Societal Cohesion and the Globalising Economiy: What Does the Future Hold?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Societal Cohesion and the Globalising Economiy: What Does the Future Hold? SOCIETAL COHESION AND THE GLOBALISING ECONOMY What Does the Future Hold? OECD SOCIETAL COHESION AND THE GLOBALISING ECONOMY WHAT DOES THE FUTURE HOLD? ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT Pursuant to Article 1 of the Convention signed in Paris on 14th December 1960, and which came into force on 30th September 1961, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) shall promote policies designed: ± to achieve the highest sustainable economic growth and employment and a rising standard of living in Member countries, while maintaining ®nancial stability, and thus to contribute to the development of the world economy; ± to contribute to sound economic expansion in Member as well as non-member countries in the process of economic development; and ± to contribute to the expansion of world trade on a multilateral, non-discriminatory basis in accordance with international obligations. The original Member countries of the OECD are Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States. The following countries became Members subsequently through accession at the dates indicated hereafter: Japan (28th April 1964), Finland (28th January 1969), Australia (7th June 1971), New Zealand (29th May 1973), Mexico (18th May 1994), the Czech Republic (21st December 1995), Hungary (7th May 1996), Poland (22nd November 1996) and the Republic of Korea (12th December 1996). The Commission of the European Communities takes part in the work of the OECD (Article 13 of the OECD Convention). PubliÂe en franËcais sous le titre : COHESIONÂ SOCIALE ET MONDIALISATION DE L'ECONOMIEÂ Ce que l'avenir nous rÂeserve OECD 1997 Permission to reproduce a portion of this work for non-commercial purposes or classroom use should be obtained through Centre FranËcais d'Exploitation du Droit de Copie (CFC), 20, rue des Grands Augustins, 75006 Paris, France, for every country except the United States. In the United States permission should be obtained through the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc. (CCC). All other applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or part of this book should be made to OECD Publications, 2, rue AndrÂe-Pascal, 75775 Paris Cedex 16, France. FOREWORD For over a decade, OECD countries have been committed to a cluster of economic policies aimed at encouraging macroeconomic stabilization, structural adjustment and the globalisation of production and distribution. Although these policies have been generally successful in supporting economic growth, combating in¯ation and reducing current-account imbalances, there is now pressure on many governments to take stock of the longer-term societal implications that are begin- ning to emerge. In part this is because of a growing political disenchantment arising from the increasing income polarisation, persistently high levels of unemployment, and widespread social exclusion that are manifesting themselves in varying ways across North America, Europe and OECD Paci®c. The diffusion of this malaise throughout society threatens to undermine both the drive towards greater eco- nomic ¯exibility and the policies that encourage strong competition, globalisation and technological innovation. With these concerns in mind, the OECD organised a Forum for the Future conference in December 1996. Its primary objective was to stimulate innovative thinking about ways to maintain future societal cohesion in the face of a dynamic economy that thrives on a high degree of ¯exibility. One of the main questions to be explored from the broad perspective of societal cohesion was, what kind of society and social systems will be able to cope with the exigencies of greater economic ¯exibility? How much and what kinds of adaptability will be required of individuals, ®rms, political parties, public administrations, voluntary organisations and other collective institutions? The discussion during the one-day conference was divided into two parts. The ®rst session dealt with the long-run implications of current economic and social policies. The second examined alternative scenarios for societal cohesion in the future. The meeting was chaired by Donald J. Johnston, Secretary-General of the OECD, and participants around the table were drawn from the highest ranks of government, business and the academic world. This publication brings together the papers presented at the meeting as well as an introductory contribution and summary of the main points of the discussions prepared by the Secretariat. The book is published on the responsibility of the Secretary-General of the OECD. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS Economic Flexibility and Societal Cohesion in the Twenty-®rst Century: An Overview of the Issues and Key Points of the Discussion by Wolfgang Michalski, Riel Miller and Barrie Stevens ................ 7 Current Economic Policies: Social Implications over the Longer Term by Robert Z. Lawrence ......................................... 27 Challenges to Social Cohesion and Approaches to Policy Reform by Dennis J. Snower ........................................... 39 A Liberal Socio-economic Scenario for the Early Twenty-®rst Century by Henri Lepage .............................................. 61 Towards a New Equilibrium of Citizens' Rights and Economic Resources? by Claus Offe ................................................ 81 Annex: List of Participants ....................................... 109 5 1 ECONOMIC FLEXIBILITY AND SOCIETAL COHESION IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY: AN OVERVIEW OF THE ISSUES AND KEY POINTS OF THE DISCUSSION by Wolfgang Michalski, Riel Miller and Barrie Stevens OECD Secretariat, Advisory Unit to the Secretary-General Turbulence ± economic, social, technological ± is a long-standing attribute of human society, as is the capacity to survive it. Indeed, the century now drawing to a close provides ample evidence of how people can adapt and even thrive in a world of rapid and pervasive change. However, profound and unanticipated transforma- tions are not a virtue per se. Nor are tests of human adaptability. Rather, it is safe to assume that most people prefer a world where life is characterised by stability, continuity, predictability, and secure access to material well-being. Societies with these attributes garner more easily the commitment and adher- ence that sustain societal cohesion over time. Yet, many of the economic policies pursued for some years now by OECD Member countries encourage the productive turmoil of relentlessly competitive markets ± a constant process of creation and destruction that politicians and electorates seem to have almost universally embraced, showing a strong willingness to forgo tranquillity for the sake of greater prosperity. At the same time, there are signs of growing strains on the fabric of OECD societies, in the form of stubbornly high levels of unemployment, widening income disparities, persistent poverty, and social exclusion. Of course, competition and structural change are not fundamentally incompati- ble with societal cohesion. On the contrary, they are a motor of the economic growth and prosperity on which cohesion can thrive. Reciprocally, a strong social fabric provides a secure basis for the ¯exibility and risk-taking which are the life- blood of vibrant economic activity and wealth creation. Striking a sustainable bal- ance between dynamism and security constitutes one of the primary missions of the political processes. The capacity to ®nd the appropriate balance, thereby avoiding 7 SOCIETAL COHESION AND THE GLOBALISING ECONOMY both stagnation and social fragmentation, is one of the key strengths of OECD democracies ± a strength that will probably be put to the test over the next two decades. I.LONG-RUN IMPLICATIONS OF CURRENT ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL POLICIES Since the early 1980s, OECD Member countries have pursued a basically simi- lar set of economic policies, including: macroeconomic policies that target low in¯ation and sound ®scal balances; structural adjustment measures aimed at improving the functioning of product, capital and labour markets; and the liberalisa- tion of trade, investment and technology ¯ows to enhance global economic ef®- ciency. These policies are considered to have contributed to bringing about a number of signi®cant improvements. In¯ation in most of the OECD area has fallen sharply from its peak in 1980, when consumer prices increased by over 13 per cent, to its current level of 2-3 per cent. The deterioration in cyclically adjusted govern- ment balances (i.e. structural budget de®cits) observed throughout the OECD area in the late 1980s/early 1990s has been reversed or halted in almost all cases. Regulatory reform and privatisation, prominent features of the US economy in the late 1970s/early 1980s, spread in varying intensities to parts of Europe and OECD Paci®c, and international trade bene®ted signi®cantly from a lowering of import tariffs. At the same time, however, there is a strong sense of worsening social circum- stances for large segments of OECD populations. Continental Europe now lives with double-digit unemployment rates and increasing concerns that many individuals are being marginalised from mainstream economic life. In the United States, aver- age wage growth has been slow (indeed, negative for less-skilled workers), inequal- ity has been rising, and poverty has been growing both in general and
Recommended publications
  • The Emerging Economies and Climate Change
    SHIFTING POWER Critical perspectives on emerging economies TNI WORKING PAPERS THE EMERGING ECONOMIES AND CLIMATE CHANGE A CASE STUDY OF THE BASIC GROUPING PRAFUL BIDWAI The Emerging Economies and Climate Change: A case study of the BASIC grouping PRAFUL BIDWAI* Among the most dramatic and far-reaching geopolitical developments of the post-Cold War era is the shift in the locus of global power away from the West with the simultaneous emergence as major powers of former colonies and other countries in the South, which were long on the periphery of international capi- talism. As they clock rapid GDP growth, these “emerging economies” are trying to assert their new identities and interests in a variety of ways. These include a demand for reforming the structures of global governance and the United Nations system (especially the Security Council) and the formation of new plurilateral blocs and associations among nations which seek to challenge or counterbalance existing patterns of dominance in world economic and political affairs. BASIC, made up of Brazil, South Africa, India and China, which acts as a bloc in the negotiations under the auspices of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), is perhaps the most sharply focused of all these groupings. Beginning with the Copenhagen climate summit of 2009, BASIC has played a major role in shaping the negotiations which were meant to, but have failed to, reach an agreement on cooperative climate actions and obligations on the part of different countries and country-groups to limit and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. These emissions, warn scientists, are dangerously warming up the Earth and causing irreversible changes in the world’s climate system.
    [Show full text]
  • Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Stephen, Matthew D. Article — Accepted Manuscript (Postprint) Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance Global Governance Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Stephen, Matthew D. (2017) : Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance, Global Governance, ISSN 1942-6720, Brill Nijhoff, Leiden, Vol. 23, Iss. 3, pp. 483-502, http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02303009 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215866 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu This article was published by Brill in Global Governance, Vol. 23 (2017), Iss. 3, pp. 483–502 (2017/08/19): https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02303009.
    [Show full text]
  • China in the G20: a Narrow Corridor for [email protected] Sino–European Cooperation
    Focus | ASIA Dr. des. Sebastian Biba Sebastian Biba and Heike Holbig Goethe University Frankfurt China in the G20: A Narrow Corridor for [email protected] Sino–European Cooperation GIGA Focus | Asia | Number 2 | May 2017 | ISSN 1862-359X Prof. Dr. Heike Holbig Since it hosted the G20 summit and since Trump’s ascent to the US presi- Senior Research Fellow [email protected] dency, China has promoted its role as a defender of free trade. In line with European interests, China has also become a supporter of G20 attempts to GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies tackle the emerging crisis of globalisation. Indeed, China has many reasons Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien to be a facilitative player in the G20. However, its engagement entails limi- Neuer Jungfernstieg 21 tations for the G20 going forward. 20354 Hamburg www.giga-hamburg.de/giga-focus • Compared to India, another emerging power, China has assumed an active role in the G20, seeking to put its stamp on the G20 agenda and calling for the fo- rum’s transformation from a crisis-response mechanism to one of long-term economic governance. • There are various incentives for China to play this role: the G20’s small but widen ed membership relative to the G7, the opportunities for status enhance- ment and for pushing global governance reforms, the loose institutional design, and the focus on issues that China feels comfortable dealing with. • However, China’s prospective engagement has limits. We cannot expect China to agree to a widening of the agenda beyond financial and economic issues.
    [Show full text]
  • I Am Honored to Have the Opportunity to Appear Before This
    Testimony to USCC: China in Asia Dan Blumenthal July 22, 2005 I am honored to have the opportunity to appear before this distinguished commission on this important topic – The impact of China’s economic growth on North and Southeast Asia. Specifically: How will China’s economic growth serve as an economic catalyst for the rest of the region; how will provide China with enhanced leverage? How is Chinese military power affecting the postures of other countries? How does the China-Taiwan relationship affect China’s relationship with the region? I think the questions posed go to heart of Chinese grand strategy: the harnessing of its resources and energies to achieve its national aspirations. And those aspirations are becoming clear: that is to emerge over time as the dominant power in Asia. China is going about this as one would expect from an emerging power – but one that has learned lessons from past emerging powers. There are three elements to China’s strategy: First, is to build-up what it calls “comprehensive national power;” Second is to reassure the region that it in fact does not have revisionist or aggressive aspirations; Third, by necessity, is to displace the United States as the preeminent power, hopefully, in their minds, peacefully. Much of what China is doing in Asia can be seen in the context of these three goals. I. Comprehensive National Power The goal here is to develop all elements of CNP in unison. Economic growth is critical, but at the same time so is military power and so is building political leverage through economic growth.
    [Show full text]
  • Issues, Trends and Challenges in an Emerging Global Power Structure
    ISSN 1712-8056[Print] Canadian Social Science ISSN 1923-6697[Online] Vol. 14, No. 2, 2018, pp. 5-15 www.cscanada.net DOI:10.3968/10182 www.cscanada.org Issues, Trends and Challenges in an Emerging Global Power Structure Aituaje Irene Pogoson [a]Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. *Corresponding author. INTRODUCTION Two phenomenal events, more than any other, shaped our Received 24 November 2017; accepted 27 January 2018 world in the last century. The first is the denotation of Published online 26 February 2018 the first two weapons of mass destruction on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, both in Japan in 1945. The second was the Abstract pulling down of the Berlin wall in 1989. The reality of the early 21st century is that the world is The use of the atomic bomb in the theatre of war, in the grip of the transformation of the power structure. after several years of secret research and development, China has risen into global reckoning; Russia began to announced the arrival of the United States of America as rise from its inertia; North Korea has evolved to a global the most powerful nation in the world, Before then, the threat. All have begun to lay claims to a greater role in United States was just one of the major powers, although the international political system. The unipolarism of the one whose entry and contributions to the second world post-Soviet era seems to be dissolving before our eyes. war, helped to save the world from Hitler’s philosophy of These emerging trends raise questions as to; what sort superiority of the Aryan Race and his dream of imposing of multipolarism are we talking about? How will the a 1000-year Reich on the world, as well as from Japan’s coming multipolar order operate? Will great power be aggressive imperial adventure in South-East Asia.
    [Show full text]
  • Brazil – an Emerging Power
    Brazil: An Emerging Power? by Riordan Roett Brazil’s approach to its emerging role in world politics is very much based on the efficacy of multilateral institutional power. Former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso captured that concept in his autobiography when he commented that, “of all the misguided quests that Brazil has undertaken over the years, few rivaled our efforts to attain our dream of world prominence.”1 Former presidents, both military and civilian, talked of “Grandeza” or Greatness for Brazil—the desire to see Brazil as a major power (MP). That school of thought dominated foreign policy discourse in Brazil from the post–World War II period through the end of the military dictatorship in 1985. The succeeding weak, civilian regimes had little time for foreign policy given domestic crises and near regime breakdowns. But Cardoso redefined that often brash goal by commenting later in his memoir that, Another long-standing dream of Brazil’s is to have a permanent seat on the Security Council of the United Nations. I supported this initiative. But I also mused that it would be more useful for Brazil to aspire to a seat 1 Fernando Henrique Cardoso, The Accidental President of Brazil: A Memoir (NY: Public Affairs Books, 2006), p. 255. 1 in a body: the G7, or Group of Seven, composed of the largest economies in the World. If Brazil succeeded in growing its economy and alleviating poverty, then power and influence would come naturally.2 After Cardoso’s election in 1994, the governments of Brazil have followed a two- track foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Emerging Power Strategies in the World Trade Organization
    GLOBAL INSIGHTS THE EMERGING STATES Emerging Power Strategies in the World Trade Organization Emerging Power Strategies in the World Trade Organization Cornelia Woll merging countries have become central to multilateral negotiations in the World Trade Organization (WTO). Since the end of the Uruguay Round, E their participation has shaped the evolution of the talks, as developed coun- tries had to acknowledge during the Ministerial Conferences at Seattle and Cancún. After all, current negotiations have been labelled the “Doha Development Round” to acknowledge explicitly the link between trade and development. In recognition of the collective trading power of emerging economies, we now speak of the BICS to refer to Brazil, India, China and South Africa (see for example Hurrell 2006; Chakraborty and Sengupta 2006). However, these countries rarely act as a coher- ent bloc, but rather within a set of changing coalitions. We have to understand how emerging countries have come to speak on behalf of developing countries and how they have been able to impose their demands through this flexible geometry, in order to explain why the United States and the European Union find themselves on the defensive on crucial issues such as agriculture. What strategies do emerg- ing countries employ in multilateral trade negotiations and how have they been tested and revised over time? This chapter examines the coalition patterns of developing countries under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) system and within the WTO, to understand how emerging economies have succeeded in incorporating their demands into the trade agenda. Initially, developing countries had criticized the inequalities in trade arrangements agreed, but remained relatively passive in multi- lateral negotiations owing to their weak positions.
    [Show full text]
  • A Bric in the World: Emerging Powers, Europe, and the Coming Order
    A BRIC IN THE WORLD: EMERGING POWERS, EUROPE, AND THE COMING ORDER EGMONT PAPER 31 A BRIC IN THE WORLD: EMERGING POWERS, EUROPE, AND THE COMING ORDER THOMAS RENARD October 2009 The Egmont Papers are published by Academia Press for Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations. Founded in 1947 by eminent Belgian political leaders, Egmont is an independent think-tank based in Brussels. Its interdisciplinary research is conducted in a spirit of total academic freedom. A platform of quality information, a forum for debate and analysis, a melting pot of ideas in the field of international politics, Egmont’s ambition – through its publications, seminars and recommendations – is to make a useful contribution to the decision- making process. *** President: Viscount Etienne DAVIGNON Director-General: Marc TRENTESEAU Series Editor: Prof. Dr. Sven BISCOP *** Egmont - The Royal Institute for International Relations Address Naamsestraat / Rue de Namur 69, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Phone 00-32-(0)2.223.41.14 Fax 00-32-(0)2.223.41.16 E-mail [email protected] Website: www.egmontinstitute.be © Academia Press Eekhout 2 9000 Gent Tel. 09/233 80 88 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.academiapress.be J. Story-Scientia NV Wetenschappelijke Boekhandel Sint-Kwintensberg 87 B-9000 Gent Tel. 09/225 57 57 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.story.be All authors write in a personal capacity. Lay-out: proxess.be ISBN 978 90 382 1505 1 D/2009/4804/193 U 1343 NUR1 754 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the permission of the publishers.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the Emerging Era of International Competition Theoretical and Historical Perspectives
    Research Report C O R P O R A T I O N MICHAEL J. MAZARR, JONATHAN BLAKE, ABIGAIL CASEY, TIM MCDONALD, STEPHANIE PEZARD, MICHAEL SPIRTAS Understanding the Emerging Era of International Competition Theoretical and Historical Perspectives he most recent U.S. National Security KEY FINDINGS Strategy is built around the expectation ■ The emerging competition is not generalized but likely to of a new era of intensifying international be most intense between a handful of specific states. Tcompetition, characterized by “growing political, economic, and military competitions” ■ The hinge point of the competition will be the relation- confronting the United States.1 The new U.S. ship between the architect of the rules-based order (the United States) and the leading revisionist peer competitor National Defense Strategy is even more blunt that is involved in the most specific disputes (China). about the nature of the emerging competition. “We are facing increased global disorder, ■ Global patterns of competition are likely to be complex and diverse, with distinct types of competition prevailing characterized by decline in the long-standing 2 in different issue areas. rules-based international order,” it argues. “Inter-state strategic competition, not terrorism, ■ Managing the escalation of regional rivalries and conflicts is now the primary concern in U.S. national is likely to be a major focus of U.S. statecraft. security.”3 The document points to the ■ Currently, the competition seems largely focused on “reemergence of long-term, strategic competition status grievances or ambitions, economic prosperity, by what the National Security Strategy classifies technological advantage, and regional influence. as revisionist powers.”4 It identifies two ■ The competition is likely to be most intense and per- countries as potential rivals: China and Russia.
    [Show full text]
  • The Concept of Emerging Power in International Politics and Economy O Conceito De Potência Emergente Na Hierarquia Política E Econômica Internacional
    Brazilian Journal of Political Economy, vol 36, nº 1 (142), pp 46-69, January-March/2016 The concept of emerging power in international politics and economy O conceito de potência emergente na hierarquia política e econômica internacional PEDRO CEZAR DUTRA FONSECA LUCAS DE OLIVEIRA PAES ANDRÉ MOREIRA CUNHA* RESUMO: Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o conceito de potências emergentes criado para a compreensão dos assuntos internacionais. O trabalho observa que o emprego do léxico emergentes – em relação aos mercados, países ou poderes – como qualificador para uma gama de fenômenos de relações internacionais tornou-se parte integrante da questão. Apesar disso, a denotação empírica do predicado está à frente da quantidade de esforços em sua contextualização teórica. Nossa hipótese metodológica é que a negação racional dos conceitos predominantes do espectro conotativo, reconhecendo a sabedoria incorporada sobre fenômenos cognatos sintetiza um quadro teórico sobre a sua utilização precisa. Palavras-chave: potências emergentes; potências regionais; potências médias; pemi- periferia. abstract: This paper aims to analyze the concept of emerging power established to the understanding of international affairs. The work observes that the use of the lexicon emerging – regarding to markets, countries or powers – as qualifier for a range of international relations phenomena became a constituent part of the matter. In spite of that, the empirical denotation of the predicate is ahead of the amount of efforts on its theoretical contextualization. Our methodological hypothesis is that the rational denial of the concepts prevailing connotative spectrum by acknowledging the embedded wisdom about cognate phenomena synthesizes a theoretical framework on its accurate use. KEYworDS: emerging powers; regional powers; middle powers; semi-periphery.
    [Show full text]
  • TITLE: the Formation of the Concept of Emerging Power in International
    TITLE: The Formation of the Concept of Emerging Power in International Relations AUTHORS: Lucas de Oliveira Paes ([email protected]), Department of Economics and International Relations at Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul. Prof. Dr. André Moreira Cunha ([email protected]), Department of Economics and International Relations at Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul. Prof. Dr. Pedro Cezar Dutra Fonsaeca ([email protected]), Department of Economics and International Relations at Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul. AREA: International Relations AKNOWLEGMENT: This work has been prepared to be presented in the VIII Latin-American Congress of Political Science, held by Latin-American Association of Political Science. Ponficia Universidad Católica de Peru, Lima, July 22 th to 24 th 2015. The Formation of the Concept of Emerging Power in International Relations1 Abstract: This work discusses the formation of the concept of emerging power in the field of International Relations. The adjective emerging has been “stretched” beyond the connotative range of the financial terminology emerging market and has “travelled” to denote those rising players in the international order. This category regards contemporary transformations of world economy and politics by framing semantically its particularity. At the same time, such lexical novelty comprises an established debate within the field of International Relations: the theorizations on the rise of intermediate states. Thus, the concept of emerging power frames a historical process in its own time and engenders a diachronic contention with conceptual alternatives within theory of International Relations. Such theoretical accumulation stands out as the rules of usage or the pragmatics within the field to which the category is appropriated.
    [Show full text]
  • Emerging Powers and Status: the Case of the First Brics Summit
    (c) Copyright 2014, vLex. Todos os Direitos Reservados. Cpia exclusiva para uso pessoal. Proíbe-se sua distribuição ou reprodução. Emerging Powers and Status: The Case of the First Brics Summit Asian Perspective - Vol. 38 Nm. 1, Janeiro 2014 Asian Perspective Vol. 38 Nm. 1, Janeiro 2014 Autor: Stuenkel, Oliver Id. vLex: VLEX-494287502 http://vlex.com/vid/emerging-powers-status-brics-summit-494287502 Resumo Why did the leaders of four very different countries-Brazil, Russia, India, and China- decide to hold a summit in 2009 in Yekaterinburg, thus transforming "the BRICs" from a financial category into a political grouping? I argue that the main driver for the first summit to take place and succeed was to strengthen each member country's international status. The 2009 BRICs summit was successful in that it led to the birth of a political platform during highly unusual international economic and political circumstances. In a global economy in the midst of a recession and widespread uncertainty, the BRICs' relative economic stability and capacity to respond to the crisis was decisive and lent credibility to their call for reform of the international system. The United States' temporarily reduced legitimacy also provided a window of opportunity for emerging powers to act as aspiring guarantors of stability in tomorrow's world. While measureable gains from cooperation and stronger rhetoric that delegitimized the global order did occur in the following years, they were not the primary drivers for the first summit to take place and succeed. Texto THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE BRICS ACRONYM FROM AN INVESTMENT term into a household name in international politics is one of the most important developments in international politics in the past decade.
    [Show full text]