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Westminsterresearch WestminsterResearch http://www.westminster.ac.uk/research/westminsterresearch Housing and neighbourhood development plans: an initial assessment of opportunities and impact of the Localism Act 2011 in England Nick Bailey School of Architecture and the Built Environment This is an electronic version of a research report prepared by Professor Nicholas Bailey of the University of Westminster and is reprinted here with permission. Copyright remains with the author. The WestminsterResearch online digital archive at the University of Westminster aims to make the research output of the University available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the authors and/or copyright owners. Users are permitted to download and/or print one copy for non-commercial private study or research. Further distribution and any use of material from within this archive for profit-making enterprises or for commercial gain is strictly forbidden. Whilst further distribution of specific materials from within this archive is forbidden, you may freely distribute the URL of WestminsterResearch: (http://westminsterresearch.wmin.ac.uk/). In case of abuse or copyright appearing without permission e- mail [email protected] Housing and Neighbourhood Development Plans: An Initial Assessment of Opportunities and Impact of the Localism Act 2011 in England. ABSTRACT The Localism Act 2011 created an opportunity for local communities to form Neighbourhood Forums and to prepare their own Neighbourhood Development Plans in urban and rural areas in England. Initial reactions suggested that, rather than leading to the development of more housing, these initiatives would confirm all the stereotypes of local residents blocking unwanted development in their defined neighbourhoods. However, neighbourhood plans need to be in general conformity with the Core Strategies of higher-tier plans and have to undergo an examination by an independent person appointed by government. This paper discusses the role and purpose of neighbourhood plans and the evidence base on which they are founded. It then reviews the ways in which housing strategies and evidence of need are reflected in a sample of plans which have been adopted to date. It concludes with an assessment of the broader impact of neighbourhood plans on the planning process. Nick Bailey, University of Westminster, London. [email protected] Introduction The creation of the Coalition Government in the UK after the general election in 2010 resulted in a commitment to reorganise the planning system in England and to attempt to achieve two (possibly conflicting) objectives. The Government’s aims were to centralise, reinforce, or in some cases relax, controls on some aspects in order to promote more development, while also devolving other powers down to the local community level. This was at a time of extreme financial austerity following the economic recession and crisis of the banks in 2007-08 which particularly affected Europe and the USA (see for example Glinavos, 2014). The initial statement, Our Programme for Government, set out the second objective thus: The government believes it is time for a fundamental shift of power from Westminster to people. We will promote decentralisation and democratic engagement and we will end the era of top-down government by giving new powers to local councils, communities, neighbourhoods and individuals. (Cabinet Office, 2010, 11). In pursuing these dual objectives the government instituted a series of often ad hoc changes to many policy areas within the context of a severe reduction in public spending. For example, in the Comprehensive Spending Review of 2010 local government revenue spending was cut by 26% up to 2015 and capital spending by 45% (Clarke and Cochrane, 1013, 12). In the field of planning, one of the first acts of the Secretary of State was to issue a letter revoking regional spatial strategies (DCLG, 2010), introduced under the Labour Government in 2004. One of the key functions of these strategies was to provide housing targets for local authorities. This abolition was subsequently formalised in the Localism Act (HM Government, 2011), whereby a ‘duty to co-operate’ between local authorities was included, for example in meeting their housing needs through negotiation with adjoining councils. 1 The growing shortage of both affordable and open market housing, particularly in London and the South East, is reflected in rapidly escalating house prices and private sector rents. The number of dwellings constructed reached a low point in 2009 and by 2012 the number of completions at 115,600 units in England was about half the estimate for the number of new homes needed. Detailed advice on how to increase the supply of housing was issued to local authorities through the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF) (DCLG, 2012a, 12-14). Two particular provisions in this document required local authorities to ‘objectively assess needs for market and affordable housing’ and to extend previous requirements to ’identify five years’ supply of specific deliverable sites’ and ‘with an additional buffer of 5%’ (DCLG, 2012a, 12). In order to provide a further incentive to encourage house building, the New Homes Bonus was introduced in February 2011, whereby local authorities are paid a grant for each additional unit constructed over a period of six years at a total estimated cost of over £1 billion (DCLG, 2011a). On the face of it these policy changes represented a continuation of the top-down, centralising approaches of previous governments, while at the same time Ministers asserted the primacy of local- decision-making (Hambleton, 2011). They also reaffirmed the significance of the neighbourhood as a focus for planning and service delivery (Kearns and Parkinson, 2001; Bailey and Pill, 2011). To this end, a series of provisions incorporated in the Localism Act were designed to ‘empower communities’, ‘increase local control of public finance’ and ‘to strengthen accountability to local people’ (Clarke and Cochrane, 2013, 19). Key elements of this legislation are the provisions relating to the establishment of neighbourhood forums and the right of local representatives to prepare neighbourhood development plans. This followed on from the unfunded and ill-defined commitment to promote the ‘Big Society’; an idea designed to fill the void of the shrinking state sector in a period of financial austerity (Kisby, 2010). As previously noted, the commitment to localism was enshrined in the Coalition Government’s original agreement (Cabinet Office, 2010), but also reflected past initiatives towards greater community participation being debated by the previous Labour Government. Concepts such as double devolution had been raised by David Miliband when Communities Minister in proposing ‘the double devolution of power from the central government to local government, and from local government to citizens and communities’ (Miliband, 2006), but were never fully implemented. A later White Paper (DCLG 2008) sought to make local government more accountable and to empower citizens and communities to play a bigger role in decision-making at the local level. A number of recommendations had been implemented by the time of the 2010 General Election but draft legislation was abandoned before the general election of May 2010. The Coalition Government’s recognition of the need for decentralisation therefore drew on both previous initiatives and potentially conflicting political philosophies. As Clarke and Cochrane note ‘A set of overlapping and contradictory political meanings clusters around the notion of localism’ (2013, 10). 2 The promotion of localism was at least partly a reflection of the Conservative Party’s commitment to the parish councils of the shires, which tend seek greater influence over planning decisions, and the Liberal Democrat adherence to pavement politics and self-help in urban areas. Until 2011 the main commitment to decentralisation was represented by civil parish councils which were most evident in rural areas (although these can be called urban or city councils in larger settlements) (Gallent and Robinson, 2012). They were first established under the Local Government Act of 1894 although district and unitary authorities can now designate civil parish councils under the Local Government and Rating Act 1997. Since 2008 the power to create new parishes and parish councils, to alter parish boundaries, to dissolve parish councils and to abolish parishes has been devolved to district, unitary and London Borough councils. This is progressed through a ‘community governance review’. Civil parish councils can also seek approval from the local authority to prepare a neighbourhood plan. Rather than building on the well-tried model of the civil parish council, the Localism Act makes provision for the setting up of neighbourhood forums in both urban and rural areas where no parish council exists. The local authority in each case is given powers to designate appropriate neighbourhood areas and to approve the formation of a neighbourhood forum. The legislation stipulates that each forum should have a minimum of 21 members drawn from those who live or work in the area, with the addition of elected members from higher tier authorities. The main power given to approved neighbourhood forums is the right to prepare their own neighbourhood development plan. In addition, forums can seek approval for a Neighbourhood Development Order which enables them to approve certain kinds of development
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