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Q Kevin Ginter, 1998 CACIQUISMO IN MEXICO: A STUDY IN POST-REVOLUTIONARY HISTQRIOGRAPHY Mémoire présenté à Ia Faculté des études supérieures de L'Université Lava1 pour l'obtention du grade de maître ès arts (M.A) Département d'histoire FAcULTÉ DES LETTRES WNNERSITÉ LAVAL Q Kevin Ginter, 1998 National Libmry Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services seMces bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Canada Canada The author bas granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or seU reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Table of Contents Foreword.. ..................................................... -......,.-.,.,...II Introduction .......................1 . Objectives...................................................................... -1 Kistoriographical Context. ..............................................- 7 The Characteristics of Caciquismo. .............................. -7 A Note on the Sources.................................................. 12 The MethodoIogy..................~....~................................. 16 Chapter One: The Reconstruction Phase, 1920- 1940...................... 2 1 Chapter Two: The Institutional Phase, 1940- 1968............................. 47 Chapter Three: The Disillusionment Phase, 1968- 1982....................... 78 Chapter Four: The Counter-Revolutionary Phase, 1982- 1994......... 119 Conclusion................................................................. 145 Le caciquisme est un phénomène présent au Mexique depuis le début de l'époque coloniale. Lors de la conquête, le mot "cacique" signifiait "le chef d'une tribu indigène." Au cours des siècles sa signification a changé: aujourd'hui, le cacique est celui qui contrôle un village, un syndicat, un quartier ou une région - généralement au moyen de liens personnels. Bien qu'on l'associe souvent aux époques d'instabilité politique ou de dictature, le cacique est toujours visible dans un Mexique qui se veut démocratique. et on en traite dans de nombreuses études publiées sur le Mexique depuis 1920. Cette thèse a pour objet d'analyser Les interprétations issues de ces recherches et aussi de les comparer. ll s'agit d'études régionales et nationales redigées par des Mexicains et des Américains. Notre objectif est de suivre, grâce à ces comparaisons. l'interprétation changeante du caciquisme à travers la 1ittérature scientifique. Caciquismo has been present in Mexico since the beginninç of the colonial period. At the time of the conquest, it referred simply to the chief of a native tribe, but over time came to mean someone who controls a village, a union, a neighbourhood or a region - generally through ties of persona1 Ioyalty. Conventional wisdom associates caciquismo with either periods of political instability or authoritanan-type regirnes, but it has persisted in revolutionary Mexico, despite the regime's democratic pretentions. Thus, the cacique has been the object of numerous studies as well as figuring in many others: the objective of this thesis is to analyze the interpretations of caciquismo coming out of these studies and to compare them. Fo reword Writing - and completing - this thesis wouId not have been possible without the support and encouragement of many people. First, 1 would like to thank Marie Lapointe, my thesis advisor. Her expert criticisrns and helpful susgestions first allowed this thesis to take shape and then guided it along to fmition. She unfailingly lent an attentive ear and open mind to rny comrnents and questions, as confised and disoriented as they sometimes were. The staff at the university's inter-library loan service also deserve a word of thanks. Their prompt and friendly service greatly facillitated my work 1 would also like to thank several friends who have helped me along the way. 1 will always be grateful to Luisa Molina and her family for the materiai and moral support that they have given me and my family over the past four years. I also owe a special debt of gratitude to Sonia Calvo and Monica Cividini for their enouragernent and fiiendship. Finally, I wish to thank my parents for their support of what rnust have seemed to them a punlinj and interminable pursuit. And 1 would like to thank my wife, Aymara, and my two sons, Thomas Samuel and JuIio Cesar. who have brought me unknowable joy. 1dedicate this thesis to thern. Kevin Ginter Québec City, Au~st1998 III Introduction O bjectives Caciquismo refers to a phenornenon present in Mexican history since the very beginning of the colonial period. At the tirne of the conquest, 'cacique' meant simply the chief of a given native mie, but over tirne it came to signe someone who controls and dominates, with a band of followers, a village, a district, a state, an urban settlement and even a union - generally through ties of personal loyalty. The cacique (dong with his close cousin the caudillo, who is sirnply a cacique with more men, more msand greater ambitions) is usualIy thought to have thrived in either periods of great turmoil, such as the nineteenth century, or (and this is especially mie of the cacique) in penods of absolutist or authontarian rule, such as the colonial period (1519-1821) or the dictatorship of Pofio Diaz (1 876- 19 10). However, the regime which emerged &om the RevoIution (19 10- 1920) has, on the one hand, assured political stability and on the other rested upon a progressive constitution and - in fom, at least - a democratic system. Yet numerous observers have noticed the persistent presence of caciquismo in post- revolutionary Mexico. ' This apparent contradiction has attracted the attention of historians, sociologists and anthropologists £kom Mexico and the United States. They have studied caciquismo in po st-revolutionary Mexico in it s political, econornic, cultural and histo rical ("longue- durée '7 contexts. This dissertation will, by way of cornparison, attempt to synthesize the various interpretations which have emerged fiom the work of these observers. The perspectives of Mexicans will be contrasted with those of Americans, and we will aIso compare the interpretations between national studies and regional studies. Our goal is to trace the changing conception of caciquismo in a survey of the scholariy literature of the post-revolutionary period. ' See, for example, Lam Randail (d),The Changine: Structure of Mexico: Social. Political and Emnomic Prospects (Armonk, New York: ME, Sharpe), c. 1996. Historiographical Context Our study Ends itself at the crossroads of two broad historiographical areas: the history of ideas and the history of post-revolutionary Mexico. ThÏs section will provide a brkf explanation of the relationship between these two historiographical fields and the study of the historiography of caciquismo. The importance of ideas in history becomes self-evident when the subjective nature of the historical fact is taken into account- The 'fact' in the historicaI sense is rareIy 'pure' or completely objective; when it is 'pure,' it is rarely of much interest. For example, the historian can Say that "Lazaro Cardenas nationalized the foreign-owned oil companies on March 18th, 1938." This is unquestionably an accurate, objective histoncal fact: it happmed. But what of it? What real histoncal interest does the sentence contain? None, one could argue, because it does not go any distance in explaining why or hav the nationalization took place, questions which are, after all, at the heart of histoncal understanding. A book filled with statements similar to the one used above, while certainly accurate, would neither increase our understanding of the event nor incite much enthusiasrn for the study of history. Inevitably, the historian must add to the fact some explanation or interpretation; in short, some idea. He mijht Say, for instance, that Cirdenas nationalized the foreign- owned oil companies "so as to filfil1 the provisions of the 19 17 Constitution," or thar he "resented the oil cornpanies' exploitation of Mexico and its resources" - both would be attempts to explain or interprete why Cirdenas did what he did. In so doing, the histoiian would be entering the realm of ideas in order to explain a historical fact. Thus, even thoujh the 'history of ideas' may not be explicitly chosen by the historian, ideas implicitly form a basic part of his or her job. Indeed, the historian's success depends just as much on his or her rigourous and critical assessment of ideas as it does on his or her treatment of factud information. Fundamental to ideas is that, unlike numbers or other fixed symbols, they function in the medium of words. They are. therefore, open to some interpretation. While '4' always means '4' and never '3,' certain words like 'democracy' or 'revolutiont will alrnost certainly Vary depending on whom one asks, not to mention
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