The Struggle for North Africa Between Almohads, Ayyubids, and Banū Ghāniya (Late Twelfth to Early Thirteenth Centuries A.D.)
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The Struggle for North Africa between Almohads, Ayyubids, and Banū Ghāniya (Late Twelfth to Early Thirteenth Centuries A.D.). by Amar Salem Baadj A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations University of Toronto © Copyright by Amar Salem Baadj (2013) The Struggle for North Africa between Almohads, Ayyubids, and Banū Ghāniya (Late Twelfth to Early Thirteenth Centuries A.D.). Amar Salem Baadj Doctor of Philosophy Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations University of Toronto 2013 Abstract This thesis is concerned with the invasion of the Almohad Empire by the Banū Ghāniya of Majorca and the Ayyubid amir Sharaf al-Dīn Qarāqūsh in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries A.D. This long and destructive conflict, which sapped the strength of the Almohad state in North Africa, has received little attention from modern scholars, particularly in the west. It is our aim to contextualize the revolt of the Banū Ghāniya and Qarāqūsh’s expeditions within the wider African and Mediterranean worlds. In particular, we will shed light on the economic background of the great power rivalries that affected North Africa during this period. The Banū Ghāniya were descendants of the Almoravids who established a principality in the Balearic Islands after the fall of the Almoravid state in the mid-twelfth century. In 1184 they invaded North Africa and fought against the Almohads in a struggle which lasted until the 1230s and ranged from Tripoli to Sijilmāsa under the amirs ʿAlī (1184-1187) and Yaḥyā b. Ghāniya ii (1188-1235?). The arrival of the Banū Ghāniya in North Africa coincided with the conquest of Almohad Ifrīqiya (Tunisia) by the Ayyubid amir Sharaf al-Dīn Qarāqūsh. For several years Ayyubid forces fought side by side with the Banū Ghāniya and various Arab tribes against the Almohads until Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn made peace with the latter in 1190. The tenacious resistance of the Banū Ghāniya and their allies, though ultimately unsuccessful, put an end to Almohad dreams of an empire embracing all of northwest Africa and forced them to eventually relinquish their hold on Ifrīqiya and the Central Maghrib which passed under the rule of the local Hafsid and Zayyanid dynasties in the first half of the thirteenth century. iii Acknowledgements There are many people who have assisted me in various ways throughout my student career and without them I would not have reached this final stage. First and foremost I would like to thank my dissertation advisor, Dr. Linda S. Northrup. I met Dr. Northrup in 2000 when I was a first- year undergraduate student enrolled in her course on the history of the caliphate. This was my first formal introduction to the study of Islamic history. Ever since that time I have regarded her as an esteemed teacher and mentor. At the graduate level I have benefitted immensely from her seminar on classical Arabic biographical literature as well from countless discussions in her office. It is safe to say that with her rigorous standard of scholarship and keen eye for detail she helped to make this a better thesis than it would otherwise have been. I am truly grateful to her for giving unstintingly of her time over the years and for having confidence in me as a scholar. I would also like to express my gratitude to the other professors who were a part of the thesis committee: Dr. Victor Ostapchuk, Dr. Ed Keall and Dr. James Reilly, all of the University of Toronto; Dr. Maya Shatzmiller of Western Ontario University; Dr. Maribel Fierro of the Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales (CCHS) in Madrid who served as the external examiner; Dr. Walid Saleh of the University of Toronto who served on the committee during its early days but later resigned because of other responsibilities; and Dr. Lee Bartel of the University of Toronto who served as the chair of the exam. It was in Dr. Ostapchuk’s seminar on the medieval steppe frontier that I first presented my research on Qarāqūsh. I have benefitted a great deal from his comments on my drafts at all stages of this thesis. He has taught me the importance of clarity and precision in historical writing. Dr. Keall brought the valuable perspective of an archeologist to my committee and I am particularly iv grateful for his insights on irrigation techniques and nomad-peasant relations. In his seminar on the medieval Islamic city I presented a paper on the Qalʿa of the Banū Ḥammād which latter formed the nucleus for Chapter Four of my thesis. I would like to thank Dr. Shatzmiller who commuted from London, Ontario in order to participate. She has enriched the committee with her great knowledge of medieval economic history. The reader will see that I have benefitted much from her studies on the historiography of the medieval Maghrib. I am grateful that Dr. Reilly kindly agreed to join the thesis committee on very short notice. His judicious questions and comments during the defense have helped me to see the “bigger picture” and to regard certain aspects of my thesis in a new light. I am delighted that Dr. Fierro, one of the world’s leading authorities on the history of al- Andalus in general and on the Almohads in particular, agreed to serve as the external examiner for this thesis and that she has shown great interest in the topics that I have investigated here. I have benefited from her many important articles on the Almohads as well as her helpful comments in the external evaluation of this thesis. Thanks are also due to my M.A. supervisor at the American University in Cairo from 2004 to 2006, Dr. Elizabeth Sartain. The rigorous training which I received during those two years has served me well at the doctoral level. It was Dr. Sartain who introduced me to the study of the Fatimids and the medieval Egyptian-Nubian frontier. In particular I would like to thank her for sharing with me her valuable paper on Egyptian-Nubian relations during the Fatimid period according to the Qaṣr Ibrīm documents and for answering my questions on this subject. I hope that her pioneering work in this area will be more widely recognized in the future. I would be remiss if I did not mention here the great debt of gratitude that I owe to Dr. Richard Blackburn and Dr. Michael Marmura, the latter now sadly deceased. These patient and v kind gentlemen, both exemplary scholars and teachers, gave me a solid foundation in the Arabic language during my undergraduate years at the University of Toronto upon which all of my subsequent studies have depended. I would like to extend my heartfelt thanks to Anna Sousa, the graduate administrator of the NMC department. She has always shown the utmost concern for the welfare of the graduate students in the department and on countless occasions she has truly gone above and beyond the call of duty to assist us. I am also grateful to Maria Vivona, the department business officer, who has been so kind and helpful. I am very fortunate to have made many friends among my fellow graduate students in the NMC department and in other departments at the University of Toronto. Their companionship over the past few years has been a great pleasure and they will be sorely missed. I hope that they will all finish soon and graduate with flying colors. Finally I would like to thank my family. Both of my grandfathers, Serafino Cerasa and Amar Baadj, were avid readers of history and they imparted in me a love for the subject when I was very young. I hope that they would be proud of this work if they were still here with me today. My parents, Maryann and Najib Baadj, my sister, Nadia Baadj, and my grandmother, Olimpia Cerasa, have always been my greatest source of support and encouragement and my gratitude to them is immeasurable. This thesis is dedicated to them. vi To my family vii Transliteration For transliterating Arabic words I have employed the system of the International Journal of Middle East Studies with two exceptions. The yā with shadda (doubled y) is indicated by a letter i with a macron followed by a single y rather than an i followed by two ys. The tā marbūṭa is indicated by a single letter a at the end of the word rather than ah. Thus I write Ayyūbīya instead of Ayyūbiyyah.When the word containing tā marbūṭa is in construct with another word the ending is written at as in Dawlat al-Mamālīk. Names of persons and tribes have been given in their transliterated form without exception. Names of dynasties have been given in their Latinized form such as Hammadid, Abbasid, Ayyubid etc. I have not given the transliterated Arabic forms for the names of North African and Arab cities that are important and well-known in our present day such as Algiers, Fez, Marrakech, Constantine, Annaba, Cairo, etc. The names of lesser cities have been given in Arabic transliteration with the French names beside them in brackets for their first appearance. Therefore I write Tilimsān (Tlemcen), Bijāya (Bougie), etc. For the most part I have avoided giving the Arabic forms for the names of Spanish and Portuguese cities. Well-known Arabic terms such as dinar, caliph, and vizier that have entered the English vocabulary have been left in their Anglicized forms. Less-familiar ones such as khuṭba or bayʿa are transliterated. viii Table of Contents Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ iv Transliteration ............................................................................................................................