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Rechtsextreme Rekrutierungsstrategien in Deutschland Und Den USA

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Rechtsextreme Rekrutierungsstrategien in Deutschland Und Den USA Rechtsextreme Rekrutierungsstrategien in Deutschland und den USA Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung des Doktorgrades der Philosophie an der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität Passau vorgelegt von Johannes Köberl Im Juli 2019 Erstprüfer: Prof. Dr. Guido Pollak Zweitprüfer: Prof. Dr. Karsten Fitz Inhaltsverzeichnis 1 Einleitung: Persönliche Motivation und Forschungskonkretisierung …………………………….. 6 1 2 Definitorische Vorüberlegungen ……………………………………………………………………………………12 6 3 Erklärungsansätze zum Einstieg in rechtsextreme Szenen ………………………………………….. 25 19 3.1 Studien zum autoritären Charakter nach Theodor W. Adorno et al. ……………………. 26 20 3.2 Begriff der Anomie nach Emile Durkheim ……………………………………………………………. 31 26 3.3 Bielefelder Desintegrationsansatz nach Wilhelm Heitmeyer et al. ………………………. 34 28 3.4 Strain-Theory ……………………………………………………………………………………………………... 41 35 3.5 Politische Erklärungsansätze ……………………………………………………………………………..… 45 39 3.6 Zielgruppenprofile rechtsextremer Rekrutierungsbemühungen …………………………. 49 44 4 Relevante soziokulturelle und soziohistorische Hintergrunderläuterungen, Beschreibung der Szenen ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 73 67 4.1 Untersuchungsrelevante Unterschiede ……………………………………………………………….. 73 68 4.1.1 Systemimmanente Unterschiede ………………………………………………………………. 74 68 4.1.2 Ideologische Unterschiede ………………………………………………………………………… 78 72 4.1.3 Weitere Unterschiede ……………………………………………………………………………….. 85 79 4.2 Erscheinungsformen des Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland ……………………………. 88 82 4.2.1 Parlamentarisch orientierte Parteien ………………………………………………………… 91 85 4.2.2 Außerparlamentarische, aktionistisch orientierte und organisierte Szenen 102 96 4.2.3 „Führerloser Widerstand“, lose Zusammenschlüsse und „Werwölfe“ ……… 110 104 4.3 Erscheinungsformen des Rechtsextremismus in den USA ……………………………….… 112 106 4.3.1 Organisationsformen mit Kaderstruktur …………………………………………….……. 115 109 4.3.2 Vertreter der religiös begründeten Strömung …………………………………………. 128 122 4.3.3 Unstrukturierte Elemente der Bewegung ……………………………………………….. 132 126 4.3.4 Rechtsextreme Milizen ……………………………………………………………………….…… 137 131 4.3.5 „Leaderless Resistance“, lose Zusammenschlüsse und „Lone Wolves“ ….… 133139 4.4 International agierende Netzwerke und Kooperationensformen …………………….... 113541 5 Rechtsextreme Rekrutierungsstrategien …………………………………………………………………... 148142 5.1 Szenenimmanentes Rekrutierungspotential der rechtsextremen Bewegung …….. 141439 5.1.1 Ideologische Komponenten …………………………………………………………………….. 143149 5.1.1.1 Konzept und Funktion von Verschwörungstheorien bzw. der „zionistischen Weltverschwörung“ als zentrale Ideologiekomponenten ………………………………………………………………. 150144 5.1.1.1.1 Feindbildkonstruktionen und kollektives „Scapegoating“ als absoluter Erklärungsansatz individueller Benachteiligung ………………………………………………………….… 161167 5.1.1.1.2 Die Funktion der Verschwörungstheorie als sinn- gebendes Element sowie als Legitimation von Gewalt ..… 186180 5.1.1.2 Genderkonstruktionen ………………………………………………………………... 192186 5.1.1.3 Kollektivismus und Nationalstaatlichkeit …………………………………….. 190196 5.1.1.4 (Para-)Militarismus und Mystizismus ………………………………………….. 193199 5.1.1.5 Märtyrertum und Heldenverehrung ……………………………………………. 196202 5.1.2 Subkulturelle Lifestyleangebote und „Erlebniswelt Rechtsextremismus“ … 199205 5.1.2.1 Das Mediennetz des organisierten Rechtsextremismus ………………. 221004 5.1.2.1.1 Musik ……………………………………………………………………….…… 205211 5.1.2.1.2 Printmedien ……………………………………………………………….…. 249243 5.1.2.1.3 Infotelefone ………………………………………………………………….. 268262 5.1.2.1.4 Internetpräsenzen ……………………………………………………..…. 271264 5.1.2.1.5 TV-Produktionen …………………………………………………….…….. 280274 5.1.2.1.6 Videospiele ……………………………………………………………..……. 276282 5.1.2.2 Weitere (mediale) Angebote ……………………………………………………….. 284278 5.1.2.2.1 Symbole und Codizes ……………………………………………………. 278285 5.1.2.2.2 Mode ……………………………………………………………………………. 285291 5.1.2.2.3 Sonstige Artefakte ………………………………………………………… 293299 5.2 Indirekte, kollektiv ausgerichtete Rekrutierungsmaßnahmen: Aktive Präsentation und Imagearbeit …………………………………………………………………………… 300294 5.2.1 Annäherung an den gesellschaftlichen Mainstream ……………………………..…. 295301 5.2.1.1 Politisches Mainstreaming und populistisches Agenda-Setting ….… 298302 5.2.1.2 Kommunalpolitisches Engagement ………………………………………..……. 300306 5.2.1.3 Infiltration anderer (Jugend-) Subkulturen ………………………………….. 308314 5.2.1.4 Anpassung an moderne gesellschaftliche Normen ………………………. 313319 5.2.1.5 Öffnung gegenüber Frauen …………………………………………………………. 317323 5.2.1.6 Familien- und Kinderfreundlichkeit ……………………………………………… 324330 5.2.2 Generierung öffentlicher Präsenz ………………………………………………….………… 330336 5.2.2.1 Demonstrationen und öffentliche Kundgebungen ………………………. 330336 5.2.2.2 Instrumentalisierung bzw. Diskreditierung szenefremder Medien 332338 5.2.3 Häufige Argumentationsinhalte und -techniken …………………………….………… 338344 5.2.3.1 Infiltration ideologiefremder Veranstaltungen …………………….……… 338344 5.2.3.2 Kreation von und Ansetzen an (existentiellen) Ängsten ………………. 339345 5.2.3.3 Umgang mit dem historischen Nationalsozialismus …………………….. 341347 5.2.3.4 Intellektualisierungsbemühungen und Pseudowissenschaftlichkeit 352358 5.2.3.5 Neologismen bzw. Euphemismen …………………………………………….…. 359365 5.3 Direkte, gezielt auf Individuen ausgerichtete Rekrutierungsmaßnahmen ……….… 363369 5.3.1 Provokationen und „False Flag“ Aktionen in Gebieten ethnischer Diversität 364370 5.3.2 Scouting potentieller Recrutees ………………………………………………………..…….. 366372 5.3.3 Positive soziale Interaktion als Erstkontakt, erste Ideologisierungsschritte 368374 5.3.4 Gruppendynamik und Gewalt ………………………………………………………….……… 375381 5.3.5 Initiationsriten und Hierarchiesysteme als Methode reziproker Machtübertragung zwischen Szene und Individuum …………………………..…… 380386 6 Erläuterung und Visualisierung des Szeneeinstiegs …………………………………………………… 388394 6.1 Sozialisationsprozesse im Kontext des Szenebeitritts …………………………………..……. 395389 6.2 Der Ideologisierungsprozess rechtsextremer Szenemitglieder ………………………….. 398404 6.3 Die „Totalintegration“ ………………………………………………………………………………………. 405411 6.4 Visualisierung des Einstiegsprozesses ……………………………………………………………….. 408414 7 Finale Überlegungen: Rechtsextremismus als multidimensional zu bekämpfendes Phänomen der „Mitte“ …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 413419 8 Literatur ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….….. 417423 9 Abbildungen ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…. 446452 10 Anhang ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…. 456 1 Einleitung: Persönliche Motivation und Forschungskonkretisierung „Beim Aldi um die Ecke, da bin ich längst bekannt. Beim Zahlen an der Kasse, da zittert meine Hand. Was die Leute von mir denken, ist mir völlig scheissegal. Ich will besoffen sein, alle andern könn‘ mich mal. Denn ich bin Alkoholiker, ich trinke jeden Tag. Ich bin Alkoholiker, ich trinke jeden Tag.“ Im Alter von 14 Jahren hörte ich den Song „Alkoholiker“ von „Sleipnir“ zum ersten Mal auf dem Schulhof des Gymnasiums, welches ich zu dieser Zeit besuchte. Unser Freundeskreis bestand damals aus sechs Jungen, einer davon hat dieses Lied mitgebracht und uns vorgespielt. Keiner aus unserer Clique war bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt politisch sonderlich interessiert, vielmehr fanden wir den Songtext aufgrund der rockigen Klänge sowie der Glorifikation des Alkoholkonsums interessant. Während der Rest von uns allerdings relativ schnell das Interesse an Liedern wie diesem verlor und sich eher „Marilyn Manson“, „Slipknot“ und generell dem US-amerikanischen Hardrock hinwandte, recherchierte einer meiner damaligen Freunde bezüglich der Band „Sleipnir“ weiter. Diese ist eindeutig rechtsextrem, was allerdings zu Beginn weder meinem besagten Mitschüler noch dem Rest von uns bewusst war. Schließlich finden sich in den gesamten Lyrics des Songs „Alkoholiker“ keinerlei Referenzen auf rassistische oder rechtsextreme Weltanschauung. Eigentlich hatte auch niemand von uns etwas mit Rechtsextremismus am Hut oder verfügte über jedwege Kontakte zur bzw., Kenntnisse über „rechte“ Szenen. Über weitere, ideologisch aufgeladene Songs der Band „Sleipnir“ sowie ähnliche Lieder anderer rechtsextremer Gruppierungen allerdings geriet mein damaliger Freund immer mehr in Kontakt mit der dahinterstehenden Weltsicht. Über den Zeitraum einiger Jahre tauchte er immer tiefer in die rechtsextreme Sukultur ein, auch der Kontakt mit dem bisherigen sozialen Umfeld (und damit mir selbst) brach sukzessive ab. Für einen Einstieg in extrem rechte Szenen sowie die Art und Weise, wie dieser von ihren Akteuren selbst initiiert und vorangetrieben wird, ist dieser Fall beinahe beispielhaft und steht Zeuge für die Anpassungsfähigkeit des modernen Rechtsextremismus. Denn auch nach dem 6 Niedergang der NS-Diktatur verschwanden rechtsextreme Organisationen und Einstellungsmuster nicht komplett von der (deutschen) Bildfläche und ließen sich im Laufe der Jahrzehnte in unterschiedlicher Ausprägung immer wieder in der Gesellschaft finden, teils als Atavismus im Sinne einer Ansammlung Ewiggestriger, teils aber eben auch als modern inszenierte jugendliche Subkultur (Wagner 2002, S. 1). Entsprechend fokussierte sich auch die wissenschaftliche Auseinandersetzung mit dieser Thematik stets auf bestimmte Aspekte. Unmittelbar nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg etwa war die Aufarbeitung des Hitlerfaschismus das primäre Anliegen, mit zunehmender zeitlicher Distanz wurde allerdings die konstante Aktualität des Phänomens „Rechtsextremismus“ erkannt und der Diskurs entsprechend um aktuelle Bezüge erweitert. In der Gegenwart wird die
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