man to Man Program in Wash ington, D.C. ( Washington Redskin rll1mil1g back Chadey Harroway is Man to Man, l11C. director, sports fans.) Bllt the corrections prob­ lem i.r inseparable from the comnllmity problem, according to Ms. Cunningham. Rehabili­ tation cannot occur in a f'aCtltlm. It reqltires the cooperation of the commltnity as well as the will­ ingness of the offender.

by Ann L. Cunnt"ngham

It is a sad but ur:.deniable fact that correctional facil­ sense of security it perpetuates. For how much is really ities and the individuals housed within them have been known about what goes on behind those walls? historically viewed as a non-priority problem by citizens - Do we know that in some systems men make only and their governments. News stories about prisons all $3 a month? too often emphasize the negative - escapes, overcrowd· - Do we know that men have been known to get ing, stabbings, and the potential for violence. And such 15 days in solitary confinement for carrying a con­ stories, in turn, reinforce the community with its general cealed cookie from the dining room or for look­ view that prisoners are anti-social, and that the communi­ ing at a correctional officer in an insolent manner? ty's traditional role of "non-involvement" is therefore com­ - Do we know that prison discipline can often be pletely justified. more arbitrary than constructive? This feeling of non-involvement is enhanced in part Petey Greene, a well known and articulate offender by the invisibility of men and women in prison. Because from Washington, D.C. who heads a program called Ef­ they are housed behind high walls with long sentences, forts from Ex-Convicts, once said, "They put me in jail we never see them and, as a result, we can afford to re­ for 10 years - taught me how to sweep the floor with a act to even their most basic needs with tremendous indif­ broom - and when I got out, everyone was using vacuum ference. Indifference to a great extent created the Attica cleaners." and Rahway tragedies where men were willing to give, Perhaps if we knew more about what goes on if. and gave, their lives for what most would consider the prisons, we would do-' more to change them. recognition of basic human living conditions (e.g., im­ We do seem concerned, however, about the end· proved medical facilities, mail privileges, constructive dis­ product of the prison system - the recidivist or repeated ciplinary procedures). offender. We try to deal with him by giving him a longer While the inmate is invisible, the victim of crime is sentence, buying more city crime lamps, and purchasing very conspicuous - reinforcing the community's tendency more locks for our homes. Perhaps it is time that we take of vindictiveness toward the criminal. Our ignorance about a close look at the purpose for which prisons are estab­ crime - and particularly about corrections - leads un­ lished - to rehabilitate, remotivate and resocialize - a fortunately to an easy satisfaction with lurid headlines and purpose that seems sadly remote in today's system. a smug assumption that "jail will do him good." We are troubled when we read about prison riots The potential danger of this "non-involved-jail-wili­ and think "something should be done." We want change. do-him-good" attitude is the false and essentially naive Our traditional feeling (a cop-out, if you will) is to blame

March, 1973 19 such riots on the Administration of the correctional facil­ cannot get a job. ity - "they don't care" ... "guards brutalize inmates - - Apartments and living quarters are often denied they turn their backs on homosexual assaults" ... "get to ex-offenders only because of their prior convic­ rid of the guards" ... "prisons just train more hardened tion. criminals." And so, while we satisfy our need - only rhetorical­ Frankly, to a large extent, these oversimplifications ly - by saying that a man once he has served time has of a considerably complex problem are more of a reflec­ "paid his debt," his debt in fact continues. And we dare tion of society's indifference to the system than of the 110t forget that a criminal life is what this man can Ul1- system's apparent inability to cope with the situation in derstand. A productive life is foreign to him. And thus a constructive manner. And while it is easy for us to blame the revolving door which unfortunately turns for well over the administrators and correctional officers of the system, half of our nation's prisoners revolves again. we must realize that for years this system has suffered Revised laws and attitude changes on our parts seem from a lack of funds for programs, from low salaries, from to be the simpler side of a relatively complex situation. lack of public interest and from an inherent fear of pub­ But let us ponder some considerably more difficult, yet lic involvement. And if that sad cycle is ever to be broken, very practical, questions. we must wake up to the real needs and be ready to help. - How can we tell an individual that making $70 Politicians continue to toy with both the institution's a week upon release in a training program is real­ problems (and usually only after a crisis in the prison) ly a "better way of life" than hustling drugs for and their constituents' fears - and the resulting dialogue $100 a day in the street? of proposed action is so broad that we remain frozen in - How can our communities realistically expect that our indifference. And, unfortunately, the system continues a man will take responsibility for managing his to perpetuate itself while we continue to talk. own life upon release when for years in the prison We must never forget that when the Court sends a system he has been denied responsibility - and has man to jail for 1-2-5-10-20 years or even life, that 99 per­ been given 3 meals a day, given clean sheets and cent of those who are sent to jail will one day return to clothing, told when to get up, when to go to sleep the community from which they came - our communi­ and so on? Many ex-convicts are frustrated simply ties. Involvement in his life and in the resocialization by the freedom of choice on a menu - or are process is of paramount importance if these men and women afraid merely to cross a street. are to become what we want them to be - if they are How can we continue to react indifferently about to have the ability to live at peace with society and with the many environmental factors that may have • themselves upon release. They cannot do it alone. They put a man in prison and then return him to that • need our help. same jungle - more bitter and more hostile - Let us take, for example, a man at the time of his and still say to him, "Go straight?" release. He is for the most part hypersensitive and insecure. - How can we expect a man to live at peace with He returns to a society that is essentially frightened to re­ society when we totally isolate him in prison from ceive him - a society that because of this fright reacts the society to which he will return and in which by continuing to exclude him. we insist that he adjust to our social norms? Look at some of the circumstances that may have - Felon offenders are denied the right to vote in placed so many men and women in prison. Many men and some states, after their time has been served. women have justifiably called themselves "political prison­ - Though he may have been trained as a barber in ers." They are the victims of the social system - they are prison, the ex-offender is denied a license in some the victims of poor housing, lack of educational opportuni­ states because of his record. ty, job discrimination, an environment infested with drugs, - Civil Service declares a man eligible for employ­ an environment which assigns people to the purgatory of ment (because of his qualifications) but not suita­ prison life simply because there are no community alter­ ble (because of his prison record), therefore he natives possible. Let me be specific. One of the bitterest young men I know has just served two years for the possession of marijuana at Lorton Reformatory in . You know as I do that many people have been accused and found guilty of possession of marijuana, yet they did not go to jail. Why? The answer in large part is because their families could say: ''I'll put my son in prep school" or ''I'll put him in a training program." But where does the individual in the inner city go who does not have that choice avail­ able? He goes to jail. Where do the answers lie? So far, congressional ac- 4 tion has been largely rhetorical. Grandstand plays occur from time to time - Jimmy Hoffa appears to tell his story - but what haI?pens? Headlines, talk - but no ac- tion. And the frustration of the prison system continues.

20 Ripon Forum Many bills have been introduced regarding correctional .lbstraction cannot necessarily be an effective agent of refonn in both the House and the Senate but they linger change in an individual's life. Some of the time the solu­ in committee while the member sends letters to inquiring tion must involve a personal commitment. Man to Man, constituents - "I share your concern over prison reform Inc. in Washington, D.C. is built on such an approach. and have introduced a measure ..." - letters that un­ This program involves volunteers from the community fortunately seem to satisfy the recipient. For prisons, there who are carefully screened and trained before being as­ is no voting constituency. In fact, there is really no con­ signed to an individual at the local penitentiary. The vol­ structive lobby at all. unteer works with the inmate and his family throughout Tear the prison walls down? Where, then, would the his period of incarceration. He is a constructive advocate prisoners be sent? It is a disservice to the community as of the man in prison and is in constant touch with institu­ well as to the offender to return him immediately to an tional officials in his efforts to work toward the eventual environment that may have caused his problems at the out­ resocialization of the offender into the community. The set. Those who argue that a solution to the prison prob­ thrust of the program is two-fold: first and foremost, to lem lies in tearing down the walls do not really under­ work with the inmate, his problems and his hopes for a stand the essential paradox of corrections - the need better life; and second, to build - even if slowly - a both to punish and to rehabilitate. A prison combines both constructive public lobby in the corrections field. punishment and rehabilitation. For some, the pendulum Corrections has been the stepchild of the criminal should swing more toward punishment (which, in fact, justice system for far too long. It is time that we in the is confinement and limitations on freedom) and for others, community assume some responsibility in meeting the needs when the outside social factors are considerably less favor­ for effective programs to insure that prisons are more than able, the pendulum should swing toward rehabilitation and mere custodial systems for those who make our streets resocialization (e.g., the inner city drop-out with a drug unsafe and that prisoners are transformed from burdens habit). In simpler terms, Jimmy Hoffa does not have to on society to contributing members of the community to learn how to repair a car, fix a typewriter, etc. in order to which one day 99 percent of them return. • survive upon release - the inner city, school drop-out in all probability does. Obviously, some of the answers lie in resolving the problems that create the majority of prisoners and there­ fore the need for prisons - poor housing, inadequate ed­ ucation, lack of job opportunities, etc. But the heart of reform in prisons today is really the community's willingness to take some risks and back the programs that are being advocated by many leaders in corrections: - Smaller prisons closer to the communities from which the inmates come. Large overcrowded facil­ ities tend to become custodial in nature - not rehabilitative. Smaller prisons closer to the com­ munity could more easily involve community re­ sources (e.g., health facilities, educational facili­ ties, job training programs) which are so vital to the rehabilitation-resocialization process. - Increased and improved rehabilitative facilities (drug addict and alcoholic centers, psychological outpatient treatment centers) designed to provide services for those prisoners who need help rather than incarceration. Furloughs ( day and weekend) for men and women in prison who have earned the trust of the institution to which they are confined. This type of program would provide an incentive for increased personal responsibility and eventually to constructive resocialization into society. Restructuring of probation and parole procedures - particularly for youthful and first-time offend­ ers - so that fewer would go to prison. The money thus saved could be invested in community pro­ grams - education, work training and employ­ ment opportunities. It is also important to remember that society as an

March, 1973 21 self were writing an account of his life, one would ex­ pect it to emphasize his basic principles; Patterson, seem­ BOOK REVIEW ingly recognizing this, does not fail the reader. Taft's most deeply held principle was the idea of liberty. "The consideration which ought to determine al­ most every decision of policy today," he wrote in 1953, The Polities "is the necessity of preserving, maintaining, and increasing the liberty of the people of our country, as fundamental to every other progressive purpose." Throughout his pub­ lic life he maintained a remarkable, though not absolute­ 01 Principle ly unswerving, devotion to this ideal. As a young legislator in Ohio, he voted against movie censorship, no-warrant liquor raids, and compulsory Bible­ MR. REPUBLICAN: A Biography of Robert A. Taft reading in the schools. In the latter instance, he was emu­ By James T. Patterson lating his grandfather, who, as a judge years before, had Houghton Mifflin, 1972, 749 pages, $12.50 struck down a similar statute to the subsequent detriment of his political career. Later, Taft was a vigorous opponent of the draft and of President Roosevelt's plan to draft strikers into the armed forces. Despite his fervent hatred by John McClaughry of communism, he defended the right of avowed com­ munists to teach at .state universities. From his earliest years, Sen. Robert Alphonso Taft distinguished himself in the family tradition - the pur­ Bob Taft inherited a second major principle from his suit of excellence. He was first in his class at Uncle father - the principle of equal justice under the law. No Horace's renowned Taft School; first in his class at Yale; man's liberty could be secure, the Tafts felt, without the and first in his class at Harvard Law School. From his protection of a judicial system dedicated to implementing election as an Ohio state legislator in 1920 to his death this great principle. In the field of foreign relations, too, as a United States Senator in 1953 at the age of 63, Robert Taft believed in the rule of law, repeatedly advocating A. Taft exemplified to an uncommon degree the virtues a strong World Court instead of a Wilsonian collective of character, principle, high motivation, penetrating intel­ security agreement based not on law but on force. Taft's celebrated attack on the Nuremberg war crimes' trials as ligence, and a compulsion to serve his fellow Americans. a travesty of equal justice under the law has been fully Bob Taft (father of the present Sen. Bob Taft, Jr.) certainly had a great deal of family character to inherit. cescribed in John F. Kennedy's Profiles in Courage. His grandfather, Alphonso Taft, left the hill farm, A third major principle was that of equal opportuni­ worked his way through Yale and Yale Law School, rose ty for all. Like his father and grandfather, Bob Taft had to eminence in the Cincinnati bar, and became one of the a healthy distrust of the money-mad finance capitalists and few honest men to serve in Grant's Cabinet. Alphonso Taft monopolists of Wall Street. Indeed, it was William defined for his progeny the model young man: Howard Taft, who, as an appeals judge, outlawed the steel "He was a man of talents ... of great humani­ pipe pool, the first strong judicial action under the Sher­ ty . . . his sympathies were deep and strong and man Anti-Trust Act. he was fearless in his exposition of them. His Not only did Taft take a dim view of Big Business character for sobriety and industry and integrity (reinforced when Wall Street, Madison Avenue, T ime­ was without a blemish . . . he would stand firm Life and denied him the Republican against the most formidable opposition and never presidential nomination time and time again), but he also ceased to put forth his best." had a positive philosophy for individual progress, inher­ Bob's father, , became succes­ ited in part from his early mentor, . Con­ sively a Federal Appeals Judge, high commissioner to the gress, he stated in 1945, must "undertake to put a floor Philippines, Secretary of War, President, and Chief Jus­ under essential things to give all a minimum standard of tice of the United States. His mother, Nellie Herron Taft, living, and all children an opportunity to get a start in was a fiercely independent, ambitious woman, with intel­ life." This philosophy lay beneath his sponsorship of hous­ ligence to match her husband's. ing and education legislation which startled and confound­ Professor Patterson ably and lucidly describes the ed his more conservative admirers. high points of Robert Taft's long and productive career Because of these principles, Taft consistently saw Big - as a leading isolationist before World War II; author Government - characterized by autocracy, bureaucracy, and of the Taft-Hartley Act and opponent of NATO; guiding centralized power - as the greatest danger to America. spirit behind the Wagner-Ellender-Taft Public Housing Act He saw, too, that war and had the inevitable (which caused the conservative John Bricker to mutter, effect of expanding the power of Big Government - par­ "I hear the Socialists have gotten to Bob Taft"); three ticularly the President - and diminishing the liberties of times candidate for the Republican presidential nomina­ the people. For his pacifism he was reviled by his op­ tion; and, in the months before his death, "first mate" ponents, who went to the ridiculous lengths of portraying in the Senate for President Eisenhower. If Bob Taft him- him as an ally of Mussolini, Hitler, and Stalin at various

22 Ripon Forum times. Yet Taft spared no hyperbole on the warhawks; trait need further work - Taft's attitude toward blacks. over many years the same theses recur - war brings total­ From the time he described a law client in 1913 as "a itarianism, socialist dictatorship at home, the garrison state, cheerful kind of coon," Taft took various positions on and loss of individual liberties. On his Senate desk, after civil rights issues. He favored a federal anti-lynch law, his death, was found a scribbled note to himself: "No but vigorously opposed federal fair employment practices Indo- - except in case of emergency invasion by legislation. He supported a no-discrimination clause in the Chinese." federal education legislation, but seemed to favor the "sep­ Robert A. Taft, for all his virtues, was not without arate-but-equal-doctrine" as late as 1952, when it was be­ his weaknesses. His campaign style, one observer said, was ginning to crumble rapidly in court tests. It would appear, "a cartoonist's dream, a party leader's despair." He was from circumstantial evidence, that Taft completely lacked abrupt, cold to strangers, overly intellectual, reserved, and the ability to comprehend life from a black man's perspec­ utterly intolerant of stupidity. His candor was incredible; tive. It seems curious that a man so intoxicated with the on one occasion, when a Harvard Law School classmate idea of human liberty should have been so ambivalent on attempted to reintroduce himself, Taft blurted out, "I this issue. have no recollection of you whatever." Taft's passion for Patterson also leaves the reader confused about Taft's facts and issues often led him to ignore human relation­ views on interventionism, but it is primarily a result of ships. Taft's own confusion rather than of the biographer'S short­ More substantively, Taft displayed several lamentable coming. Taft himself never seemed able to clearly recon­ traits. He could only be described as violently partisan in cile his opposition to entanglement in Western European his opposition to FDR and Truman. His fervent hatred of affairs after World War II with his aggressive, anti-com­ communism as the antithesis of liberty led him to fre­ munist militarism in the Far East during the same period. quent rhetorical excesses and to an intermittent flirtation It is surprising that Taft's brilliant and logical mind, so with Sen. Joe McCarthy. For all his devotion to civil lib­ conspicuous for its clear reasoning on every other issue erties, he praised the work of the House Un-American of the day, failed to resolve this contradiction. Activities Committee (HUAC) in exposing suspected com­ One wonders, too, what Taft thought of the junior munists and favored banning Communist Party members Senator from California, Richard M. Nixon. Taft has been from the ballot. In his 1952 presidential bid, in particular, quoted elsewhere as describing Nixon in 1952 as "a little Taft allowed his backers to engage in some highly ques­ man in a big hurry ... (who) has a mean and vindic­ tionable delegate-collection tactics that tarnished his image tive streak . . . (and whose) personality radiates tension and as a man of unblemished integrity. conflict," and fervently hoping that Nixon would never Patterson is scrupulously fair in reporting Taft's weak­ accede to the Presidency. Patterson sheds no light on this nesses as well as his virtues. In only one area does the por- patentially interesting topic. Patterson performs a particularly useful service in his willingness to repeatedly appraise Taft's character. His con­ clusion is worth repeating: "Above all, his stature depended on personal qual­ ities: honesty, conscientiousness, courage, digni­ ty, and intelligence. These attributes were coun­ terbalanced by a partisan combativeness which made him as feared as he was respected, and by a refusal - usually - to depart from principles, leaving him vulnerable to the charge that he was stubborn and reactionary. But they also gave him the strength to rise above personal defeats and to maintain his commitment to serve. It was given to him as it is to few men: to embark on a ca­ reer he had been trained to follow and to pursue it effectively until the day he died." Patterson's effort to~ortray Robert A. Taft can only be evaluated as outstanding. Not only does he faithfully capture the flow of events throughout Taft's life, but he implicitly poses the question of whether a contemporary politician can succeed, as Taft did, through intelligence, character, industry, courage, and devotion to principle; or whether the route to success can be followed only through the cultivation of a charismatic personality, the avoidance of any semblance of principle, and expensive mass media merchandising. Let us hope that Robert A. Taft was not the last to succeed by exemplifying the old-fashioned vir­ tues .•

March, 1973 23 The book provides a detailed guide of the energy in­ Justry with infonnation about which companies own what BOOK REVIEW sources of energy, an analysis of the companies themselves and tables about which financial institutions control these companies. Ridgeway claims that the growth of these energy Energy, trusts is destructive to the nation's well-being. He believes these trusts have created an energy crisis through their general disregard, until recently, for environmental con­ Energy, cerns, and their juggling with market forces for unreason­ ably high prices. He also warns that the trusts' involvement in major Who's economic alliances with third-world nations is already creating political liaisons which are potentially damaging to U.S. foreign policy. Got To eradicate these trends, Ridgeway wants to build a "new society." He hopes to solve the energy problem by governmental expropriation of America's energy re­ the sources. He qualifies this call for expropriation by caution­ ing that it must be effected by democratic means, an im­ possibility given the ,p..resent devotion of most Americans Energy! to the free enterprise system. But despite Ridgeway's utopianism, he presents pro­ POWER ALONG THE HUDSON vocative ideas, among which are the procedures by which by Allan R. Talbot expropriated resources would be developed. E.P. Dutton & Co., 1972, 244 pages, $7.95 The industries would be run nationally by an um­ THE LAST PLAY brella-style federal agency. While it would create policy. by James Ridgeway its management would be done on a regional level. E.P. Dutton, & Co., 1973,446 pages, $10.00 The nation would be divided into regional energy ENERGY, ECOLOGY, ECONOMY boards administered by publicly-elected officers whose pri­ by Gerald Garvey mary responsibility would be to create economic plans for W.W. Nm·ton & Co., 1972, 235 pages, $8.95 development of the region's natural resources. Actual de­ velopment would be determined by public bidding, but by Tanya Melich restricted to public nonprofit groups. After basic development, the resources would be sold Books about the energy-environment tug-of-war tend to private marketing facilities for refining, milling and to fall into three categories. There are the chatty, case other second-stage development. studies, such as Power Alollg The HudsOIl, a description While Ridgeway admits that these new public bodies of the struggle between power forces and environmental­ might create inappropriate and unworkable plans, he main­ ists over the development of New York State's Hudson tains that public planning could hardly be worse than the River Valley. There are the ideological polemics and ex­ present policies of private industry. poses, such as The Last Play, a description of the monopol­ Such an argument is fallacious. There is nothing to ization of the energy industry. Finally, there are the struc­ indicate that planning and development through com­ tural theory books, such as E1Ulrgy, Ecology, Economy, an munity boards and other nonprofit organizations, and led analysis of the inter-relationship between the ecosystem by elected public officials, would provide better energy pol­ and the nation's energy demands. icies. It might, but Ridgeway offers readers nothing more Most case study books - Power Along The HlIdsoll substantial than faith to support his assumption. is no exception - provide repeatable vignettes and tid­ Would his system turn out to be another T.V.A. or bits about their subject, but little depth. For example, Tal­ would it be an inefficient bureaucracy mired in political con­ bot writes about Hudson Valley history, reports gossip siderations and community bickering? about the Ottinger-Rockefeller struggle over the Valley, While Ridgeway looks to fundamental political and and incisively describes Charles Luce, the public power economic change to solve the energy problem, Gerald Gar- prota~onist turned Consolidated Edison chairman. vey accepts the system, more or less, as it is. He systemati­ Power AIOllg The Hudsoll is pleasant and light read­ cally analyzes the factors involved in detennining the costs ing. It can be viewed as the book the tired energy or en­ of energy and the costs of environmental quality. Instead vironmental advocate reads to relax after a hard day's pour­ of looking toward structural governmental changes as ing over complex tomes on the energy crisis. panaceas, Garvey recognizes that a sound energy policy • James Ridgeway's The Last Play is entirely different. must include not only governmental factors but those of ~ His main thesis - that the oil industries are nearing com­ the market. plete ownership of the United States energy complex In Ellergy, Ecology, Economy, Garvey stresses that is painstakingly and convincingly researched. the solution to energy-associated environmental problems

24 Ripon Fomm will occur through the intelligent use of well-researched facts and a reasonable ecological framework rather than through the doctrine of "eco-theology." It is significant that this approach seems to have been adopted by Wil­ li:un D. Ruckelshaus, chief of the Environmental Protection Agency. Garvey's book was originally prepared as a study for the White House Office of Science and Theology. It is rich in ecological theory and, wherever possible, statistics that enhance the theory. Unfortunately, the science of determining ecological costs is in its infancy so the data is often sketchy. Overall, it is a fine academic work as well as po­ litically realistic. In an era of dogmatic environmental , Garvey is to be commended for giving the ener­ gy debate some sorely needed perspective. •

shortcomings, his irresponsibility, his almost total lack of DULY NOTED: POLITICS principle or philosophy." Move over, Machiavelli. • "Sargent Concerned Over Pnblic Image," by David Farrell. Boston Globe; February 15, 1973. Boston Globe political columnist David Farrell s~ys there is a gr~wing • "A Routine Staff Trim for Agnew - or a Sign of rift between Massachusetts RepublIcans, Gov. FranCIS W. His Political DecMne'l'" by Rowland Evans and Robert Sargent and Sen. Edward M. Brooke, whose relations have Novak. Washington Post, January 21, 1973. Commenting deteriorated to the extent that "Brooke and (former Gov. on the transfer of two key aides to Vice President Agnew John) Volpe forces are seriously considering running a by White House staff chief H. R. Haldeman, Evans and candidate against Sargent in next year's Republican pri­ Novak suggest, "Agnew's political staff, never one of mary." Farrell asserts that Brooke is concerned about his strengths, is now weaker than ever at a moment ripe Sargent's ability to arrest the slipping GOP representa­ for building a national operation aiming toward the 1976 tion in the state legislature. "The continuing slide by the presidential nomination." Although the columnists ad­ GOP in the House and Senate has caused Brooke to con­ mit that President Nixon may not have known about clude that the Governor is interested solely in himself and Haldeman's actions, they conclude that the cuts are "evi­ not the party." Farrell concludes that Sargent's position dence that Agnew's standing with the palace guard is is sufficiently threatened that he "would do well to re­ chilly at the very least." view his modus operandi, especially his role as leader of • "GOP: Silence is Golden," by Richard M. Cohen. the Republican Party in Massachusetts." Washington Post, February 13, 1973. So fascinated is the • "Republicanism: Growing Force In Dixie," by David GOP with Washington, according to Cohen, that Nordan. Atlanta Journal and Constitution, October 15, it ignores the machinations of the Democratic state gov­ 1972. Writing a five-part series on the Republican Party ernment in Annapolis. "It is a strange set of affairs - in the South, Journal correspondent David Nordan identi­ a two-party state where one party regularly takes a fies at least three strains of Southern Republicanism: powder and relinquishes any role in the operation of the First, the "Dixie Republicans who want to fortify them­ state's government," he writes. Cohen says that GOP lead­ selves in an ideological tower far to the right of Ameri­ ers contend that their silence is necessary to maintain ca's political mainstream while waiting for the populace their political survival in the state, but the Washington to beat a path to their door." Second, there are the Re­ Post columnist contends that the party has "come of age" publicans who "still want to be big fish in little ponds, in Maryland and needs not be so timid "So the Democrats thereby protecting their authority and patronage control and Marvin Mandel govern uncriticized. free to legislate rights within the party." And third, are "the plain racists, and rule unhampered by the checks and balances inherent who think they have found a safe refuge in the GOP from in a two-party system. Soon though, the GOP will settle the civil rights innovations of the national Democrats." on its gubernatorial candidate for 1974, the mimeograph The results, says Nordan, "are the semi fierce in-house machines will begin to hum, the position papers will flow struggles for control and direction of the Southern Repub­ and Maryland voters will be told what a disaster the last lican Party today" which GOP leaders would "prefer to four years have been. But that, of course, is manana." keep ... out of the limelight or downplay them when dis­ covered." The two largest groups which alternate in • "Nixon as Dlsraell?" by J. H. Plumb. New York Times Magazine, February 11, 1973. Taking as his point power are the "conservative purists" and the "more flex­ of departure President Nixon's remark that "My view, my ible moderates." Despite the GOP's "temporary gains here approach is probably that of a DisraeIi conservative," the and there," Nordan expresses the conviction that the distinguished British historian, J. H. Plumb, suggests that party's competitiveness will undergo its crucial test in the President ought to reconsider that comparison. the next few years. Plumb's opinion of Disraeli is hardly higher than those • "The Fruits of Agnewism," by Ben H. Bagdikian. many of the President's most vituperative critics have ColumbIa Journalism Review, January/February, 1973. of the incumbent occupant of the White House. Plumb Former Washington Post media critic Bagdikian has variously describes Disr::teli as amorous, amoral, flambo­ studied the broadcast and print coverage of the 1972 pres­ yant, aristocratic, Bohemian, opportunistic, devoid of ideas idential election. He has concluded that the Nixon Ad­ for domestic reform, power-hungry, without compassion ministration's criticism of the press has resulted in great­ for the victims of his policies and infatuated with the er timidity in critical press coverage of the Administra­ growth of British imperialism. "Foreign or domestic, Dis­ tion. "There has been a retrogression in printing news­ realian conservatism adds up to little more than the pur­ worthy information that is critical of the Administration suit and use of power. Some might call this pragmatism. and a notable decline in investigation of apparent wrong­ They would be wrong; immediate decision without a doing when it is likely to anger or embalT'ass the White thought of long-term consequence is the reverse of prag­ House. This, coupled with the shrewd manipUlation of matism ...," writes Plumb. He concludes, "And one can the media by Nixon officials, has moved the American only hope that if Nixon and Kissinger turn back to their news system closer to becoming a propaganda arm of the hero, Disraeli, they will understand him better - his Administration in power."

March, 1973 25 • "Rwe Issue in Hou.e Race," by Allan Frank. An· constituents. Harrigan points out that Texas politicians chorage Dally News, February 5, 1973. The Alaskan spe­ could have given Steelman sounder advice. "Texas' po­ cial election to succeed the late Congressman Nick Begich litical savvy is proverbial." As we learned in the Sharps­ features Democrat Emil Notti, who is half-Italian and town Scandal? half-Athabascan native, and Republican State Sen. Don • "First Open State GOP Feud Flares," by Lee Still­ Young, a white who is married to an Athabascan-Aleut well. KnoxvUIe News-Sentinel, January 21, 1973. Writing native. As a consequence, suggests Anchorage DaDy about the feud between Gov. Winfield Dunn and Congress­ News columnist Allan Frank, racism may be the contest's man James H. Quillen over the proposed medical school "dumbest and perhaps most important issue." Frank says to be built at Johnson City, Stillwell says, "It represents that supporters of both candidates privately discuss the a milestone. This is the fir·st feud aired publicly since the impact that racism and reverse racism will have on Not­ party became totally competitive with Tennessee's Dem­ ti, the first native American to run for Congress. "So ocratic P.arty." Quillen and Sen. support the far, the candidates are trying to talk to the people and school. Dunn supports efforts to improve the University the only solid consensus is that the late Rep. Nick Begich of Tennessee Medical School in Memphis. In the past, says was a good man. Maybe before the election the candi­ Stillwell, Sen. , Jr. has mediated intra­ dates can agree that their supporters should abandon pri­ party conflicts in the state. "This is a good omen for Re­ vate appeals on the basis of racism," writes Frank. publicans. An indication in the eyes of many of the par­ e The Right Report. (1735 De Sales Street, N.W., ty's pros that they oan have their squabbles and stilI Washington, D.C. 20036) The, Right Report may not be unite diuring elections." right, but it Is "intended for a clientele of sophisticated CIt "How Mr. Smith Went to Washington Yet Kept conservatives like yourself, who have good reason to Ties with Home," by Burt Schorr. WaU Street Journal, keep informed on what's going on inside the American February 22, 1973. "As Farmers Home administrator, in Right ..." In upcoming issues you will learn about such fact, Mr. Smith (former Congressman James V. Smith, things as, "Where does Ayn Rand fit in?" It is ed­ R-Okl.) visited Oklahoma 28 times in four years at tax­ ited by conservative journalist Lee Edwards who says in payers expense, spending approximately 150 days of of­ his promotion that, "I have seen the efforts of many hard­ ficial business, plus weekends and vacation time, in the working patriots falter or fail because knowledge of what state, his travel records show." Having been released from was going on outside their local areas was unavailable his federal service by President Nixon, Smith is now re­ to them." Add one more newsletter to your list of conser­ portedly looking for a job - either as a congressman or vative "must" reading. governor in 1974. But, reports the Wall Street Journal, from the looks of Smith's travel itinerary, he has been • "Hopeful Politicians Already Lining Up For '76 looking for that job for the past four years as well. "What Governor's Race," by Philip Bailey. Argus (Seattle, Wash­ Mr. Smith leaves behind at the Farmers Home Admin­ ington), January 26, 1973. In his weekly column in the istration is an impressive lesson in how the resources of Argu~ .Bailey says that Washington politicians are taking high federal office can be mobilized to serve unslaked it "for granted" that Gov. Daniel Evans (R) will not run p:>Iiticul ambitions." His staff even composed salutatory for re-election in 1976. Possible Republican contenders comments to be inserted in the Congrassional Record by for the nomination, says Bailey, include Attorney General friendly congressmen. Slade Gorton, who he sees as the top contender; Sec­ retary of State A. L. "Lud" Kramer; King County Ex­ • "Adams: Not Ready for the PoUtlca1 Pasture," by ecutive John Spellman; King County Prosecutor Chris­ Tom Raum. Tampa Tribune-Times, February 18, 1973. "Lt. Gov. Tom Adams, who within a few days has be­ topher Bayley; Everett Mayor Robert Anderson; newly­ come Florida's best known farmer, says he isn't ready to elected Congressman Joel Pritchard; and former House be put out to political pasture - even if Gov. Reubin Speaker Stewart Bledsoe. In other words, the state has Askew doesn't pick him for a second term." Adams, who 110 paucity of able, ambitious . had been prominently mentioned as one of the top Dem­ • "Slow Season for Liberal Republicans," by David ocratic prospects to run against Sen. Edward Gurney in S. Broder. Washington Post, February 6, 1973. "The 1974, has run into political trouble. Gov. Askew has or­ gloomiest folks in Washington these days may well be dered an investigation into whether Adams, who doubles the liberal Republicans. There are not a lot of them as head of the state's Commerce Department and leader around and whenever they gather it seems to be to say of one of the state's most powerful political machines, farewell to one of the brethren banished from the Nixon was aided by state employees in the operation of his Administration, beaten in his race for re-election to Con­ l,OOO-acre Gasden County farm. Although Askew has in­ gress, or bowing to a wife's injunction to get out of this dicated that Adams will not be invited to complete the rat race and make some money for the kids' college tui­ Democra tic team for a second term, Adams says he is tion," says Broder, who calls Secretary of Defense Elliot not out of politics. Says Adams, "Many people in state Richardson progressive Republicans' best presidential hope government ride horses. I just keep mine on a little farm, for 1976. But as Broder points out, even Richardson has along with a few cows, instead of in a stable." Repub­ his political problems - such as his job. "That their 'best licans do not think it is that innocent and are calling hope' is a man saddled with these disadvantages pretty for Adams's impeachment as the first step on the road well describes the st·ate of the liberal Republicans in this, to recapturing the governorship in 1974. the fifth year, of President Nixon's reign. Even in their present sad condition, however, they are vitally important • "The state of Conservatism," by Jeffrey Bell. Human to the mental stability of Washington. Whenever the Feb­ Events, February 24, 1973. "The way conservatism will ruary gloom gets too great, anyone in town can snap prevail in this country, if it does, is to implement a suc­ himself out of his self-pity by thinking: Count your bles­ cessful conservative governing strategy in Washington. sings, man. Just imagine you were a liberal Republican!" Successful conservative governors, mayors, county exec­ utives, etc. are also desirable, but success in Washington • "Texan Gets Briefing At Harvard," by Anthony is the sine qua non." Bell, former Capitol Hill director Harrigan. BeevUle (Texas) Bee-Picayune, January 18, for the American Conserv·ative Union, ·argues that con­ 1973. In November-December, four freshman Congressmen servatives have pushed Nixon to the right; that the Ash­ (from Maine, California and Texas) spent a month at brook campaign was "one of the most successful political 's Kennedy Institute of Politics, learn­ operations conservatives have ever undertaken;" that the ing the ropes of congressional reLations. Anthony Harri­ argument that conservatives must take over the political gan, executive vice president of the Southern States In­ apparatus "from the bottom up" is wrong because polit- dustrial Council, finds it outrageous that a Texas Repub­ ical power in America "is almost always buil t from the lican (Alan Steelman) would want to "sit at the feet of top down;" and that conservatives have the necessary Harvard 'experts' on politics. The Harvard vision of ideas and programs to govern but that they have not push- .­ American needs and realities certainly is out of focus ed them hard enough. Bell contends that, "Conservatives ~ from the standpoint of the people of Texas." It is strange in America politics have been frustrated for decades, and ideological logic which asserts that Harvard is liberal, none of these frustrations were exceeded by the first therefore anyone who spends a month at Harvard must four years of Richard Nixon's presidency. But it is time be associating with all sorts of no-good-nik liberals, and for conservatives to realize that the situation has funda­ therefore is unfit to associate with his more conservative mentally altered." Rightward, ho!

26 Ripon Forum WHAT CAN YOU EXPECT FROM reason ? r--- SOMETHING NEW: THE TECHNOLOGY OF FREEDOM. ------,

REASON magazine is in its fourth year of regularly publishing from the libertarian point of view, a framework of strong beliefs: that free trade, capitalism, is the best and most powerful principle of social organization; that individuals free to produce, to own, and to trade, to learn, to know, and to discuss, constitute the strongest and most creative civilizations; that such free individuals, acting in a free market, can solve privately the problems which today are the excuse for (and the product of) big govern­ ment-and solve them better. Simply, we think that freedom is the answer to some very important questions. From the libertarian point of view, REASON discusses events and problems, contemporary and classical, in philosophy, economics, psychology, history, law, education, management, industry and politics, providing not merely a' libertarian interpretatiqn, but, more importantly, solutions. Devising methods of libertarian practice in personal and social affairs is the tech­ nology of freedom. This technology proves the real advantage of the liber­ tarian point of view. Every issue of R EASON features some aspect of it: Profiles and interviews focus on individuals whose work is important in advancing the technology (Nathaniel Branden, Harry Browne, Murray Roth­ bard, Mike Oliver); articles report on actual advances (contracts for public services, Ii~ertarian new-country projects); disciplined but imaginative arti­ cles suggest ways to make such advances (deregulation, "de-schooling," advertising for social change), or new intellectual perspectives which suggest altogether new approaches ("The PublIC Interest: Fact or Fraud?", "The Foundation of Freedom"); a Trends column reports on events of general interest, signifying progress toward libertarian alternatives. This is REASON's specialty. But we offer other features, also, including rousing letters to the editor, fascinating (and fruitful!) classified ads, Publisher's Notes, which consolidate information about both systematic growth and serendipity in the libertarian world, reviews of books and movies, broad access to goods and services through paid advertising to a readership of over 4000, and a sparkle of poetry. If our specialty and additional features sound congenial to you, consider REASON. We like to think that our magazine itself is part of the technology of freedom, and that part of that task is to stimulate, inform, upset, and delight our readers. Join us and see.

I I Enter my subscription to reas

March, 1973 27 u tendency to judge the judges primarily by their stands on matters of civil liberties. These qualifications aside, the book is probably the best integrated survey available at this DULY NOTED: BOOKS time. All moderate and liberal Republicans need to ponder the processes and events described, both to arm them­ selves against their future repetition, and in the interest • Six Presidents, Too Many 'Vars, by Bill Lawrence. of restoring what Sen. Edward Brooke, during the Haynes­ (Saturday Review Press, 1972, 307 pages, $10.00) Six worth debate, called, "the reverence on which the Court's Presidents, Too Many Wars is an inside look at Bill Law­ power is ultimately founded." Reviewed by William A. rence's rather bawdy, irreverent career. For instance, Koelsch. Lawrence remembers FDR's secret night journeys around • The Creative Interface: Private Enterprise and the the country to meet with world leaders and how the Urban Crisis, Vol. 3 in a series, edited by Robert Miller. White House staff gave them away by lowering the flag (The American University Center for the Study of Pri­ when FDR was leaving town. He also admits to some vate Enterprise, Washington, D.C., 1971, no price in­ "political romances" with presidential contenders Wendell dicated) The outgrowth of a series of lectures sponsor­ Willkie (1940) and Barry Goldwater (1964), as well 'as ed by Hill and Knowlton, Inc. on the topic of Business­ with two presidents, Franklin D. Roosevelt and John F. Government Relations, this volume features Saville Davis, Kennedy. It was with the latter that Lawrence, in this Chief of the Washington Bureau of the Christian Science reviewer's view, lost his usually solid newsman's objec­ Monitor; Donald Kendall, Chairman of the Board of Pep­ tivity. He credits Kennedy with~great accomplishments sico, Inc.; and , then Secretary of Com­ during the Cuban missile crisis, but brushes over the Bay merce. According to the series editor, the major contri­ of Pigs incident. While history has witnessed the enact­ bution of this volume is the identification of obstacles, ment of JFK's domestic program, it was done only constraints, and opportunities confronting a society seek­ after Lyndon Johnson became president. It is doubtful ing to overcome urban deterioration. The inability of that Kennedy, had he lived, could have moved Congress this volume to accomplish its mission is a telling testi­ to similar action. Lawrence does not try to gloss over mony of the state of urban progress today. Saville Davis, his personal biases. He was frankly surprised that Harry talking of "Planning for the 1970's," points out that the S. Truman was as good a president as he proved to be; Nixon Administration has decided in favor of private cap­ thought Dwight D. Eisenhower a mediocre man; casti­ ital to motor us to urban "nirvana," but graphically notes gated LBJ for military deceit surrounding the Vietnam the inability of the private sector to operate except at War; and never really had a solid rapport with Richard the urban margin. Factors such as black resistance to Nixon. More a political writer than a war correspondent, white "interference," the fragmented nature of govern­ Lawrence did report ,armed actions during World War ment and much inner-city industrial efforts, and ob­ II, and the Korean, Middle Eastern and Southern Asian durate labor unions are cited to make the point. Solu­ conflicts. His intimate reflections about important people tions call for a super development authority (U.D.C.?) sometimes seem pretentious. He always managed to with clout that will look at the world in a systematic be where major stories were happening - much to the way and encourage business/government to build satel­ chagrin of his competitors. Although not a humble man, lite cities. Urgency is singled out as the prime motivator he projected a disarming wit that made him quite popu­ to this coming together process. Kendall, outlining the lar with his peers. In a journalistic tenure that carried "Role of Business," starts with his interpretations of the him from Lincoln, Nebraska to United Press - for 20 Generation Gap (positive; they are involved), evolves to years a New York Times correspondent and finally to a Generational Alliance (we do not like decaying cities ABC - Bill Lawrence had his sources and did his job. either) and then embraces the consumer movement as Although he makes only casual reference to it, Lawrence a source of creative friction. The urban element resur­ was stricken with throat cancer in 1968. His book was faces again at the end when he cites the business sector's written prior to his death last year. To Lawrence's willingness to accept the challenge. (Remember the Sea­ credit, he seems neither sad nor sorry. Reviewed by Chuck bees? " ... the impossible takes a bit longer?") There is Slocum. little of substance here. Finally, Stans discusses "A Na­ tional Growth Policy," a topic which President Nixon • God Save This Honorable Court: The Supreme had addressed in a State of the Union message. The for­ Court Criols, by Louis W. Kohlmeier, Jr. (Charles mat is one of re-discovery of the urban deterioration Scribner's Sons, 1972, 309 pages, $7.95) Do you remem­ cycle: decline of central city importance, mass in-migra­ ber Homer Thornberry and Herschel Friday and Mildred tion of the poorly educated, out-migration of the middle­ L. Lillie? They are identified in this book, which is part­ class, etc. Stans is right in noting that a release of pop­ ly a "tract for the times" and partly a chilling review ulation pressures must be achieved as a way of releas­ of the processes and events which have reshaped the com­ ing tension in the city, but he does not really address the position and character of the Supreme Court during the lack of coordination of policies aimed at alleviating urban seven years from 1965 through the 1971-72 term. Ambas­ overgrowth. How to organize and govern in an era when sador Adlai Stevenson's sudden death in July 1965 open­ "Megalopolis" is a reality while providing for a business/ ed the Court to presidential cronyism when Justice Ar­ government partnership in this setting is not addressed. thur Goldberg resigned and made room for the hapless This is the most critical issue and its omission is sympto­ . Lyndon Johnson's hopes in the Fall of 1968 matic of our deepest national problem. Reviewed by Ralph of naming another old political crony and of elevating E. Thayer. Fortas to the Chief Justiceship were blasted under shady circumstances all around; not even Chief Justice Earl • The Running of Richard Nixon, by Leonard Lurie. Warren, for whom otherwise the author has nothing but (Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, Inc., 1972, 390 pages, admiration, looks good in this episode. But worse, fol­ $19.00) One does not have to like Richard Nixon to dis- lowed the sequence of nominations of Judges Warren like Leonard Lurie's book about Richard Nixon. Lurie's Burger, Clement Haynesworth, G. Harrold Carswell, and conclusion regarding Nixon's character - "He is just Harry A. Blackmun for Supreme Court posts. The events, what he appears to be, a sad, lonely, morally bankrupt the pressures,and the memorable quotes about mediocri­ man, who trusts no one, knows that pain comes from all ty are recounted with damning intensity. The cheap gut­ directions and would rather be somewhere else. We meet ter politics played by the President of the United States such people everyday, but not in the White House" - is and his attorney general during the Carswell affair were pablum compared to the vitriol Lurie spews out in the continued in repeated attacks on the Warren Court, and rest of his book. Hardly a fact escapes Lurie's pen with- it is clear that Nixon and Mitchell had every intention out psychological analysis. The author cannot quite resist of replacing Justices and John M. Harlan the temptation to paint horns on Nixon in every para­ with a pair of unqualified appointees. Kohlmeier details graph - lest we forget the abysmally low esteem in which t the inside story of the improbable circumstances which Lurie holds his subject. And though Lurie's sarcasm oc­ brought us Justices Louis Powell and casionally rings with deadly accuracy and his analysis instead, giving Nixon - at ruinous cost - the kind of occasionally reveals a hidden motive, the cumulative ef- ideological core he had desired from the first. Kohlmeier's fect of the book is somewhat revolting - making The book is marred by an uncertain grasp of the Court's ear­ Running of Richard Nixon something to run away from. lier history, by a somewhat rhetorical epilogue, and by Reviewed by Dick Behn.

2~ Ripon Forum • So Help Me God, by Robert S. Alley. (John Knox titude studies of the "poor" have been made in the past, Press, 160 pages, 1972, $4.95) Alley's thesis is that pres­ but Goodwin's book appears to be the latest word in idential actions are motivated by religious beliefs. The refinement of the art. The author has done a scholarly author defines the Congregational-Unitarian tradition as job of demonstrating - from the responses of welfare "goal oriented," Calvinism as fitting the ethicist's category mothers, sons and fathers - that the poor identify self­ of legalism, ·and the Anglican-Catholic tradition as "sit­ esteem with work no less than the "non-poor." Some uation ethics." Using such categories, Alley analyzes the other predictable conclusions also emerge from the data: actions of Presidents from Wilson to Nixon, focusing on One, that the limited work opportunities of blacks re­ foreign policy with particular emphasis on communism. fiect unfavorably on their level of "confidence." Two, the While the account is somewhat marred by the author's auspicious finding that work "orientations" are related bias, it is nonetheless provoking. When read in conjunc­ to past experiences in the work force as well as to basic tion with such products as Garry Wills's Nixon Agonistes, personal outlooks. With all due gratitude to the progeni­ it makes for fascinating speculation regarding President tors of such studies (such as the Brookings Institution), Nixon's possible motivations. Its obvious contribution is the usefulness of the exercise must be questioned. Do a unique analysis of religious tradition and its impact such stu:lies ask important questions or provide useful on the holder of the world's most powerful office. Review­ answers? Indeed, does any such basically static attitude ed by Dean Lapham. analysis really contribute to the cause of practical under­ • The Ponce and The Community, edited by Robert F. standing (particularly when the results are offered with­ Steadman of the Committee for Economic Development. out the standard disclaimers of public opinion pollsters (Johns HopkinS University Press, 112 pages, 1972, $2.25) In who know that attitudes are subject to change)? Pub­ this three-part study of the role of law enforcement in lished under the mantle of "science," such books give the urban America, Bernard Garmire, Miami police chief, discipline a suspect image. It was under the mantle of doubts that today's policeman can be both a crime fighter "science" that the Coleman Report popularized the idea and community relations specialist; Jesse Rubin, psy­ that student achievement was unquestionably correlated chiatrist, comments on the unique personality traits that with school integration. And yet with the passage of time, go into making up a good policeman and discusses how and the growth of "middle class" black schools, doubts present recruiting, testing and training methods can be have arisen about the veracity of the Coleman findings. improved to match the man with his role; and James Q. It may well be that creative social analysis simply can­ Wilson, Harvard political scientist, discusses the hostili­ not be performed througll' interpretive attitude surveys. ty felt by many ghetto residents toward police because But social scientists, caught up with their concern for of real or imagined instances of repression or discrimina­ laying empirical foundations for their work, have been tion and the simultaneous desire of law abiding ghetto reluctant to confront the issue. After all, surveys permit residents for more police protection. The frustration ex­ a social scientist to quantify something, enabling him to perienced by police, in attempting to cope with such con­ construct a myriad of tables and flow diagrams just like flicting attitudes, generates within them an uncertainty the natural scientist. But if the end result is nothing about their role in the community and serves to further more than the conclusion that the poor want to work, but isolate them from the people. Chief Garmire's sugges­ they will not want to quite so much if they try it and tion to reorganize police departments by separating the do not succeed, then the effort is impressive but waste­ community service function from the law enforcement ful. As Pavlov told George Bernard Shaw when Shaw as­ function merits serious attention. Community relations serted that Pavlov's dogs were only doing what one would specialists, psychologically equipped and specifically ed­ expect them to do: "Yes, but now it is science." Review­ ucated and trained for this role, would carry out the com­ ed by Frederic R. Kellogg. munity service function, which now occupies an esti­ • The Bosses, by Alfred Steinberg. (Macmillan Co., 379 mated two-thirds of all police time. These specialists pages, 1972, $8.95) The participants in the Watergate epi­ would live within their assigned community, would be sode may have helped further blacken the already tarnish­ unarmed, probably would not wear uniforms and might ed name of "politics," but Watergate pales by compari­ or might not have powers of arrest. Such a reorganiza­ son to some of the more egregious deeds of Frank tion would probably require the expenditure of substan­ Hague (Jersey City), James Curley (Boston), Ed Crump tial additional funds, but when one considers the present (Memphis), Huey Long (Louisiana), Tom Pendergast social cost of crime, perhaps this is the place to spend it. (Kansas City) and Gene Talmadge (Georgia). These men Reviewed by Harlan L. Gronewold. rose to their pinnacles of perverse power during the 1920's • Men Behind Bars, by Stan Opotowsky. (Pinnacle and 1930's, an era which Steinberg says was unequalled Books,191 pages,1972, $.95) Despite the resemblance of the as an age when "local bosses were collectively more pow­ book's title to an X-rated movie, Opotowsky does a credible erful and debilitating to democratic principles." Although job of identifying the conflicting pressures which afflict all of Steinberg's "bosses" are Democrats, Republicans America's correctional systems. In his conclusion, he were not unrepresented in the pre-Depression and De­ says, "The truth is that society is still floundering about pression era. Chicago Mayor "Big Bill" Thompson con­ trying to determine just what to do with a convicted nived with Al Capone and once told a campaign rally criminal. It fluctuates from theories of rehabilitation to "They call you lowbrows and hoodlums. They call me that' theories of incarceration for p\Ulishment to theories of too. We lowbrows have to stick together. Look who'~ incarceration as a deterrent to theories of incarceration against us." Even after Watergate, the shenanigans of simply to get the criminal out of the way." Ironically, the "bosses" seem slightly unreal: Crump's importation many of the reforms that have been instituted in "cor­ of black voters from Mississippi and to vote in . Memphis elections, Curley's fisticuffs with the out­ rections" over the centuries have since been judged bla­ gomg governor on his own inaugural day, the practice tantly inhumane. But because society has refused to de­ of one Pendergast aide of "stuffing" voting lines to dis­ cide what it expects from its prisons, prisons remain in­ courage legitimate voters, Long's kidnapping of two men humane and senseless. Although Opotowsky focuses on who threatened to sue.llim for breaking up their mar­ many scandalous situations in American prisons, he does riages. Their disregard for the law was brazen. When a so without maudlin sentimentality and indiscriminate state senator threw a book at Long during a debate in damnation of prison staffs. He understands that as long the Louisiana legislature, he yelled, "Maybe you've heard as the nation continues to lock up its problems and neg­ of this book. It's the constitution of the state of Louis­ lect them, it will continue to have worse problems when iana." Retorted Long, "I'm the constitution around they are released. Reviewed by Dick Behn. here." But perhaps the most distressing aspect of the • Do the Poor want to Work?' A Social Psychological "bosses" political power was its extension to the state and Study of Work Orientations, by Leonard Goodwin. (Brook­ national arenas. Deprived of a spot on his own state's ings Institution, 180 pages, 1972, $6.50) The principle les­ delegation to the 1932 Demo::ratic National Convention son to be learned from Leonard Goodwin's recent book, Do Curley shocked his fellow Massachusetts Democrats whe~ the Poor Want to Work, is not about the poor, but rather was called on a rollcall. "Puerto Rico - why the book should have been written at all and what it Chairman Alcalde Jaime Miguel Curleo. Puerto Rico casts implies for the contributions of modern social science to its six votes for Franklin Delano Roosevelt," shouted back social policy-making. The book is essentially a boiled­ Curley. As brashful as was their influence, the "bosses" down summary of findings from a questionnaire cir­ were spectacularly ·resourceful and inventive. Steinberg culated widely among welfare families. Similar work-at- does them justice. Reviewed by Dick Behn.

March, 1973 29 Fifth Column I wish to reply to your recent editorial in the FORUM LETTERS newsletter (January 15, 1973) in which you implied that President Nixon deserved to be opposed on his handling of the peace negotiations and impliedly praised Repub­ Journalists licans who opposed him. Representative Charles W. Whalen, Jr.'s excellent I also felt that the resumption of bombing was a guest editorial (February 1973 FORUM) on the plig~t mistake at first. But I realized quickly that it had suc­ of journalists who are asked in Court .to rev~al theIr ceeded in bringing the North Vietnamese to the bargain­ confidential sources is marred by one sIgnificant maccura­ ing table; and to a bargain much more favorable than cy. Representative Whalen mistakenly. states: October's, as pointed out by columnist William White in "Journalists have sought protection from the the Boston Herald-American on J·anuary 26. judicial branch of government, but it has not The problem is that a Fifth Column, successfully, ir­ been granted. Reporters were denied a testimo­ responsibly, and entirely anti-Americanly playing on the nial privilege in the courts in virtually every in­ legitimate fears of war and disgust at its mis-management stance - and the few cases in recent years which and victory-Iessness that all Americans felt, succeeded ruled that information could be protected have in generating the idea that most Americans had sudden­ been rendered moot by the Supreme Court's de­ ly turned against their great commitment to world free­ cision of June 29, 1972. ~BrWlZburg v. Hayes, 40 dom, to America's guarantees around the world, and to U.S.L.W. 5025, U.S. June 29, 1972)." our noble purpose of protecting those who support free­ A recent decision of the United States Court of Ap­ dom everywhere. But this is not so. Those Americans who peals for the Second Circuit, Baker v. F & F Investment wanted the war to end (the Fifth Column excepted) did (decided December 7, 1972, after the Branzburg decision~, not feel that this war was helping us to gain those ends. has upheld a journalist's right to refuse to reveal hIS They have heard the Boston Globe and the media tell source. After extensive discussion of the Branzburg de­ them for so long that this war was just a series of My cision Judge Kaufman concluded: Lai massacres and Tet failures that they came to feel it '''Compelled disclosure of confidential sources should just be ended, period. unquestionably threatens a journalist's ability to But our Presidei'l1l. I see now, knew better. He knew secure information that is made available to him we could win a peace which would make future aggressors only on a confidential basis - and the District think twice about invading a nation under our protec­ Court so found. The deterrent effect such disclo­ tion. He gave pause to the leader.;; of Egypt and Syria; sure is likely to have upon future 'undercover' a secon::! thought to the Russians and Cubans and Chile­ investigative reporting, the dividends of which ans. In doing so, our President guaranteed that peace are revealed in articles such as Balk's, threatens might endure for a while. Under the Fifth Column's form freedom of the press and the public's need of "peace," there would be no end to our sons' dying, to be informed. It thereby undermines values anywhere, everywhere, futilely. which traditionally have been protected by fed­ Thank God for the courage of our Republican Pres­ eral courts applying federal public policy." ident, Richard M. Nixon! * .. til J. MICHAEL FREEDBERG "It is ·axiomatic, and a principle fundamental Roxbury, Massachusetts to our constitutional way of life, that where the press remains free so too will a people remain free. Freedom of the press may be stilled by Nostalgia direct or, more subtly, by indirect restraints. Happily the First Amendment tolerates neither, I read with interest and some nostalgia the com­ absent ~ concern so compelling as to override mentaries with regard to the first ten years of the Society the precious rights of freedom of speech and the in the December 1972 issue. They seem to accurately re­ press. We find no such compelling concern in flect the underlying dilemma of attempting to operate this case. Accordingly, it is our view that the Dis­ within the existing rules of the political game while at­ trict Court properly exercised its discretion in tempting to draw new strength from a constituency of refusing to order Mr. Balk to disclose the iden­ graduate students and young professionals who are more tity of his journalistic source." and more turned off by that system. However, I was The Baker case involved different facts from Branz­ somewhat disturbed by the emphasis that Lee Huebner burg, and cannot take the place of a clear pronouncement gave to acting as a gadfly to the intellectual establish­ from Congress, but its broad ruling and reasoning in­ ment. It sounds like the Society would be sitting around dicates that journalists have not been left completely un­ trading points with Norman Cousins and Irving Kristo!. protected by the Courts. Given a limited amount of resources, one must play in the big g·ame of power, not the impotent game of scholas­ MARTIN I. KAMINSKY ticism. The promotion of research proposals of SUbstance New York, New York that put forth the basic Republican and Ripon philoso­ phy of providing opportunities for individual initiative, and the breakup of large centers of government and cor­ Premature porate power will always contain critiques of traditional Perhaps it may seem a bit premature to start wor­ liberalism. But it is only at this level of promoting viable rying about the presidential election of 1976, but it seems issues and arguing -against the old solutions, liberal and to me if we are concerned about the future of this par­ conservative alike, that the Society can continue to at­ ty we must start soon. tract new members on the campuses and strike its strong­ est blow against "reflexible liberalism." Power is the I believe we should soon choose a candidate to rep­ name of the game and no one wants to spend his limited resent the moderate-liberal wing of the party and work energy arguing academic points. for his election. It seems to me that the person who best Perhaps the above is unfair to Lee (Huebner), who represents this group, regardless of his age, is Gov. Nelson does stress the necessary relationship between research A. Rockefeller of New York. I believe Gov. Rockefeller and politics. But the need to play in the big game strikes to be the ablest man for the Republican nomination be­ me as particularly important, viewing from a country cause of his wide appeal to members of the Republican where political control is in the hands of the military Party. What is equally important is his high appeal to who have Iargely delegated the development of the coun­ a large portion of Democratic and independent voters, try to the macro-economists. We should be happy that as has been demonstrated in his elections for governor the United States has not reached the stage where the of New York. This is extremely important because the academic community is of overwhelming importance for Democratic Party and pel'Sons who are independents make the det.ermination of policy. Until that point is reached, up greater than two-thirds of the American electorate. the Society must continue to play the game where it is. LARRY RIECK SAMUEL A. SHERER Astoria, Oregon Jakarta, Indonesia

30 Ripon Forum • "You are cordially invited not to attend the din­ ner in honor of Martlu A. Linsky which will not be held at the Brookline High School Gymnasium on the night 14a ELIOT STREET of the next severe snowstorm," reads the front page of the invitation. It continues, "Gov. Francis W. Sargent will not deliver a brief address discussing his running mate • For the benefit of any Ripon-type who is still try­ for Lt. Governor." Fr. Bobert Drinan is listed on the ing to keep track of the organizational ch·anges taking Linsky invitation as the man "who will not give the in­ place within the Society, Mike MacLeod has assumed the vocation." The non-dinner is Linsky's contribution to responsibilities of "national director," based in our Wash­ fund-raising gimmicks and an innovation that is required ington office. Prior to joining our staff on February 12, because of a $58,000 campaign debt. Unli'ke some political Mike was assistant for congressional relations at HUD dinners, this "dinner" is not by invitation only. The and a special assistant to Sen. Robert Griffin (R-Michi­ "invitation" instructs those interested in "attending" to gan). Be sure to tune in next month for another exciting have contributions "visit" Linsky for Congress, 88 Need­ episode of "The Reorganization of Ripon." ham Street, Newton, Massachusetts. • Congressmen WOllam Cohen (R-Maine) and Joel Pritchard (R-Wash.) were guests of the Washington, D.C. • Joel Goldstein, a 28-year-Old assistant professor at Chapter at a February 20 meeting. the University of Louisville, filed on Wednesday, February • As a result of Richard Bahn's appointment as 7 for the RepUblican nomination for ward eight alderman. Ripon's in-office wizard, he has relinquished his NGB slot Goldstein is presently precinct captain of the eighth ward from the New York Chapter to Martha Ferry, an execu­ and president of the Metro Republican Club. tive at American Express. Rahn will become an at-large member, as will Berna Gorenstein,another New Yorker who serves on Gov. 's staff as Ii re­ THE RIPON SOCIETY, INC. is a Republican research searcher. . policy organization whose members are young busmess, academic and professional men and • Under Richard Bahn's reorganization of the 14a women. It has natlonal headquarters in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Eliot Street office, Deborah Bowen will henceforth have chapters in sixteen cities, National Associate members thraugheut the title of "office manager," with all the duties and re­ t~e fifty .states, and several affiliated groups of subchapter status. 1 he Soclety lS supported by chapter dues. individual contribu­ sponsibilities attendant thereto. Vicky Golden will be the tions and revenues from its publications and contract work. The "administrative assistant and sometime administrative as­ Society offers the following options for annual contribution: Con­ sistant to the editor." Miss Golden will be principally in­ tributor $25 or more, Sustainer $100 or more; Founder $1000 or volved in the "politics" side of the FORUM. They keep the more. Inquiries about membership and chapter organization should same desks in the office. be addressed to the National EXecutive Director. • The New Jersey Chapter recently elected new of­ NATIONAL GOVERNING BOARD ficers. They are: John Brotschol, president; Marc Zell, Officers 'Hon Speed, President vice president; AI Felzenberg, executive director; Nancy "Paul F. Anderson, ChClirman of the Bocud Miller, secretary-treasurer; Harry K.I1ne, vice president 'Patricia A. Goldman, ChClirman of the Executive Committee of politics; Evalynn Hyra, membership chairman; Everett "Howard L. Reiter, Vice President Post, finance chairman; Jeff Mockler, campus co-ordina­ 'Richard E. Beeman, Vice Preeident of Finance & Treasurer tor; Blchard Zimmer, publicity; and Blchard Poole, con­ 'Edward W. Miller, Secretary stitutional chairman. Emmet John Hughes, journalist, for­ Boston PiHsburgh 'Martha Reardon ·Murray Dickman mer speech writer and administrative assistant to Pres­ Martin A. Linsky lames Groninger ident Dwight D. Eisenhower, and author of The ordeal Michael W. Christian Bruce Guenther Cambridge of Power, spoke at the Chapter's February meeting. Joel P. Greene • At a recent meeting, members of the Nashville 'Bob Stewart Seattle Chapter heard Dortch Oldham expound his feelings on Gus Southworth 'Tom Alberg_ Chicago Mason D. Morissat the future direction of Tennessee state government. Old­ 'I ared Kaplan ham has been suggested as a candidate for governor in A. Richard Taft Washington 1974. He was finance chairman for the 1972 senatorial Tomas Russell Detroit 'Alice Tetelman campaign of Sen. Howard Baker, Jr. ·Dennis Gibson Larry Finkelstein • Dr. WlUlam A. Koelsch has become a contributing Stephen Selander Willie Leftwich Mary E. Low editor to the FORUM. Dr. Koelsch is an associate pro­ Hartford At Large fessor of history and geography at Clark University as Nicholas Norton ·'Josiah Lee Auspltz well as the University archivist. ·Stewart H. McConaughy "Christoper T. Bayley Los Angeles Christopher W. Beal • Lee W. Huebner, former Ripon president, has been ·Michael Halliwell Robert L. Beal named a special ,assistant to the President. Huebner was Thomas A. Brown Robert D. Behn Edward McAnlff "Michael Brewer formerly a White House speech writer. According to the Memphis Jan Bridges announcement made by White House Press Secretary Ron "Linda Miller Ralph Caprio Ziegler, Huebner will "continue to be one of the Presi­ William D. Whitten " dent's key writers and will serve as associate director of Jerry Katz Pamela Curtis Minneapolis Robert W. Davidson the (editorial) department." Under the White House re­ ·John Cairns Evelyn F. Ellis organization, the writing and research staff has been re­ lim Manahan Al Fe1zenberg titled the "editorial department," and will be headed by Kati Sasse ville Glenn Gerstell Nashville "Howard F. Gillette, Jr. David B. Gergen. 'Leonard Dunavan! Bema Gerenstein • Ripon president Ron Speed has announced with the Dru Smith Ralph J. Heikkinen Bill Gibbons "Lee W. Huebner usual regrets that he has accepted the resignation of New Haven Philip C. Johnston Ripon political director Daniel J. Swllldnger. (Mr. Swil­ 'Peter V. Baugher William J. Kllberg linger'·s departure was predicted before the re-election Jeffrey Miller Judith R. Lumb "John Brotschol Ralph Loomis of President Nixon in November and the election of Mr. New Jersey "J. Eugene Marana Speed in December ·and is therefore considered to be an ·Richard Zimmer Tanya Mellch unrelated development.) Swillinger will become assistant Nancy Miller Don Meyer Melvin Ditman '·John R. Price, Jr. dean of the College of Law at in New York "John S. SalomN III Columbus. His appointment will become effective July l. Martha Ferry Daniel J. Swillinger In the interim, Swillinger will conduct a fact-finding tour Richard Rahn Leah Thayer Richard Scanlan Chris Topping of Europe. Presumably, he will be counting Republicans Philadelphia "Peter Wallison to determine if expatriates have been under-represented 'Robert J. Moss R. Quincy Wnite in the 1976 delegate-allocation formula. William Horton Lyndon 1'..5. Wilson Ex-Officio At Large 'Michael MacLeod, National Director Correction "Richard W. Rahn, Managing Director On page 24 of the January FORUM, William J. Small 'Robert Gulick, Counsel should be credited as the author of Poldtlcal Power and 'Clair W. Rodgers. Jr., Counsel 'National Executive Committee Member the Press and Robert Stein should be credited as the "Past President. ChClirman of the Board. or ChClirman of the author of Media Power: Who is Shaping' Your Picture of Executive Committee the World?'

March,1973 31 r

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32 Ripon F07um