Volume 1995 Article 21
1995
Historical Processes and the Political Organization of the Hasinai Caddo Indians
Daniel A. Hickerson University of Georgia
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Cite this Record Hickerson, Daniel A. (1995) "Historical Processes and the Political Organization of the Hasinai Caddo Indians," Index of Texas Archaeology: Open Access Gray Literature from the Lone Star State: Vol. 1995, Article 21. https://doi.org/10.21112/.ita.1995.1.21 ISSN: 2475-9333 Available at: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/ita/vol1995/iss1/21
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This article is available in Index of Texas Archaeology: Open Access Gray Literature from the Lone Star State: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/ita/vol1995/iss1/21 Volume 6, Number 3 HISTORICAL PROCESSES AND THE POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF THE HASINAI CADDO INDIANS
Daniel A. Hickerson, The University of Georgia Paper presented at the 1995 Caddo Conference, Austin, Texas
Recent archaeological and ethnohistoric re because of such research that it is no longer search bas begun to reveal the extent of the possible to reasonably deny or overlook the fact depopulation that took place among Native that the cultures of the native peoples of North American societies as a result of epidemic dis America as they were first described by Europe eases that were introduced, in some cases, even ans bad, in most cases, been drastically altered. before direct continuous interaction with Euro It is only in the past few years that anthropolo peans. The research of Henry Dobyns (1983) on gists and historians have fully understood the native demographic trends in Florida bas been difficulties involved in reconstructing precootact particularly influential on recent views of Native cultures and societies based on European descrip American demographic decline. While somewhat tions alone. controversial, the findings of Dobyns and others have stimulated further research focusing oo However, as important as it is to recognize the other areas of North America, including the impact of introduced pathogens, it is equally Caddoan region. important to avoid overstating their impact on native societies. Once the disease factor has been Recently, Timothy Perttula (1991, 1992) bas recogoiz.ed, it is tempting to attribute to it every focused on the role of European-introduced cultural change, every protohistoric or historic epidemic diseases in changes in settlement pat population movement, every shift in settlement terns and soc~opolitical organization among the or subsistence patterns, or in political or eco native peoples of the Caddoao region. Drawing nomic life, for which evidence is found. This can largely upon Dobyns' figures and models for be dangerous for at least two reasons: first, native depopulation, Perttula bas estimated up to because, despite the quality of recent archaeolog a 95 percent decline among the Caddoan popula ical work focusing on disease, we are still far tion during the protohistoric period (approxi from establishing the true extent of demographic mately 1520-1680). According to Perttula, this decline in the Caddoan region; and second, be depopulation bad a number of sociocultural cause the protohistoric period in this region (ca. consequences, including a general decline in 1520-1680) was characterized by a number of political complexity, and the abandonment of large-scale processes of change, each of which some regions accompanied by a coalescence of culturally impacted local populations over a wide groups in several areas, including that occupied area, and only one of which was the introduction by the historic Hasinai of the Neches and of epidemic diseases to the New World. J Angelina River basins of eastern Texas. In other words, we should view disease within It is not the purpose of this paper to ta.Ice issue a larger context, as one of several large-scale with the points that have been made by Perttula processes of change that resulted directly or or any other scholar doing research on the effects indirectly from European activity in North of introduced epidemic diseases. Indeed, it is America and Mesoamerica. Each of these histori-
5 Caddoan Archeology Newsletter
cal processes contributed to sociocultural changes od, possibly during the mid- to late-seventeenth among the Caddo and other Native American century. The spread of epidemic disease may peoples. Even where disease plays a significant have been one of the events that brought about and documented role in a sociocultural change, pressure for such a coalescence. However, it can not entirely determine how the change is during the protohistoric and early historic periods played out. For example, the spread of disease there were other processes of political and eco may have brought about the abandonment of nomic change taking place, originating many some areas in North America, but other social, miles away, with far-reaching impacts. In-addi political, and environmental factors may have tion, there were social and environmental factors played a role in determining or influencing where other than disease that influenced the movements the survivors moved after the abandonment. of groups of people, that influenced both whether or not they moved their settlements, and to what I will begin with the premise that the Hasinai destination. In this paper I will briefly discuss area of eastern Texas was the site of a protohis the role of disease in protohistoric population toric population coalescence, that the core of the movements. I will then focus attention on addi historic Hasinai Confederacy was a combination tional factors such as warfare and trade, and of groups or communities long resident in the discuss bow changes in these factors combined to area, and that these were joined by other Cad influence the creation of the historic alliance that doan communities during the protohistoric peri- is known as the Hasinai Confederacy.
The Role of Epidemic Disease
It is important that regional estimates of native least in the context of the present discussion, is population decline be applied critically and with the near certainty that areas throughout the attention given to regional differences in environ Southeast, including the Caddoan region, were ment, extent of European contact, and settlement affected differentially by European-introduced patterns. As noted, a major demographic decline, epidemic diseases. Of course, local populations with a population loss due to introduced diseases were most likely to be devastated by epidemic of up to 95 percent in the Caddo culture area, disease immediately after they experienced direct has been hypothesized for the protohistoric contact with Europeans. In the long run, differ period, A.D. 1520-1680 (Pentula 1992). But ences i.n the impact of diseases more likely Perttula (1992:77) also reminds us that the reflect variations in settlement densities, such as archaeological evidence for such a decline is far those between upland or rural communities and from adequate to draw firm conclusions about larger riverine or town communities (Perttula population trends during this period. The specific 1992:79, 87-89). evidence that does exist for the Caddo area is almost entirely indirect and inferential, based on When drawing comparisons with the dem analysis of generally inadequate regional settle graphic trends elsewhere in the protohistoric ment data, changes in mortuary practices and Southeast, it must be kept in mind that settle regional settlement patterns indicating declining ments in the Caddoan area were, in general, sociopolitical complexity, and comparisons with more dispersed and less densely populated than data on population declines in neighboring re the Mississippian period settlement systems of gions. the Southeast, and thus likely to be less suscepti ble to the spread of epidemics. For the same Perhaps more important than evidence of large reason, within the Caddoan culture area, the scale, regional rates of population decline, at populations of eastern Texas, particularly those
6 Volume 6, Number 3
of the relatively lightly-settled Hasioai area, do th.ese factors adequately explain the coales appear to have been relatively lightly impacted cence of population around this time along the by introduced diseases during the protohistoric Neches and Angelina rivers, the site of the period. The de Soto party, which passed through historic Hasioai Confederacy. the Caddoan area around the time that the major epidemics in North America would have begun, found settlements that were described as more It is reasonable to suggest that the groups that scattered, and thus less densely populated, than bad formerly inhabited the Cypress Creek area those that it had previously encountered througq were among those that came to comprise the out the Southeast. This trend was first noted Hasioai Confederacy. If I am correct in this upon their passage through Naguatex, located on suggestion, then reasons other than epidemic dis the Red River and their point of entrance into ease must be sought to explain the movement of eastern Texas (Gentleman of Elvas, in Smith, these people to join their southern neighbors. 1925:240-245). Previous archaeological research has provided no reason to suppose that the impact of epidemics Epidemics of introduced diseases might be was any more (or less) severe in the Cypress sufficient to explain the abandonment of, or Creek region than in the Hasinai region. Dobyns significant demographic reduction in, some ( 1983: 311) has suggested that the amalgamations areas, and the concentration of settlements in of swviving populations would take place in the others, such as the Arkansas, Ouachita, and Red most productive environments for native subsis River regions, during the protohistoric period. tence technology. I would concede that ecologi However, given available information, com cal and demographic conditions would have parisons of settlement patterns and epidemic certainly bad some degree of influence, but disease trends are not adequate to explain the suggest that economic and political factors must abandonment of the less densely populated also be sought to account for the coalescence of Cypress Creek basin toward the end of the populations in the Neches River valley area. The protohistoric or the very early historic period interaction of these factors will be the primary (Thurmond 1985; McCormick 1973: 108). Nor subject of the remainder of this paper.
mstorical Influences on Population Movements
I suggest that one political factor that influ threat to the settled tribes at the margins of the enced population movements during the protohis plains was actually, as of the late seventeenth toric period is warfare -- specifically, the in century, of quite recent origin. Before the seven creased aggression by the Apaches in the south teenth century, the Apaches wandered the plains ern Plains. The aggression of Apache Indians on foot, hunting bison and other game, and was a major concern for the Hasinai and their trading with the Pueblo peoples who lived along neighbors, and violent encounters that frequently the Rio Grande to the west of the plains. Indeed, took place with the Apaches were noted by it appears that the Apaches only became a signif nearly all of the European observers who lived icant threat to their eastern neighbors around the J for an extended time among the Hasinai. It is middle of the 1600's. The development that important to understand that, although the Span created this threat took place several hundred ish priests believed the wars between the Hasinai miles to the west, with the introduction of the and the Apaches to be the result of the "ancient horse into New Mexico by the Spanish colonists hostility between them" (Hidalgo, in Hatcher who occupied the Rio Grande valley. 1927:55), the rise of the Apaches as a major
7 Caddoan Archeology Newsletter
The first horses, and the knowledge required to Hasinai. In the later decades of the seventeenth ride and maintain them, were probably acquired century, Apaches began bringing Caddoan cap by the Apaches through trade with Puebloan tives, mostly Wichita and Pawnee, to sell or Indians who had been employed, or forced, to trade at trading fairs in Pecos, Taos, and Picuris care for the horses of the Spanish colonists. The pueblos. These captives were traded there as possession and mastery of those first horses gave slaves, primarily in exchange for Spanish dag the Apaches the means to build up their supplies gers, hatchets, and sword blades of metal (Hyde through raiding, and by 1660 Apaches were tak 1959:20). Posada (Thomas 1982:36-37) noted ing horses in frequent attacks on the Spanish and that the Apaches regularly came to Pecos Pueblo Puebloan Indian settlements in New Mexico "to sell for horses some Indian men and women, (Newcomb 1961:86-87). It was around this time girls and boys, whom they had captured from the that the Apaches acquired their reputation among Quivira nation in attacks they had made upon the Spanish as the fearsome and hostile warriors their lands." The Quivira have been identified as who dominated the southern Plains, a reputation the Wichita (N.P. Hickerson 1994:24). that stayed with them through the eighteenth century. The Hasinai began to acquire horses and Span ish weapons of their own some time before the Horses, along with Spanish weapons acquired 1680's. This allowed the Hasinai and their allies in New Mexico, made the Apaches a serious to meet the Apache on a more equal footing, and threat to the settled agricultural villages occupied occasionally to take the offensive in battle. by Caddoan Indians on the eastern fringe of the However, at the same time, they were also plains. They became, in the words of one Span actively seeking allies to stand with them in these ish observer, "enemies of one and all"1 on and battles. In the eyes of Hasinai leaders, these near the plains. Father Damian Massanet, a potential allies included European newcomers. In Franciscan missionary who worked among the 1687, according to Father Douay of the La Salle Hasinai, reported in 1691 that the Apaches "are party (Cox 1973, v. 1:241), a party of Hasinais at war with all the other nations. . . . they persuaded some of the French colonists to join dominate all the other Indians" (Hatcher 1932: them in battle with the Canoatinno, which may 58). Other tribes that had lived on the southern have been an Apache group living on or near the plains, and had served as a buffer between the Colorado River (Hyde 1959:43). Indeed, military Apaches and the Caddoan groups, had been driv alliance may have been expected, even assumed, en south and west by the 1680's, as the Apaches of the friends and neighbors of the Hasinai. A expanded across the entire width of the plains few years later, in a letter of 1693, the Fran (Hyde 1959:43). In 1686, Alonso de Posada ciscan priest Damian Massanet (1964:313) noted (Thomas 1982:36-38) described the Apache na among the reasons for the dissatisfaction that the tion, "which possesses and is owner of all the Hasinai had with the Spanish, that "they have plains of Cibola [the southern Great Plains)." said many times that if we do not go with them Posada noted that the Apaches were at war with to their wars and to kill their enemies, that we the Hasinai, and listed several nations, including should return to our land. " the Jumanos, that they had driven from the region of the Nueces River, southward to the Rio The rise of hostility between the Hasinai and Grande. the Apache on the southern Plains, and the resulting increased danger from raiding and The Wichita and the Pawnee, Caddoan Indians warfare, are likely to have exerted pressure on who lived farther west on the plains in farming the Hasinai and their neighbors, both Caddoan villages along the river valleys, thus were more and non-Caddoan, to seek close alliances and in exposed to attack, and seem to have fared worse some instances to concentrate their settlements at the hands of the mounted raiders than did the for the benefit of mutual protection. This factor
8 Volume 6, Number 3 alone, however, does not explain the selection of I have not discovered any places suitable for the region of the Neches and Angelina Rivers, irrigated cultivation•. And Father Casanas re the homeland of the Hasinai, as the site of a ports that "this province of the Hasinai is very population coalescence. For this purpose, we fertile, so much that anything that one might must look to the environmental characteristics of want can be grown in it. . . . It only has one this homeland, and the possible consequences of fault, which is that it is so thickly forested with the position of the Hasinai within this region. different kinds of trees, and the open places are The position of the Hasinai in the woodlands very few" (Swanton 1942:241). along the Neches and Angelina rivers provided a measure of protection from mounted raiders of the plains, both because of the remoteness and Historic accounts also indicate that during part the terrain of the region. The threat from the of the year the flooding of rivers presented as Apaches, and other real or potential enemies, significant a barrier to travel as did the dense may have been a significant factor that deter forest. The most difficult period of travel was in mined or influenced the movement ofpopulations the fall. This coincides with one of the two peak into this area during the seventeenth century. rainfall periods for eastern Texas, which is in late September or October, the other peak period occuring in May. In 1689, a Jumano Indian The dense forest that covered most of the land being questioned by Spanish authorities investi in this area was a barrier to travel by any means, gating French activity on the Gulf coast, was but especially to horseback warriors wishing to questioned about the approach to the country of strike suddenly and then retreat quiclcly. The the Hasinai. He replied, "when the rains begin it advantages of this protective barrier were noted is not easy to enter or come out of that land by European observers. In 1690, Father because of the flooded rivers and marshes which Massanet (Gomez Canedo 1968:161) described do not permit passage. . . . After it begins to the two roads from the south by which the rain in those parts it is not possible to come out Hasinai could be reached. The first road, he until winter sets in" (Hackett 1926:273). Father said, "goes straight north to the Texas. But the Massanet (Gomez Canedo 1964:309) wrote, in Apaches are in the habit of coming to it, and 1693, to the Viceroy Conde de Galve, explaining these Apaches are enemies both of the Texas why a promised report from the province of the [i.e., the Hasinai] and of the Spanish." The Hasinai, which he bad sent in the care of two second road ran to the northeast, and was de soldiers in October, was several months late. "It scribed by Massanet as "more secure, because pleased the majesty of God," he explained, "that there are no enemies, nor do the Apaches come the Colorado River would not allow them to to it because of the dense forest and the dis pass, nor lessen its flow until the past month of tance." April." Fathers Margit de Jesus and Espinosa similarly wrote in 1722 that "because of the The density of the forest was at times a source timing of the rise of the waters that for much of of frustration to the Spanish, as well as to Indian the year are an impediment to travel. . . the enemies of the Hasinai. Teran de los Rios, in supply of provisions is not very abundant for the 1691, expressed such frustration in seeking a poor missionaries. •z And in 1729, several place for his anny to camp, noting, "no suitable missionary priests working among the Hasinai place was found within the radius of twelve complained of the passage from San Antonio to leagues; for there is no open country nearby. . . the Hasinai, "with two formidable rivers in The whole country is wooded to a distance of between, which rarely allow passage without a about twenty-five leagues from this spot" canoe, and one which frequently exceeds three (Hatcher 1932: 18). Espinosa (1964:690) com leagues in width; and another fifteen or more mented that "the land is so thiclcly forested that arroyos that make the road impassible. "3
9 Caddoan Archeology Newsletter
The combination of the dense forest and the textiles and turquoise (Elvas 1925: 246). It is sometimes impassible rivers made travel in the likely, however, that the major commodities of country of the Hasinai always difficult, and this trade were perishable items that do not show sometimes impossible, for anyone unfamiliar up in the archaeological record, such as osage with the territory, whether they be horseback orange bow wood from the Caddo area and, as raiders from the plains, or Franciscan priests noted, cotton textiles from New Mexico. Lithics from New Spain. As the Apaches, supplied with and ceramics of southwestern origin found in the horses taken from the Spanish settlements of Caddoan area indicate that such trade took place, New Mexico, expanded their hunting territory on but they have been recovered in such small the plains, threatening all challengers, such a quantities that, according to Baugh (1992:3), country would have provided a particularly they are of little help in defining the nature and attractive homeland for displaced or remnant extent of Southwest-Caddoan interaction. Caddoan groups from the country farther nonh and west. This is not to suggest that this is why Alex Krieger (1946:209) has identified three the location was originally chosen for the Hasinai lines of evidence for prehistoric trade between settlements. Caddoan peoples had occupied that the east Texas Caddoan and Puebloan regions. area long before horses were introduced to the These are: first, the historical evidence of the plains peoples. However, in the early- to mid presence of trade items from the de Soto narra seventeenth century, when those Plains peoples tives; second, the recovery of a small amount of] began their rapid expansion, this quality of the ceramics from Caddo sites in eastern Texas; and country around the Neches and Angelina could third, similarities in Puebloan and Caddoan cera hardly have been overlooked by Caddoans who mics during the fifteenth century, possibly indi had previously occupied the less densely forest cating the imitation of Caddoan styles in the ed, more exposed territory to the nonh and west, Puebloan area. Evidence of this prehistoric long on the frontier of the plains. distance trade is most frequently found in Titus \ focus sites, which correspond to the late prehis One other aspect of the geographic position of toric cultures of the Cypress Creek area of north the Hasinai Confederacy may have exerted an east Texas, between the Hasinai and Red River equally strong attractive pressure for Caddoan Caddo (Kadohadacbo) regions (Krieger 1946: peoples who occupied eastern Texas during the 207). The Cypress Creek region was the site of protohistoric period. Although archaeological Caddoan settlements organized similarly to the data is not conclusive op this ~oint, there is Hasinai and Kadohadacbo during the late prehis strong historic evidence that during the mid- to toric and protohistoric periods, but was aban la~century, the Hasinai communi doned during the seventeenth century, probably ties were a gateway for trade in European goods by 1680 (Thunnond 1985). As I have noted, and horses brought from Spanish settlements in groups formerly residing in the Cypress Creek nonhern Mexico and New Mexico. region may have become part of the Hasinai Confederacy, beginning in the mid-seventeenth Evidence exists for trade contacts between the century. East Texas Caddo and the regions to the west, particularly the Puebloan area of New Mexico, Story (1981:150) has suggested that the Davis in both the archaeological and the historical and Sanders sites, located at the western edge of records. Timothy Baugh (1992:2) has noted that the eastern Texas Caddo region, were strategical the search for archaeological evidence of Cad ly placed to control incoming trade from the doan and Puebloan interaction bas been some west, and thus are consistent with Kenneth what frustrating, in light of the tantalizing docu Hirth's gateway community model (Hirth 1978). mentary evidence from the de Soto expedition Hinh's model suggests that the emergence of that the east Texas Caddo possessed Puebloan social stratification is related to the control of the
10 Volume 6, Number 3
distribution of resources. When interregional The reason given by these Indians for having trade is important to the growth of a region, visited the Hasinai was that of aiding them in Hirth says, "the most influential communities their wars. This may well have been the case. will tend to develop and be situated at strategic However, it is very likely, as Swanton (1942:36) locales for controlling the flow of merchandise." notes, that an additional, and perhaps the more These locales are found at points of passage into frequent, reason for the visits was to trade and out of the region which serve as "gateways" Spanish horses and merchandise. These two linking the region to external trade networks activities, trade and military alliance, were (Hirth 1978:37). probably related. The Hasinai actively sought allies for warfare, and trade relationships proba Early documentary evidence suggests that the bly served at least in part to establish military control of such trade gateways may have devel alliances. Indeed, it may have been expected that oped and become important as a basis or source a partner in trade would also be an ally in war. of reinforcement for the status of political elites among the Hasinai by the mid- to late-seven The Jumanos are most frequently mentioned as teenth century. In 1676, the Bishop of Guadala middlemen who brought Spanish goods to the jara, Don Manuel Fernandez de Santa Cruz Hasinai. However, there is no reason to suppose (Bannon 1964: 112-113), on a visit of inspection that other groups, including the Coahuiltecans, to the northern frontier of New Spain, wrote of were not involved in this trade network as well. eyewitness reports from Coahuiltecan Indians of Jumano groups, displaced from the southern southern Texas concerning the province of the Plains, are known to have been present in north Hasinai, which had yet to be visited by the ern Coahuila around the time of the report cited Spanish. He noted that the Coahuiltecans had above (Campbell 1983:348; N.P. Hickerson communicated 1994:178), and Coahuiltecan groups resident in that area may have accompanied the Jumanos on "with the people of that nation, which their trading visits to eastern Texas. Indeed, the they cal] Texas, and who, they main "Coahuiles" mentioned by the Bishop of Guada tain, live under an organized govern lajara may have even included Jumanos. Euro ment, congregated in their pueblos, and pean observers, including the members of the governed by a casique who is named by Teran ~e los Rios expedition of 1691-92, noted the Great Lord, as they call the one the presence of members of a number of other who rules ·them all, and who, they say, tribes, probably "Coahuiltecan", who accompa resides in the interior. They have hous nied the Jumanos on their journeys to the Hasinai es made of wood, cultivate the soil, around 1690 (Teran 1932: 15; Massanet 1932: plant maize and other crops, wear 57). clothes, and punish misdemeanors, especially theft. The Coahuiles do not If the reports concerning the Hasinai made to give more detailed reports of the Texas the Bishop of Guadalajara by the Indians were because, they say, they are aUowed to accurate, which we have no reason to doubt, go only to the first pueblos of the bor then it would appear that the Xinesi (the "Great der. since the Great Lord of the Texas Lord" mentioned in the quote above) maintained does not permit foreign nations to enter strict control of the border regions of the Hasinai J the interior of his country. There are territory. The locaJ chiefs, the Caddices, of the many of these Coahuiles who give these outlying provinces or communities of the Hasinai reports, and who say that they got them Confederacy, appear to have been instrumental in through having aided the Texas in their maintain this border control. These Caddices, or wars against the Pauit, another very "casique(s) ... named by the Great Lord", were warlike nation. " probably members of the same lineage as the
11 -
Caddoan Archeology Newsletter
Xinesi. There is no direct evidence from the among big men. However, it is quite likely that historic descriptions of the Hasinai, other than the Xinesi could direct the placement of Cad this one indirect account, that the Xinesi appoint dices, who were probably younger relatives, ed the Caddices. It is more likely that the Xinesi among the Hasinai villages. The purpose of their rose from the ranks of the Caddices, either control of the frontier and the points of entry through seniority or through personal influence - into the Hasinai territory would have been, at - he may have been, as Kathleen Gil.more least in part, to control the inflow and distribu (1983:67) tenned it, the "biggest big man" tion of incoming trade goods.
Conclusion
Identification of the historical processes taking logically (Thurmond 1985). However, there is place in the material and social environment are documentary evidence for this movement. Some important to any understanding of the influences of the groups found by the de Soto party near the on sociocultural changes, such as those that Cypress Creek or Sulphur River appear to have created the late seventeenth
12 Volume 6, Number 3
em Plains, from New Mexico and far western Apache hostility also made it advantageous for Texas to the Caddoan region of eastern Texas. Caddoan peoples to concentrate their settlements The groups involved in this trade networ:k proba near the Hasinai, for its relatively protected bl:; ;ncluded many of the same peoples who were position, for the safety to be found in numbers, involved in an earlier exchange in native objects, and for the Spanish horses and weapons to be which had brought goods from the Puebloan found there, which allowed them to meet the region to the Caddoan villages along the Red Apaches on relatively equal ground. The Hasinai River. leaders were able to use their position as a gateway for the distribution of trade goods to help them to gain a close circle of Caddoan l However, during the late seventeenth century, allies, the Hasinai Confederacy, as it is now known to historians and anthropologists. They ) middleman groups, notably the Jumano, began to follow a more southerly route across the plains were also able to attract a looser, less formal, than did the earlier traders, a development that confederation of groups, both Caddoan and ooo was almost certainly a response to Apache Caddoan, that they could count on as allies and expansion and aggression. As a result of this trade partners. The desire ofHasinai and Jumano southerly shift in the native trade route across the Indians, and their allies, to maintain open trade Plains, the Hasinai communities of northeastern routes across the Southern Plains in the face of Texas became the eastern terminus of this route, increasing Apache raiding would, by the late and thus were a regional gateway for the en 1600's, lead the Hasinai to encourage the estab trance of trade goods into the Caddoan region. lishment of Spanish missions in their territory.
Endnotes
1. Don Juan de Olivan Rebolledo, report of los Religiosos, July 20, 1729. University of December 24, 1717. Bexar Archives microfilm, Texas, Center for American History. Transcript reel S. of original in Archivo General de la Nacion de Mexico, Box 2Q 177.
2. Letter from Fray Antonio Margil de Jesus 4. Nasoni, during the protohistoric period, and Fray Isidro Felix de Espinosa to the Viceroy apparently split into two communities, one of marques de Valero, June 23, 1722. Archivo del which migrated to the Neches River drainage and Colegio de la Santa Cruz de Queretary, K Legajo became part of the Hainai Confederacy, and the l no. 18. Photocopy of transcript in Catholic other which became part of the Kadohadacho Archives of Texas 2.4.11.1. Confederacy on the Red River. The two commu ) nities are sometimes referred to as the Upper and 3. Fray Gabriel Vergara, et al. Represeotacio de Lower Nasoni. • References
Baugh, Timothy G. Paper presented at the 49th Southeastern Archae 1992 Regional Polities and Socioeconomic ological Conference, Little Rock, AR. Exchange: Caddoan and Puebloan Interaction.
13 Caddoan Archeology Newsletter
Campbell, T.N. 206-218; 30(4): 283-304; 31(1): 150-180; 31(2): 1983 Coahuiltecans and their Neighbors. Hand 50-62. book of North American Indians, v. 10: South west. Pp. 343-358. Smithsonian Institution Press, Hatcher, Mattie Austin, ed. Washington, D.C. 1932 The Expedition of Don Domingo Teran de los Rios into Texas. Preliminary Studies ofthe Cox, Isaac Joslyn, ed. Texas Catholic Historical Society 2(3). 1973 The Journeys of Rene Robert Cavelier Sieur de LaSalle (2 vols.). AMS Press [1905), Hickerson, Nancy P. New York. 1994 The Jumanos: Hunters and Traders ofthe South Plains. University of Texas Press, Austin. Dobyns, Henry 1983 Their Number Become Thinned: Native A Hirth, Kenneth G. merican Population Dynamics in Eastern North 1978 Interregional Trade and the Formation of America. University of Tennessee Press, Knox Gateway Communities. American Antiquity ville. 43:35-46.
Espinosa, Fray Isidro Felix de Hudson, Charles 1964 Cronica de Los Colegios de Propaganda 1993 Reconstructing the de Soto Expedition Fide de la Nueva Espana (ed. by Lino Gomez C Route West of the Mississippi River: Summary anedo). Academy of American Franciscan His and Contents. In G.A. Young and M.P. tory [17461, Washington, D.C .. Hoffman (editors), The Expedition of Hernando de Soto West of the Mississippi, 1541-1543. Pp. Ewers, John C. 143-153. University of Arkansas Press, Fayette 1973 The Influence of Epidemics on the Indian ville. Populations and Cultures of Texas. Plains An thropologist 18: 104-115. Hyde, G.E. l 959 Indians of the High Plains: From the Gilmore, Kathleen Prehistoric Period to the Coming of Europeans. 1983 Caddoan Interaction in the Neches Valley, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Texas. Reprints in Anthropology, v. 2.7. J&L Reprints, Lincoln. Krieger, Alex D. 1946 Culture Complexes and Chronology in Gomez Canedo, Lino, ed. Northern Texas: With Extension of Puebloan 1968 Primeras Exp/oraciones y Poblamiento de Darings to the Mississippi Valley. University of Texas (1686-1694). Publicaciones del Instituto Texas Press, Austin. Tecnologico y de Estudios Superiores de Mon terrey, Monterrey, Mexico. Lewis, Theodore H. (ed.) 1925 The Narrative of the Expedition of Hackett, Charles W., ed. Hernando de Soto, by the Gentleman of Elvas. 1937 Historical Documents Relating to New Pp. 127-272. In Spanish Explorers in the South Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches There ern United States, 1528-1543. Charles Scribner's to, to 1773, 3 vols. Carnegie Institution of Sons, New York. Washington, Pub. 330. McCormick, Olin F. III Hatcher, Mattie Austin, ed. 1973 Archaeological Resources in the Lake 1927 Descriptions of the Tejas or Asinai Indi Monticello Area ofTitus County, Texas. Southern ans. Southwestern Historical Quarterly 30(3): Methodist University Contributions inAnthropol-
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ogy, no. 8. Department of Anthropology, South Story, Dee Ann ern Methodist University. 1981 An Overview of the Archaeology of East Texas. Plains Anthropologist 26: 139-156. Newcomb, W.W., Jr. 1916 The Indians of Tex.as: From Prehistoric to Swanton, John R. Modem n,nes. University of Texas Press, 1942 Source Material on the History and Austin. Ethnology of the Caddo Indians. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Perttula, Timothy K. Bulletin 132. Washington, D.C. 1991 European Contact and its Effects on Aboriginal Caddoan Populations between A.O. Thomas, Alfred Barnaby (ed.) 1520 and A.D. 1680. In D.H. Thomas (editor), 1982 Alonso de Posada Report, 1686: A De Columbian Consequences, v. 3: The Spanish scription of the Area of the Present Southern Borderlands in Pan-American Perspective. Pp. United States in the Seventeenth Century. The 501-518. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washing Perdido Bay Press, Pensacola. ton, D.C. Thurmond, J. Peter Perttula, Timothy 1985 Late Caddoan Social Group Identification 1992 The Caddo Nation: Archaeological and and Sociopolitical Organization of the Upper Ethnohistoric Perspectives. University of Texas Cypress Basin, Northeastern Texas. Bulletin of Press, Austin . the Texas Archeological Society 54: 185-200.
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