seigaku tozen to Chugoku jijo: 'zassho' sakki i!§ $ * ~ C t:P ~ ~fHfi ; r ~ 11 J *U2 [The Eastern Spread of western Learning: Notes on "Various Books"] Masuda Wataru !tI83 $ Translated by Joshua A. Fogel University of California, Santa Barbara Translator's note. Masuda Wataru (1903-77) graduated from Tokyo University in 1929 with a degree in Chinese philosophy and litera­ ture. In 1931 he went to Shanghai where he was introduced to Lu Xun i}ill by the celebrated Uchiyama Kanzo P'1 ill jG ~ (see the article on Uchiyama by Paul Scott below), owner af the largest Japanese book­ store in China. Masuda was much influenced by his close association with Lu and later devoted years of study to Lu's work. He translated Lu ' s Zhongguo xiaoshuo shi1tie t:P ~ Ij' ~ ~ ~ [Brief History of the Chinese Novel] in the early 1930s and served as an editor and trans­ lator of the 1936-37 Japanese edition of Lu Xun writings. In the postwar years, Masuda wrote much on modern Chinese literature and on Sino-Japanese relations. When the great scholar of Chinese litera­ ture, Takeuchi Yoshimi ¥f[;fqtff (1901-77) passed away (see SJS, II.1, pp. 5-6), Masuda was slated to deliver the eulogy. While speaking, he suffered a heart attack and died. What follows is the first installment in a annotated translation of this seminal work in Sino-Japanese cultural interchange, covering the period from the mid- to late Qing. Much of Masuda's book con­ cerns the transmission or dissemination of texts: hence, the sub­ title. Readers may have some of the rare works mentioned below. Please let me know publication information for such texts or about editions of these works not mentioned by Masuda. Numbered notes are the author's original; lettered ones are my annotations. I have also added the dates for as many ot the persons mentions as I was able to locate and added bibliographic information to aid researchers in tracking these works down. 1. Wanquo qonqfa 7J ~ ~ #.; and Medical Texts In his On the People's Democratic Dictatorship (1949), Mao Zedong ~ ili * wrote: From the time of China's defeat in the Opium War of 1840, Chinese progressives went through untold hardships in their quest for truth from the Western countries. Hong Xiuquan~~~, Kang Youwei l\R ~ ~ , Yan Fu 1& Ui and Sun Zhongshan fJf. t:P ill were rep­ resentative of those who had looked to the West for truth before the Communist Party of China was born. Chinese who then sought 20 progress would read any book containing the new knowledge from the West. The Yongzheng Emperor (r. 1723-36) of the early Qing dynasty initiated a policy of interdiction against Christianity, but when this ban was removed by virtue of the Tianjin and Beijing Treaties in the late Qing, innumerable missionaries came to China. At the same time that they carried on their proselytizing efforts, these mission­ aries were also involved in enlightenment work through the introduc­ tion of Western academic culture. They trans l at e d into Chinese a wide array of Western works. These trans l ations were published for the most part in urban centers such as Shangha i , and for concrete data on titles and translators, Liang Qi chao ~ ~ m (1873-1929) penned the Xixue shumu biao [§~1f § ~ [Li sting of Western Books, 1896]. I have transcribed the entirety of that work in my Chugoku bungaku shi kenkyu rp ~ 3t ~ ~ iiJf ~ [Studi es in Chinese Literary History] (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1966). with the repeated military defeats from the Opium War on, Chinese were compelled to reflect seriously upon the deficiencies in their country and its culture. At the same time, the outpouring of published [usually classical] Chinese translations of Western academ­ ic writings led many to envision on an intellectual plane reform of the state structure. These works of "enlightenment" [as they became known] formed a bridge linking classical China with the institutional reform of contemporary China. Such works of "Western learning" (xixue f!§ ~ ) in classical Chinese pUblished in the late Qing by foreign missionaries were quickly introduced into Japan as well. From the late Tokugawa period into the early Meiji years, a large number of them were reprinted and pUblished in Japan with the appropriate Japanese punctuation for reading classical Chinese texts. Thus, for Japan too, this well became a new source of knowledge opened up by the West; and, it similarly functioned to enlighten Japanese about institutional reform in the bakumatsu-early Meiji era. I became especially interested in the phenomenon of the importa­ tion and reprinting of these Chinese books in Japan after reading the late Nakayama Kyiishiro' s rp L1J IJ.. ~ f!B essay "Kinsei Shina yori Ishin zengo no Nihon ni oyobashitaru shoshu no eikyo" ili:i!t~n~J:. '? m~M~O) SA$: ,:"& ,t L t: .p ~ f!! 'J) i~ @l! [Various influences from modern China on Japan around the time of the Restoration] (in Meij i ishin shi kenkW a)H~ ~t. ffi ~ iiJf ~ [Studies on the History of the Meiji Restoration], ed. Shigakkai~~~, Tokyo: Toyamabo, 1929). I had earlier been concerned with Sino- Japanese relations (especially in the area of culture) and had been collecting as many of these reprinted works as I could locate out of bibliophilia. I have now been buying such works for about 20 or 30 years and would like ~o write something about those I have amassed. Wanguo gongfa (in four juan) is the Chinese translation by W. A. P. Martin (Ding Weiliang T§~ , 1827-1916) of Henry Wheaton's 21 (Huidun £ i£ft , 1785-1848) Elements Q:f International Law. Martin was an American missionary who came to China in 1850, became a teacher and later the dean of the Jingshi daxuetang ~IDli*$1it (Metropolitan College, forerunner of Beijing University). The original edition of this book in my possession is dated Tongzhi 3 (1864) and reads "published by the Chongshiguan *~ tg in the capital" or Beijing•I also have a six-volume Japanese reprint (Bankoku koho) dated Keio 1 (1865) published by the bakufu's Kaiseijo fmr£pJT , with Japanese reading punctuation and kana affixed to personal and place names. a1 This same edition was reprinted again in the Meiji period: issued by Yorozuya Hyoshiro Ti~ ~ EB SB (Tokyo: Rosokan ~ ~ ft'g ).b In the very last year of the Tokugawa period and the first year of Meiji (1868), the' Bankoku koho shakugi JJ~~~~:1i [Elements of International Law with Commentary] was published in four string-bound volumes in Kyoto. The first two volumes of this work were a Japanese translation (a mixture of Chinese characters and Japanese syllabary) by Tsutsumi Koshishi ~~±;s Then, in 1876 the Bankoku koho reikan ]j'm~~&~ [Elements of International Law, with Detailed Observations] was published in eight string-bound volumes in Tokyo with "notes by Takaya RyUshii ~:fr fm #I , proofread by Nakamura Masanao t:P t-t iE00i "This was a beautifully produced edition with large type­ face, Japanese reading punctuation, and Chinese notes interspersed throughout the text. These books are only those editions in my possession. In addi­ tion, there is reportedly an 1870 work entitled Wayaku bankoku koho fD ~ TiIE~ ~ [Elements of International Law, Japanese Translation], translated and annotated by Shigeno Yasutsugu :i:1f~*, (1827-1910), published in Kagoshima, but it only covers the first two chapters of the first juan of the original work. Also, a Chinese translation with Japanese reading punctuation was issued by Yamada Kin'ichiro WEB ~ - SB in 1886.c Why did the Wanquo gongfa enjoy such a warm welcome and become so highly thought of in Japan? From the bakumatsu period through the Restoration, Japan found itself suddenly coming into conflict with foreign nations on a whole panoply of fronts. It became a pressing need of the moment that Japanese at that time immediately learn international law, which was the ken of the Wanquo gongfa. Since until then knowledge in this area was non-existent, this work in Chinese translation on international law was seen as a uniquely valu­ able handbook. One story goes that that pioneer mind Sakamoto Ryoma :ti*ftJ!~ (1835-67) tried to have it reprinted in the domain of Tosa and strove relentlessly to secure publication funds. Particularly after the Restoration, when the Meij i government transformed national ,pol i cy and opened its doors, the Wanquo gongfa became a virtual clas­ ,s i c . In the written curriculum, when university regulations were enacted in third year of Meiji (1870), we find tlBankoku koho" listed. The following year it appears in the curriculum for elementary 22 schools in Kyoto. That it was adopted as a textbook or a reference work in schools elsewhere is well attested by the aforementioned essay by Nakayama KyUshiro as well as Osatake Takeki ~ it'it ~ , "Bankoku koho shiso no inyiill JJ000\~.E;!t~0)~A [The introduction of ideas from Elements of International Law] (in Kinsei Nihon no kokusai kannen no hattatsu iii t!!' B"* 0) 00 ~ ill ~ 0) ~ iI [The Development of Modern Japan's International Conception] (Tokyo : Kyoritsusha, 1932). Nowadays when we use terms such as kenr i ~~Ij (rights) or gimu ~m (duties, obligations), they derive, one might argue, from the Wanguo gongfa. A glance at its table of cont ent s indicates that the work employs the expressions, j ichi 13 it; (aut onomy) , j ishu 13 :±: (independence), and shuken :±:~ (sovereignty). When Okuma Shigenobu *mmf§" (1838-1922), foreign minister of the [early] Meiji govern­ ment, entered into disputes with diplomatic officials from England or France, he allegedly would brandish the Chinese translation of Elements of International Law freely to cut his way through difficul­ ties.