AN ANALYSIS of SOMALI PRONUNCIATION ERRORS By
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Anatolian Evidence Suggests That the Indo- European Laryngeals * H2 And
Indo-European Linguistics 6 (2018) 69–94 brill.com/ieul Anatolian evidence suggests that the Indo- European laryngeals *h2 and *h3 were uvular stops Alwin Kloekhorst Leiden University [email protected] Abstract In this article it will be argued that the Indo-European laryngeals *h2 and *h3, which recently have been identified as uvular fricatives, were in fact uvular stops in Proto- Indo-Anatolian. Also in the Proto-Anatolian and Proto-Luwic stages these sounds prob- ably were stops, not fricatives. Keywords Indo-European – laryngeals – phonological change – Indo-Anatolian 1 Background It is well-known that the Indo-European laryngeals *h2 and *h3 have in some environments survived in Hittite and Luwian as consonants that are spelled with the graphemes ḫ (in the cuneiform script) and h (in the hieroglyphic script).1 Although in handbooks it was usually stated that the exact phonetic interpretation of these graphemes is unclear,2 in recent years a consensus seems to have formed that they represent uvular fricatives (Kümmel 2007: 1 Although there is no full consensus on the question exactly in which environments *h2 and *h3 were retained as ḫ and h: especially the outcome of *h3 in Anatolian is debated (e.g. Kloekhorst 2006). Nevertheless, for the remainder of this article it is not crucial in which environments *h2 and *h3 yielded ḫ and h, only that they sometimes did. 2 E.g. Melchert 1994: 22; Hoffner & Melchert 2008: 38. © alwin kloekhorst, 2018 | doi:10.1163/22125892-00601003 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing CC-BY-NC license at the time of publication. -
The Violability of Backness in Retroflex Consonants
The violability of backness in retroflex consonants Paul Boersma University of Amsterdam Silke Hamann ZAS Berlin February 11, 2005 Abstract This paper addresses remarks made by Flemming (2003) to the effect that his analysis of the interaction between retroflexion and vowel backness is superior to that of Hamann (2003b). While Hamann maintained that retroflex articulations are always back, Flemming adduces phonological as well as phonetic evidence to prove that retroflex consonants can be non-back and even front (i.e. palatalised). The present paper, however, shows that the phonetic evidence fails under closer scrutiny. A closer consideration of the phonological evidence shows, by making a principled distinction between articulatory and perceptual drives, that a reanalysis of Flemming’s data in terms of unviolated retroflex backness is not only possible but also simpler with respect to the number of language-specific stipulations. 1 Introduction This paper is a reply to Flemming’s article “The relationship between coronal place and vowel backness” in Phonology 20.3 (2003). In a footnote (p. 342), Flemming states that “a key difference from the present proposal is that Hamann (2003b) employs inviolable articulatory constraints, whereas it is a central thesis of this paper that the constraints relating coronal place to tongue-body backness are violable”. The only such constraint that is violable for Flemming but inviolable for Hamann is the constraint that requires retroflex coronals to be articulated with a back tongue body. Flemming expresses this as the violable constraint RETRO!BACK, or RETRO!BACKCLO if it only requires that the closing phase of a retroflex consonant be articulated with a back tongue body. -
Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops
Title Page Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops by Eva Bacas University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2019 Committee Page UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This thesis was presented by Eva Bacas It was defended on November 8, 2019 and approved by Alana DeLoge, Quechua Instructor, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Melinda Fricke, Assistant Professor, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Gillian Gallagher, Associate Professor, Department of Linguistics, New York University Thesis Advisor/Dissertation Director: Claude Mauk, Senior Lecturer, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh ii Copyright © by Eva Bacas 2019 iii Abstract Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops Eva Bacas, BPhil University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Quechua is an indigenous language of the Andes region of South America. In Cochabamba, Bolivia, Quechua and Spanish have been in contact for over 500 years. In this thesis, I explore sociolinguistic variation among bilingual speakers of Cochabamba Quechua (CQ) and Spanish by investigating the relationship between the production of the voiceless uvular stop /q/ and speakers’ sociolinguistic backgrounds. I conducted a speech production study and sociolinguistic interview with seven bilingual CQ-Spanish speakers. I analyzed manner of articulation and place of articulation variation. Results indicate that manner of articulation varies primarily due to phonological factors, and place of articulation varies according to sociolinguistic factors. This reveals that among bilingual CQ-Spanish speakers, production of voiceless uvular stop /q/ does vary sociolinguistically. -
Vowel Acoustics Reliably Differentiate Three Coronal Stops of Wubuy Across Prosodic Contexts
Vowel acoustics reliably differentiate three coronal stops of Wubuy across prosodic contexts Rikke L. BundgaaRd-nieLsena, BRett J. BakeRb, ChRistian kRoosa, MaRk haRveyc and CatheRine t. Besta,d aMARCS Auditory Laboratories, University of Western Sydney bSchool of Languages and Linguistics, University of Melbourne cSchool of Humanities and Social Science, University of Newcastle dHaskins Laboratories, New Haven Abstract The present study investigates the acoustic differentiation of three coronal stops in the indigenous Australian language Wubuy. We test independent claims that only VC (vowel-into-consonant) transitions provide robust acoustic cues for retroflex as compared to alveolar and dental coronal stops, with no differentiating cues among these three coronal stops evident in CV (consonant-into-vowel) transitions. The four-way stop distinction /t, t̪ , ʈ, c/ in Wubuy is contrastive word-initially (Heath 1984) and by implication utterance-initially, i.e., in CV-only contexts, which suggests that acoustic differentiation should be expected to occur in the CV transitions of this language, including in initial positions. Therefore, we examined both VC and CV formant transition information in the three target coronal stops across VCV (word-internal), V#CV (word-initial but utterance-medial) and ##CV (word- and utterance-initial), for /a / vowel contexts, which provide the optimal environment for investigating formant transitions. Results confirm that these coro- nal contrasts are maintained in the CVs in this vowel context, and in all three posi- tions. The patterns of acoustic differences across the three syllable contexts also provide some support for a systematic role of prosodic boundaries in influencing the degree of coronal stop differentiation evident in the vowel formant transitions. -
Language Usage and Identity of Somali Males in America Ali Hassan St
St. Cloud State University theRepository at St. Cloud State Culminating Projects in English Department of English 12-2017 "Where Did You Leave the Somali Language?" Language Usage and Identity of Somali Males in America Ali Hassan St. Cloud State University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.stcloudstate.edu/engl_etds Recommended Citation Hassan, Ali, ""Where Did You Leave the Somali Language?" Language Usage and Identity of Somali Males in America" (2017). Culminating Projects in English. 106. https://repository.stcloudstate.edu/engl_etds/106 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of English at theRepository at St. Cloud State. It has been accepted for inclusion in Culminating Projects in English by an authorized administrator of theRepository at St. Cloud State. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Where did you leave the Somali Language?” Language usage and identity of Somali Males in America by Ali Hassan A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of St. Cloud State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in English: Teaching English as a Second Language December, 2017 Thesis Committee: Michael Schwartz, Chairperson Choonkyong Kim Rami Amiri 2 Abstract Research in second language teaching and learning has many aspects to focus on, but this paper will focus on the sociolinguistic issues related to language usage and identity. Language usage is the lens that is used to understand the identity of Somali males in America. Language usage in social contexts gives us the opportunity to learn the multiple identities of Somali males in America. -
The Oslo Dialect of Somali Tonal Adaptations of Norwegian Loanwords
The Oslo Dialect of Somali Tonal adaptations of Norwegian loanwords Nina Hagen Kaldhol LING4190 MA thesis in linguistics Department of Linguistics and Scandinavian Studies UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Spring 2017 The Oslo Dialect of Somali Tonal adaptations of Norwegian loanwords Nina Hagen Kaldhol LING4190 MA thesis in linguistics Department of Linguistics and Scandinavian Studies UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Spring 2017 © Nina Hagen Kaldhol, 2017 The Oslo Dialect of Somali Tonal adaptations of Norwegian loanwords Nina Hagen Kaldhol http://www.duo.uio.no Printed: Reprosentralen, Universitetet i Oslo iv Abstract This thesis presents the first linguistic investigation of the Somali language as it is spo- ken in Norway. The goal is to describe what happens to Norwegian words when they are borrowed by Somali speakers. Both languages have simple tone systems, and this study explores what happens when these two systems meet: Do Norwegian loanwords show the same tone patterns as native Somali words, or is Norwegian tone preserved when words are borrowed by Somali speakers? Previous research on loanword prosody suggests that the former is likely when the recipi- ent language has strong restrictions on tone. In Somali, the distribution of tone is governed by and predictable from grammatical features, so the same principle may apply here. How- ever, previous research also suggests that such restrictions may be violated in loanwords in situations of intimate language contact. The speakers in the present study are bilinguals liv- ing in Norway, and use both Norwegian and Somali every day. Therefore, their borrowing provides a test case for these two competing possibilities. The material presented here was collected during fieldwork in Oslo, and consists of spon- taneous speech from nine native Somali speakers, in addition to some elicited forms. -
The Stops of Tlingit
The Stops of Tlingit IAN MADDIESON1,2 and CAROLINE L. SMITH2 1University of California, Berkeley and 2University of New Mexico Introduction One aspect of the maintenance of languages is the maintenance of the appropriate pronunciation. A language whose speakers use it only a minority of the time is often strongly affected by the phonetic patterns of the dominant language, particularly as speech habits natural to the ‘new’ language are carried over to the traditional one. Documenting the phonetic patterns of those speakers who were the last to have learned the language in question as their first language can provide an appropriate source of guidance to the pronunciation to adopt for later generations. In this paper we aim to present a good description of certain important aspects of the pronunciation of the stops of Tlingit. We hope that this data will be of value to those interested in the continuation of Tlingit as a spoken language. Of course, all languages change over time, and pronunciation will evolve in natural ways, so this information should be used in ways that accommodate natural changes. This data will also have value for comparative phonetic studies as illustrating details of a language whose phonetics has been previously little studied. Tlingit ([!i"ít]) is a Na-Dene language (Krauss 1979) spoken in South-East Alaska and the Yukon. There are now few fluent speakers under the age of 60 (Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer 1995). The language has some dialect variation, with particular differences noted between Inland or Yukon Tlingit and Coastal or Alaskan varieties, and further differences between Northern, Central, and Southern varieties along the Coast. -
Labphon 7: Seventh Conference on Laboratory Phonology
LabPhon 7: Seventh Conference on Laboratory Phonology This is an archive site LabPhon 7 Seventh Conference on Laboratory Phonology Thursday 29 June - Saturday 1 July 2000 Hosted by: University of Nijmegen (KUN) Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics (MPI) Location: Collegezalencomplex Mercatorpad 1 University of Nijmegen The Netherlands Themes and speakers: Phonological encoding Willem Levelt, discussant Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics Pat Keating, invited speaker University of California, Los Angeles Phonological processing Anne Cutler, discussant Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics Janet Pierrehumbert, invited speaker Northwestern University Field work and phonological theory Leo Wetzels, discussant Free University of Amsterdam Didier Demolin, invited speaker Free University of Brussels Speech technology and phonological theory Louis Boves,discussant University of Nijmegen Aditi Lahiri, invited speaker University of Konstanz Phonology-phonetics interface Bruce Hayes, discussant University of California, Los Angeles Nick Clements, invited speaker CNRS, Paris John Ohala, invited speaker University of California, Berkeley Important dates: 14 January 2000 Deadline for receipt of abstracts 1 March 2000 Notification of accceptance file:///C|/Users/warrenpa/OneDrive%20-%20Victoria%20University%20of%20Wellington%20-%20STAFF/labphon7/index.html[14/03/2019 3:58:15 PM] LabPhon 7: Seventh Conference on Laboratory Phonology 28 April 2000 Deadline for receipt of draft papers 1 June 2000 Deadline for excursion sign-up Deadline for receipt of advance registration payment 29 June 2000 Conference begins 1 December 2000 Deadline for receipt of final papers Organizing committee: Carlos Gussenhoven, KUN Toni Rietveld, KUN Natasha Warner, MPI Contact information: Please note: If you have been using the email address [email protected], please do not use it anymore. -
The Diachronic Emergence of Retroflex Segments in Three Languages* 1
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Hochschulschriftenserver - Universität Frankfurt am Main The diachronic emergence of retroflex segments in three languages* Silke Hamann ZAS (Centre for General Linguistics), Berlin [email protected] The present study shows that though retroflex segments can be considered articulatorily marked, there are perceptual reasons why languages introduce this class into their phoneme inventory. This observation is illustrated with the diachronic developments of retroflexes in Norwegian (North- Germanic), Nyawaygi (Australian) and Minto-Nenana (Athapaskan). The developments in these three languages are modelled in a perceptually oriented phonological theory, since traditional articulatorily-based features cannot deal with such processes. 1 Introduction Cross-linguistically, retroflexes occur relatively infrequently. From the 317 languages of the UPSI database (Maddieson 1984, 1986), only 8.5 % have a voiceless retroflex stop [ˇ], 7.3 % a voiced stop [Í], 5.3 % a voiceless retroflex fricative [ß], 0.9 % a voiced fricative [¸], and 5.9 % a retroflex nasal [˜]. Compared to other segmental classes that are considered infrequent, such as a palatal nasal [¯], which occurs in 33.7 % of the UPSID languages, and the uvular stop [q], which occurs in 14.8 % of the languages, the percentages for retroflexes are strikingly low. Furthermore, typically only large segment inventories have a retroflex class, i.e. at least another coronal segment (apical or laminal) is present, as in Sanskrit, Hindi, Norwegian, Swedish, and numerous Australian Aboriginal languages. Maddieson’s (1984) database includes only one exception to this general tendency, namely the Dravidian language Kota, which has a retroflex as its only coronal fricative. -
Somali Parents' Beliefs and Strategies for Raising Bilingual Children
St. Cloud State University theRepository at St. Cloud State Culminating Projects in English Department of English 6-2018 Somali-English Bilingualism: Somali Parents’ Beliefs and Strategies for Raising Bilingual Children Abdirahman Ikar St. Cloud State University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.stcloudstate.edu/engl_etds Recommended Citation Ikar, Abdirahman, "Somali-English Bilingualism: Somali Parents’ Beliefs and Strategies for Raising Bilingual Children" (2018). Culminating Projects in English. 137. https://repository.stcloudstate.edu/engl_etds/137 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of English at theRepository at St. Cloud State. It has been accepted for inclusion in Culminating Projects in English by an authorized administrator of theRepository at St. Cloud State. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Somali-English Bilingualism: Somali Parents’ Beliefs and Strategies for Raising Bilingual Children by Abdirahman Ikar A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of St. Cloud State University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree Master of Arts in English: Teaching English as a Second Language June, 2018 Thesis Committee: James Robinson, Chairperson Choonkyong Kim Rami Amiri 2 Abstract The American Midwest is home to a large number of refugees from Somalia. Numerous studies have explored immigrant communities’ beliefs and strategies for bilingual development of their children. However, there has only been one study (Abikar, 2013) that explored this topic from the perspective of Somali parents. The aim of this qualitative study was to look at first- generation Somali parents’ beliefs and strategies for bilingual development of their children. 10 first-generation Somali parents were interviewed using semi-structured interview questions. -
City Research Online
SPEECH SOUND ACQUISITION AND PHONOLOGICAL ERROR PATTERNS IN CHILD SPEAKERS OF SYRIAN ARABIC: A NORMATIVE STUDY By Husen OWAIDA Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of doctor of philosophy in Communication sciences and disorders School of Health Sciences Division of Language & Communication Science City University London April 2015 THE FOLLOWING PARTS OF THIS THESIS HAVE BEEN REDACTED FOR COPYRIGHT REASONS: p. 78 Map of Syria. pp. 248-265 Appendix 1 – Articulation Test. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES .............................................................................................................................. V LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................................. VII ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................................ VIII ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................................................... X CHAPTER 1: AIMS OF THE STUDY ............................................................................................. 1 1.1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................. 1 1.2 RESEARCH AIMS ............................................................................................................................. 11 1.3 RATIONALE ....................................................................................................................................... -
Retroflexion and Retraction Revised∗
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Hochschulschriftenserver - Universität Frankfurt am Main Retroflexion and Retraction Revised∗ Silke Hamann, OTS Utrecht Abstract Arguing against Bhat’s (1974) claim that retroflexion cannot be correlated with retraction, the present article illustrates that retroflexes are always retracted, though retraction is not claimed to be a sufficient criterion for retroflexion. The cooccurrence of retraction with retroflexion is shown to make two further implications; first, that non-velarized retroflexes do not exist, and second, that secondary palatalization of retroflexes is phonetically impossible. The process of palatalization is shown to trigger a change in the primary place of articulation to non-retroflex. Phonologically, retraction has to be represented by the feature specification [+back] for all retroflex segments. 1 Introduction Retroflex consonants are usually described as sounds articulated with a bent-backwards tongue tip and a postalveolar place of articulation, e.g. by Catford (1977: 150) or Trask (1996: 308). As illustrated in Hamann (in prep.), a number of retroflex segments deviate from this definition. The retroflex stops and nasals in Hindi, for example, do not show a bending backwards of the tongue tip but these sounds are still considered to be phonetically and phonologically retroflex. The same holds for the voiced and voiceless postalveolar fricatives in Polish and Russian (ibid.), which are articulated without active involvement of the tongue tip in the constriction (though the tip is raised from its resting position) and with a flat tongue body. The class of retroflexes shows considerable articulatory variation regarding both the articulator (i.e.