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Domitia Longina: an Underestimated Augusta (C. 53-126/8)*

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Domitia Longina: an Underestimated Augusta (C. 53-126/8)* DOMITIA LONGINA: AN UNDERESTIMATED AUGUSTA (C. 53-126/8)* Abstract: The article considers Domitia Longina’s long life, espe- cially the first forty years during which she was continually faced with tragedy, much of it associated with her marriage to Domitian. She emerged with a blighted reputation and abundant adverse criticism from the ancient authors. By systematically examining the evidence relating to Domitia: the literature, epigraphy and the iconography on coins, statues and miniature portraits, the article presents a woman who was strong and resolute in adversity. A re-classification of her portraiture reveals a Third Portrait Type of a post-Domitian Domitia, a woman still held in high regard and adaptable to change. INTRODUCTION Domitia Longina was the last of the Julio-Claudians and the Flavians. In 81, within weeks of his accession, her husband Domitian made her Augusta in recognition of her importance to the Flavian succession.1 She survived the assassination of her husband in 96 and remained Augusta through the reigns of the next two emperors, Nerva and Trajan, and for the first decade of Hadrian’s reign2 until her death c. 126/8. She was Augusta for forty-five years and for over half of that time the only impe- rial lady to hold that title.3 Domitia suffered many personal tragedies, tremendous grief, and serious allegations of misbehaviour. She was * I am indebted to Dr. Frederik J. Vervaet for his suggestion that I include the long- lived Domitia Longina in my study of Trajanic and Hadrianic Imperial Ladies, an inclu- sion that has proven worthwhile in revealing other aspects of this remarkable woman’s life. I should especially like to thank Emeritus Professor Ronald Ridley, Dr. Christopher Dart and Dr. Frederik Vervaet for their steadfast encouragement and generous scholarly advice, and my sister Elspeth Joyce for her valuable contributions. 1 Dom. 3. Fifty-three imperial women received this honour, Domitia was possibly the tenth; Stevenson (1964) 99. Livia did not receive this honour from Augustus during his lifetime, but was granted it in his will: Tac. Ann. 1.8; Suet. Aug. 101.2; Dio 56.46.1; Hahn (2005) 738-739. An Augusta transmitted dynastic power: Flory (1988) 115. 2 Domitian (PIR² D 181, Stein); Raepsaet-Charlier (1987) 327; Eder (2004) 634. 3 Domitia was Augusta with Julia Titi for six years from 81 to 87, alone for seventeen years from 88 to 105 when Marciana and Plotina accepted the honour. From 105 after the death of Marciana, Domitia shared the honour of the title with Plotina and Salonia ­Matidia for seventeen years. After the deaths of these two imperial ladies, Domitia was once again the only Augusta from 122 until her death in 126/8, or until Sabina became Augusta in 128. Ancient Society 45, 205-266. doi: 10.2143/AS.45.0.3110548 © 2015 by Ancient Society. All rights reserved. 98256.indb 205 9/11/15 14:35 206 T.E. FRASER often in grave danger. Yet she also experienced great popularity and her iconography is a clear indication of her strength, adaptability, and reso- lution in the face of adversity. This paper will show how remarkable the survival of Domitia Augusta was, especially through a new interpreta- tion of her portraiture, which suggests that even post-Domitian she con- tinued to have an active life and even a limited public rôle. As such, it will demonstrate how through a comprehensive analysis of Domitia’s life, her representation in ancient literature and iconography on coins, statues and busts that a more accurate understanding of her can be constructed. THE STATE OF EXISTING SCHOLARSHIP Modern scholarship discussing the official position, life and public rep- resentations of Domitia Longina varies enormously from general publi- cations on the imperial women by such authors as McDermott and Orentzel, Setälä and Burns,4 to more thorough biographies of the emperor Domitian by Jones and Morelli that include detailed and useful sections interpreting the rôle of his wife.5 In addition there are a number of excellent articles, most notably by Syme, Castritius, Vinson, Varner, Chausson, Vervaet, Hidalgo de la Vega,6 all of which, with the excep- tion of Morelli,7 have provided short biographical sketches or discus- sions of particular issues related to Domitia. Syme (1958) was the first of the modern scholars to consider Domi- tia’s pedigree,8 which Chausson (2003) expanded upon, recognising the enormous advantages she would bring into a marriage with the Flavians,9 and thus providing a background for her life. In an unfortunate attempt to assess her character Syme (1970) is perhaps too harsh, describing her as “an arrogant woman, not unworthy of her grandfather, the rancorous senator from the back country of a confederate Italia” and whose father’s 4 McDermott & Orentzel (1979); Setälä (2002); Burns (2007). 5 Jones (1992) and Morelli (2014). 6 Syme (1958, 1970, 1981, 1982/3, 1983, 1991); Castritius (1969), also in Temporini (2002); Vinson (1989); 513-540; Varner (1995); Vervaet (1999, 2000, 2002, 2003); Chausson (2003); Hidalgo de la Vega (2003). 7 Morelli (2010). This requires a closer examination of Varner’s classification of Domitia’s portraiture. 8 Syme (1958) 560-561; (1970) 34-37. 9 Chausson (2003) 110. 98256.indb 206 9/11/15 14:35 DOMITIA LONGINA: AN UNDERESTIMATED AUGUSTA (C. 53-126/8) 207 cousin Vistilia was “frank and shameless.”10 Chausson (2003) considers the teenage Domitia to have been a scheming young woman intent on snaring Domitian. While McDermott and Orentzel (1976) and Burns (2007) accept without question many of the salacious anecdotes in the ancient sources relating to Domitia and Julia Titi,11 Vinson (1989) offers an alternative interpretation of such ancient rumours, maintaining that the vilification of imperial women was a deliberate ploy to destroy their reputations and that of the emperor,12 Hidalgo de la Vega (2003) links this invective not only to Domitian’s behaviour, but also to the anxiety of the Senate over the possibility of reliving the terrible effect of succes- sion passing through the female line. Morelli (2010) in his investigation into the demise of the Flavian dynasty also recognises the importance of the Senate, their dwindling support for Domitian and his lack of an heir. He suggests that Domitia’s failure in this regard encouraged her to plot against her husband. More recently Morelli (2014) has benefitted from further work by Vervaet in understanding Domitia predominantly as a political pawn in serious dynastic issues. Other modern authors, such as Townend (1961), and Castritius (1969, 2002), and particularly Vervaet (2000), paint a broader picture, showing how her family, their connec- tions and political alliances played an important part in Domitia’s life.13 Many modern scholars have written about Roman women in art such as Wegner, Daltrop, Hausmann, Bieber, Fittschen, Zanker, Kleiner, Matheson, Alexandridis and Fejfer,14 but none has written exclusively on the coinage of the imperial ladies. Chausson (2003), while giving the most detailed analysis of Domitia’s life and ancestry based on the liter- ary, epigraphic and archaeological evidence, unfortunately includes no discussion of the iconographical evidence of her coins and statuary, whereas Varner (1995) provides a glimpse of the woman and the politi- cal scene behind her different types of portraiture.15 McDermott and 10 This Vistilia was the niece of Corbulo’s mother, also Vistilia: Syme (1970) 27-39. 11 For instance, rumours related by Suetonius (Dom. 21, 22) that Domitia had an affair with the actor Paris, and also that Julia was seduced by Domitian after her marriage, both during her father Titus’ lifetime and after the deaths of Titus and her husband (T. Flavius Sabinus). McDermott & Orentzel (1979); Burns (2007). 12 Indeed, Burns does not reference Vinson (1989) 431-450, in Chapter 5 of Great Women of Imperial Rome. 13 Townend (1961) 54-62; Castritius (1969) 492-502; Castritius in Temporini (2002) 164-186; Vervaet (2000) 95-113. 14 Wegner (1956); Daltrop e.a. (1966); Bieber (1977); Fittschen & Zanker (1983); Kleiner and Matheson (2000); Alexandridis (2004); Fejfer (2008). 15 Varner (1995) 187-206. 98256.indb 207 9/11/15 14:35 208 T.E. FRASER Orentzel (1979) make some reference to coinage, but unduly accept that Hanfmann’s “Flavian Beauty” was a portrait of the young Domitia.16 Burns (2007) briefly discusses Domitia’s portraiture on statues and coins, and provides some coin illustrations. This paper expands this area of inquiry drawing on the expertise of the art historians. Fittschen (1996) and Fejfer (2008) show that official portraits of empresses were commis- sioned by the imperial administration and were therefore under close imperial scrutiny. These portraits were mainly intended for public view- ing in conspicuous venues and specially commissioned models were sent out to the provinces for copying.17 The portraits were also used as models by die-cutters for the coins and by other sculptors18 and in this way were disseminated across the empire.19 For the religious life and policy of the Flavians Scott’s invaluable monograph (1936) shows Domitia’s rôle in the Flavian pantheon and Hahn (1994) reveals the association of this Augusta with a large number of deities on the statues and coins in the Greek East.20 SOURCES FOR DOMITIA LONGINA The main ancient literary sources for Domitia’s life can be found in the works of Cassius Dio and in Suetonius’ lives of Vespasian, Titus and Domitian.21 These are generally negative. Dio provides detail not found in Suetonius and his book on Domitian reflects his poor opinion of later contemporary emperors.22 In the case of Suetonius, scholars 16 McDermott & Orentzel (1979) 71-73, 75; this portrait is of an unknown woman with a Flavian hairstyle: Fittschen & Zanker (1983) Band 3, Taf.
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