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2014-04-30 The role of 'mzungu' voluntourism in schools and community development in rural Mukono, Uganda
Skett, Sarah St.Clair
Skett, S. S. (2014). The role of 'mzungu' voluntourism in schools and community development in rural Mukono, Uganda (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/28336 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/1463 doctoral thesis
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The role of ‘mzungu’ voluntourism in schools and community development
in rural Mukono, Uganda
by
Sarah St.Clair Skett
A THESIS
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY
CALGARY, ALBERTA
April 2014
© Sarah St.Clair Skett 2014 Abstract
Uganda introduced Universal Primary Education (UPE) in 1997 and while the number of children in school has increased, the quality has not. Fifteen years on UPE schools struggle with teacher absenteeism, overcrowded classrooms, and high repetition and drop-out rates. Community members have now started their own low-cost private schools (LCPS) which have nominal school fees, lower student/teacher ratios, and (the majority) seek out children most in need. This research explores the partnership between LCPSs and volunteer organizations. It provides a critical bridge to divergent literatures on LCPSs and the voluntourism industry through Rights Based Development (RBD). The research objectives are examined within the framework of pro-poor tourism and demonstrate how this partnership contributes to community development. The mixed-methods comparative case study was carried out in Mukono District, Uganda, in 2010. Five LCPSs partnered with a volunteer NGO, The Real Uganda (TRU), was the setting for this fieldwork and offered an insight to the success of these schools and partnerships. It further revealed the role of western volunteers as education boosters through their presence in host schools and communities. Two of the five schools in this research now have the highest Primary Leaving Exam (PLE) rates in their district. These schools have now gained notoriety and parents are becoming more engaged in their children’s education. The success of these LCPSs offers an alternative to the failing government schools and strategies put forward by international education organizations. However, the perils of this partnership and the impacts of bzungu in host communities was also seen, leading to parental and community mistrust; and in the worst scenario, the closure of a school.
ii Acknowledgements
I would first like thank Dr. Miriam Grant for her teaching, mentoring, support and encouragement throughout this journey. I came to the University of Calgary to work with her as my supervisor and it was one of the best decisions of my life. I have learnt invaluable skills from you, but also the importance of life beyond the academics, to enjoy and appreciate all that life has to offer. Miriam, thank you for everything you have done for me, I look forward to our future work together and ongoing friendship. I would also like to thank my co-supervisor Dr. Dianne Draper, you have supported and guided me since I began my Ph.D. You’re kindness and encouragement always eased my mind when I was stressing. Having you and Miriam as my supervisors has been instrumental in not only my success but in making this one of the greatest experiences of my life. I would like to thank my committee members who also made this such an enjoyable experience. Dr. Maureen Wilson, you have been a part of my journey from the beginning and I appreciate the positivity you bring and the perspectives you offer. Dr. Amal Madibo, it has been an absolute privilege and pleasure to have you on my committee, but also to have the opportunity to guest lecture in your class. I appreciate all the encouragement and enthusiasm you have shown me. Dr. Chui-Ling Tam, thank you for your ideas in both my candidacy exam and thesis defense which challenged my ideas, in the most positive ways, they were thought provoking and allowed me to view my research from an different perspective. Finally, my external examiner, Dr. Bruce Frayne, unfortunately we never met in person but I hope that one day we will so we can exchange ideas and I can shake your hand. I really appreciate your professionalism and honesty in my defense, you pushed me to think beyond my ideas and assumptions which truly benefitted this final thesis. It is imperative to acknowledge, and thank, those who really made this research a reality. Leslie Weighill, Founder of The Real Uganda, there are no words to express my profound appreciation of your kindness and openness to allow me to carry out this work. You are a truly inspiring woman and I whole-heartedly believe in the work you are doing. I look forward to returning to Uganda and talking about life while sharing a meal at the pork joint. I would also like to thank the project founders who welcomed me, but also inspired me: Valence, Betty, Nansubuga, Paul & Liz. Your passion and efforts inspire all those around you to become a better
iii person and build a better community. To all the teachers who participated in this research I cannot thank you enough for all your honesty, and generosity with your time. And to the women in these communities who spent time with me, invited me into their homes and showed me the power of women and the value of friendship and community, I thank you from the bottom of my heart. To the volunteers who joined me for chicken & chips, walks to the market and allowed me to tag along on their volunteer experiences I appreciate your honesty and time even when you were having an overwhelming day. To all the residents of Mukono District thank you for making me so welcome in your communities. Finally, Dr. Frederick Tumwine, Head of the Geography Department at Makerere University in Kampala, Uganda, you were essential in making this research a reality and I appreciate all your guidance and ongoing friendship. I am so appreciative of the support, and friendship, I have experienced here in the Geography Department at UofC. Catherine, Paulina, Linda & Brenda I would not have survived were you not here to support (and save) me. I was also fortunate enough to have brilliant colleagues who have become good friends. Ryan, thank you for pushing beyond the academics and getting me involved in GeoGSA, it was a great experience and allowed our friendship to flourish. Tatenda, I have enjoyed every one of our ‘office debates’ and cannot thank you enough for how you have influenced the way I think about Development, as well as other distractions such as food, American & African politics, relationships, documentaries... the list goes on! I have been blessed with the most amazing family which has allowed all of this to happen. Mum & Dad your support and encouragement has been unwavering. Mum you’ve always told me I could, and should, do anything I want, and that I should explore the world. It is because of you I have the courage to explore amazing countries like Uganda, and to pursue my passions in life. Dad you have pushed me to challenge myself, and inspired me to pursue my academic dreams... and now I have a Ph.D. I have also been lucky enough to have the most amazing big sister a girl could ever ask for – Dee, you are my rock. I have idolised you since I was little and seeing all your success makes me strive to be better. Not just in my career endeavors, but to be a better person. You are the kindest and strongest woman I know. Frank and Dakota thank you for being the best brother-in-law and niece ever, I love you both so much. Finally, when I came to Calgary it was for my Ph.D., the most unexpected bonus was meeting Marcus, the love of my life. Marcus you have enriched my life beyond my wildest dreams. You have supported me, and challenged me, when needed throughout my Ph.D. You
iv have also shown me there’s so much more to life, that Jamaican time is a good thing, to enjoy the little moments we share together, as well as the big ones. You make me laugh and smile every day. Thank you for your patience waiting for me to finish this, now it’s time to start our next adventure together!
v Dedication
This book is dedicated to the fifty million children who remain out of school today. Education is not only a right but a gift. I wish for all of you the opportunity to learn, live and love.
I promise to never stop fighting for your education.
vi Table of Contents
Abstract...... ii Acknowledgments...... iii Dedication...... vi Table of Contents...... vii List of Tables ...... xii List of Figures and Illustrations ...... xiii List of Symbols, Abbreviations and Nomenclature...... xvi
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION...... 1 The global education crisis ...... 2 Low-cost private schools & voluntourism...... 4 Volunteers in the classroom...... 5 Low-cost private schools in Mukono District & The Real Uganda (TRU)...... 8
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW...... 10 Rights Based Development...... 15 Evolution of RBD...... 15 Education & Rights Based Development ...... 19 Education and Development...... 19 Education as a Human Right ...... 20 Education in Africa...... 22 Education for All (EFA)...... 26 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)...... 28 Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs)...... 35 Rights Based Development & Non-Government Organizations...... 37 Tourism & Development ...... 38 Tourism as a Development Strategy...... 39 Pro-Poor Tourism ...... 40 Communities, Development & Tourism ...... 42 Voluntourism...... 45 Voluntourists ...... 48 Host Communities...... 50 NGOs and the Business of Voluntourism ...... 53 RBD, Education, NGOs & Voluntourism ...... 55
CHAPTER THREE: UGANDA – THE BLOOD STAINED PEARL OF AFRICA...... 57 Geography...... 58 Pre-Colonial Uganda...... 60 Kingdoms fight for Power...... 60 Europeans, Missionaries, and the War of Religions...... 62 British Colonial Rule ...... 63 Buganda Favouritism...... 63 Colonial ‘Development’ ...... 64 Independence ...... 67
vii Two Decades, Two Dictatorships...... 67 Destruction of an Economy, and a Country ...... 70 New Leadership, New Partnerships, and New Debt ...... 71 The “Donor Darling”...... 72 The Lord’s Resistance Army...... 74 The Orphan Burden ...... 75 In The News Today ...... 76
CHAPTER 4: STUDY AREA, RESEARCH DESIGN AND ETHICAL ISSUES ...... 80 Location & Size ...... 82 Geographic & Demographic Profile...... 82 Social & Economic Profile...... 83 Education Profile...... 85 Research Design ...... 87 Methodological Choices...... 87 Comparative Case Study ...... 90 Objectives and Research Questions...... 91 Research Sites...... 93 The Real Uganda (TRU) ...... 95 Primary School Research Sites...... 97 PACE Primary School (Seeta Parish)...... 98 Nalusse Success Primary School (Mukono Town) ...... 98 Hopeland Junior School (Kitoola)...... 100 Hope for Africa Children’s Village (Bugiri)...... 101 Buikwe Bright Future Primary (Buikwe)...... 102 Secondary Sites...... 103 Grace Orphanage & School (Nakifuma) ...... 103 Youth Focus Africa Foundation (YOFAFO) (Lugazi)...... 104 Buikwe Village Care (BVC) (Buikwe Town)...... 106 The Real Uganda (TRU) (Mukono Town)...... 108 Respondent/Participant Profile ...... 109 In the Field...... 111 Field Report & Data Generation...... 116 Quantitative Data...... 123 Data Analysis...... 124 Analysis ...... 124 Data Interpretation & Validity...... 125 Ethical Considerations & Constraints of the Study ...... 126 Friendship in the Field...... 126 Constraints of the Study...... 128
CHAPTER 5: THE REALITIES OF UPE IN UGANDA...... 130 Education in Uganda...... 131 Indigenous Education ...... 131 Missionary Education...... 133 Colonial Education ...... 137 Education after Independence ...... 141
viii The Poster Child of Universal Primary Education (UPE) ...... 142 ...and the Failure to Educate ...... 142 The Victims of HIV/AIDS: Teachers and Students...... 149 Low-cost Private Schools ...... 152 Providing Something with Nothing...... 157
CHAPTER 6: LOW-COST PRIVATE SCHOOLS IN MUKONO DISTRICT: FOUNDERS, TEACHERS & REALITIES...... 159 1. Hopeland Junior School...... 161 The Teachers of Hopeland Junior School ...... 163 Observations...... 167 2. Hope for Africa Children’s Village ...... 169 The Teachers of Hope for Africa Children’s Village...... 172 Observations...... 175 3. Nalusse Success Primary School ...... 178 The Teachers of Nalusse Success Primary School...... 183 Observations...... 189 4. PACE Primary School ...... 190 The teachers of PACE Primary School ...... 194 Observations...... 198 5. Buikwe Bright Future Primary School ...... 199 The Teachers of Buikwe Bright Future Primary School...... 202 Observations...... 205 6. Grace Primary School and Orphanage...... 206 The schools and their partnerships...... 209
CHAPTER 7: LOCAL NGO/CBO PARTICIPATION AND WESTERN VOLUNTEERS IN HOST COMMUNITIES...... 210 The Real Uganda (TRU)...... 210 The Volunteer Placement Process...... 212 TRU Operations...... 213 Day-to-day operations ...... 215 Volunteers of TRU ...... 217 Volunteer experiences with TRU ...... 221 Youth for Africa Foundation (YOFAFO)...... 223 Volunteers of YOFAFO ...... 226 Buikwe Village Care (BVC)...... 228 Volunteers of BVC...... 229 Volunteer experiences in their projects and communities...... 236 When volunteers interfere… ...... 239 When volunteers are inspired… ...... 240 Community attitudes towards western volunteers...... 243 Teachers and parents love of volunteers ...... 244 The Real Uganda: today ...... 246
ix CHAPTER 8: BRINGING IT ALL TOGETHER: THE REALITIES OF LOW-COST PRIVATE SCHOOLS AND PARTNERSHIPS WITH WESTERN VOLUNTEER ORGANIZATIONS...... 248 Objective One: Determine the access to UPE and quality of education provided by NGOs and community members...... 250 The challenges to provide UPE ...... 250 The schools in this research...... 253 Site Similarities...... 253 Site Differences...... 253 Goals and Dreams:...... 253 Level of education provided: ...... 253 Partnership with TRU and western volunteers at their schools:...... 253 Community Support:...... 253 Struggle to pay and retain teachers:...... 254 NGO Operations: ...... 254 A quality education...... 254 Passion & determination at the local level ...... 257 Disappointment in UPE...... 260 The real costs...... 262 Without these schools where would students go? ...... 265 Need for Partnership...... 268 Partnership contributions...... 269 Before partnership… ...... 270 Is this Pro-Poor Tourism (PPT)? ...... 272 The demonstrated potential of Voluntourism...... 273 Education ‘Boosters’ ...... 274 The Right to Play ...... 276 Money can’t buy me love ...... 278 The perils and pitfalls of Voluntourism...... 280 New Understandings...... 287 Bringing it all together...... 287 Reality vs. Idealism ...... 289
CHAPTER 9: SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS & CONCLUSION...... 293 Lessons from Mukono District ...... 293 Contributions to the literature...... 295 Recommendations...... 299 1. Quality education & income generation...... 299 2. Transparency and working together ...... 301 Limitations to the research...... 302 Future Research Considerations ...... 304 Final thoughts ...... 305
REFERENCES ...... 308
APPENDICES A: CONSENT FORM ...... 333
x APPENDICES B: PROJECT BREAKDOWN...... 336
APPENDICES C: NGO INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ...... 337
APPENDICES D: HEADMASTER/MISTRESS INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ...... 339
APPENDICES E: TEACHER INTERVIEW QUESTIONS...... 341
APPENDICES F: VOLUNTEER INTERVIEW QUESTIONS...... 343
APPENDICES G: PARENT & COMMUNITY INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ...... 345
xi List of Tables
Table 1 Millennium Development Goals (United Nations, 2012)...... 30
Table 2 Voluntourism brochures (Simpson, 2004, 684)...... 48
Table 3 Details of the schools in this case study (Skett, 2014)...... 160
Table 6 Project costs of volunteering in Uganda (Skett, 2014) ...... 213
Table 5 Volunteers 'sign the wall' at the TRU guesthouse (Skett, 2010)...... 242
Table 6 Slow progress of MDG#2 in Uganda (UNDP, 2013)...... 251
Table 7 Similarities & differences of research sites (Skett, 2014) ...... 253
Table 8 Teacher qualifications of research sites (Skett, 2014) ...... 255
Table 9 Reasons for not attending school for persons aged 6-12 years by sex (%) (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2014)...... 264
Table 10 Availability for education facilities within communities by residence (%) (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2014)...... 267
Table 11 Availability of facilities within communities by region (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2014)...... 267
Table 12 Volunteer placements and contributions to the research sites (Skett, 2010) ...... 282
Table 13 Summary of EFA 2013/14 Education Report (UNESCO, 2014a) ...... 290
xii List of Figures and Illustrations
Figure 1 Ugandan School (Koezler, 2011) ...... 1
Figure 2 Conceptual Framework of the research and their interlinkages (Skett, 2014) ...... 56
Figure 3 Map of Uganda (World Embassy Information, 2012)...... 59
Figure 4 Political Districts of Uganda (United Nations, 2012) ...... 82
Figure 5 [from left] an illegal gin mill; a woman sells maize in the rain with her child sleeping behind her; boda-boda drivers wait for their next fare (Skett, 2010) ...... 83
Figure 6 Kampala-Jinja Highway running through Mukono Town (Skett, 2010) ...... 84
Figure 7 Mukono Central Market (Skett, 2010) ...... 85
Figure 8 The Real Uganda homepage (The Real Uganda, 2012)...... 96
Figure 9 Location of Research Sites (George Magawa, Makarere University, 2010)...... 97
Figure 10 PACE Primary School (Skett, 2010)...... 98
Figure 11 Nalusse Success Primary School (Skett, 2010)...... 99
Figure 12 Hopeland Junior School (Skett, 2010)...... 100
Figure 13 Hope for Africa Children's Village (Skett, 2010)...... 101
Figure 14 Buikwe Town (Skett, 2010) ...... 102
Figure 15 Buikwe Bright Future Primary School (Skett, 2010) ...... 103
Figure 16 Grace Orphanage School (Skett, 2010)...... 103
Figure 17 YOFAFO Women's Empowerment Group (Skett, 2010) ...... 104
Figure 18 Community Volunteers working on local BVC projects (Skett, 2010)...... 106
Figure 19 facilities at the Guest House from left: outdoor pit latrines, sink and “bucket bath” (Skett, 2010)...... 108
Figure 20 Esther and myself (left); Nango & Sarah (Skett, 2010) ...... 109
Figure 21 The Vicious Cycle of HIV/AIDS and Education. (National Academy of Public Administration, 2006, 3) ...... 150
Figure 22 Teresa and her youngest grandchildren (Skett, 2005)...... 151
xiii Figure 23 Primary Schools by Ownership 2007 (Uganda Ministry of Education and Sports, 2007, [Annual School Census]) ...... 153
Figure 24 Primary Schools by Ownership 2008 (Uganda Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008, [Annual School Census]) ...... 154
Figure 25 Low-cost private schools in Uganda (Skett, 2005; 2010) ...... 155
Figure 26 Teachers by Qualification (Uganda Ministry of Education, 2008 [School Census]). 157
Figure 27 Primary school chilldren in Uganda (Skett, 2010) ...... 158
Figure 28 Students play in the yard of Hopeland Junior School (Skett, 2010) ...... 161
Figure 29 The teachers of Hopeland Primary School and their (younger) children (Skett, 2010) ...... 161
Figure 30 Entrance of the school (Skett, 2010) ...... 169
Figure 31 Parents Day (Skett, 2010)...... 169
Figure 32 Students' standings are posted for Parents Day (Skett, 2010) ...... 170
Figure 33 Signs posted on the school grounds (Skett, 2010)...... 176
Figure 34 Students and Staff of Nalusse Success Primary School (Skett, 2010) ...... 178
Figure 35 Nansubuga marks students' work while she takes morning tea at her desk (Skett, 2010) ...... 179
Figure 36 Nalusse Success school term fees (Skett, 2010)...... 180
Figure 37 Nalusse hot lunch program (Skett, 2010)...... 182
Figure 38 PACE Primary School (Skett, 2010)...... 190
Figure 39 Betty Kasumba (Kakembo, 2013) ...... 191
Figure 40 Constructed pig pen behind building (left); newly born piglets keep warm (right) (Skett, 2010)...... 193
Figure 41 Buikwe Bright Future Primary School (Skett, 2010) ...... 200
Figure 42 Pastor Paul Mulamira with his wife, nieces and nephews whom he cares for as well (Skett, 2010)...... 200
Figure 43 The P5 class and front office of the school (Skett, 2010) ...... 206
Figure 44 The school cook helps students to serve up porridge for lunch (Skett, 2010)...... 208
xiv Figure 45 Katie Wilkes (left) and Leslie Weighill (right) at the guesthouse in Mukono (Wilkes, 2010)...... 211
Figure 46 Volunteer placement process in Uganda (Skett, 2014) ...... 212
Figure 47 Lee (right) visits with a woman from one of her projects (Skett, 2010) ...... 215
Figure 48 Frannie (from the Great Lakes Region of the USA) with a young boy in Buikwe (Skett, 2010)...... 220
Figure 49 Valence Lutaisire is the founder and director of YOFAFO in Uganda (YOFAFO, 2013) ...... 223
Figure 50 The women of YOFAFO make paper beads (left) and they are collected and accounted to each maker; they are then sold overseas (right) (Skett, 2010)...... 224
Figure 51 Doreen Lutaisire (YOFAFO, 2013) ...... 225
Figure 52 Children and community volunteers of Buikwe Village Care (Village Support Network Uganda, 2013)...... 228
Figure 53 Projects carried out in the community by BVC (Skett, 2010)...... 231
Figure 54 Hamilton Buikwe Nursery and Primary School (P. Mulamira, personal communication, January 4, 2011)...... 235
Figure 55 TRU volunteers: [from left] Emma, Lynn & Carly (Skett, 2010)...... 241
Figure 56 Potential positive impacts of voluntourism (Skett, 2014) ...... 273
Figure 57 Students wear their donated uniforms (Skett, 2010) ...... 277
Figure 58 Kids at Hopeland Junior School are given a football and chaos ensues! (Skett, 2010) ...... 277
Figure 59 Potential volunteer contributions of education, and volunteers, to community development (Skett, 2014) ...... 280
Figure 60 Uncompleted projects at a school partnered with TRU (Skett, 2010)...... 283
Figure 61 Potential negative impacts of voluntourism (Skett, 2014) ...... 286
Figure 62 Success vs. Failure: the balancing act of low-cost private schools and voluntourism (Skett, 2014)...... 288
xv List of Symbols, Abbreviations and Nomenclature
ACF African Child Foundation BND Basic Needs Development BTV Building the Village BVC Buikwe Village Care CBD Central Business District CBO Community Based Organization DFID Department for International Development EFA Education for All EPRC Education Policy Review Committee GVN Global Volunteer Network HIPC Heavily Indebted Poor Countries HPI Human Poverty Index IDT International Development Target IMF International Monetary Fund LCPS Low-cost private school LRA Lord’s Resistance Army MDG Millennium Development Goal MoES Ministry of Education and Sports NAPE National Assessment of Progress in Education NGO Non-Governmental Organization NRA National Resistance Army OECD The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development PACE Passionate Children and Elderly Care Centre PLC Primary Leaving Certificate PLE Primary Leaving Exam PPT Pro-Poor Tourism PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper RBD Rights Based Development SAP Structural Adjustment Program TDP Tourism Development Process TRU The Real Uganda UN United Nations UNAIDS Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNEB Uganda National Examinations Board UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund UPC Uganda People’s Congress UPE Universal Primary Education USh Uganda Shilling VSO Volunteer Services Overseas
xvi WB World Bank WCEFA World Conference on Education for All WV World Vision YOFAFO Youth Focus Africa Foundation
xvii
“Education is the most powerful weapon you can use to change the world”
– Nelson Mandela
xviii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
Figure 1 Ugandan School (Koezler, 2011)
On twenty-one different occasions over the last seventy years, dating back to the International Conference on Education in 1934, the international community has endorsed primary school education as a human right of every child everywhere, and argued that every single child must be in school. The reasons are well-known: everyone agrees that primary education is the salvation of struggling societies, that every additional year of schooling – beyond providing the glorious wellspring of knowledge – brings with it the best chance to defeat poverty, the best chance for better parenting, better health, better nutrition, greater opportunity, and a direct line to economic growth (Lewis, 2005, 75)
1 The global education crisis
Education is deemed to be the key, perhaps even the master key, to the Pandora’s Box of development. However, once the box had been opened the contents that were found in it were not sufficient to go round (Gould, 1993, 2003)
Globally more than fifty million children remain out school. Neither the global education crisis nor the global, multilateral strategies meant to address it are new. In 2000, the United
Nations (UN) introduced the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The second (of eight) goals is Universal Primary Education (UPE) by 2015 that aims for children everywhere, boys and girls alike, to be able to complete a full course of primary schooling. At the time of my writing, with one year remaining, not a single developing country is expected to reach this goal.
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) (2014) reveals that it will be 70 years before all children have access to primary school. At what point do we question the current strategies in place to make education available to all? What is the quality of that education?
Education is a human right. Every child has the right to a quality education that provides opportunities for them, their families, and communities. It is imperative that we question the current education policies and seek other ideas and strategies. Education must be available now, not in 70 years. Rather than focusing on large-scale, top-down education policies we need to closely explore and examine local strategies. In addition, UNESCO warns that aid for education is declining rather than increasing amidst this crisis, and what little remains is not targeted at the poorest countries with the greatest need. Sub-Saharan Africa is falling furthest behind in achieving UPE, with more than 20% of the region’s primary school-going age not in school
(UNESCO, 2014).
2 Uganda, a densely populated country of 30 million, was the first in sub-Saharan Africa to offer UPE in 1997. Today, however, the government struggles to keep its promise to 15 million primary school aged children. UPE is in disarray, fraught with teacher absenteeism, strikes, and dismal failure and repetition rates. Kalinaki (2012) describes the current state of UPE in Uganda:
And it is a doomed education. A report by Uwezo last year showed that nine out of every 10 children in P3 could not read and understand an English story meant for P2. The same report found that seven out of every 10 P3 children couldn’t solve simple numerical division meant for P2. With such a shaky foundation, things only get more precarious with the higher classes. UPE succeeded with getting kids into school but it got in so many so quickly it has failed to offer an education. The facilities are very basic and the truancy rate among teachers and students is very high; teachers can make more money running roadside groceries and pupils can make a more immediate contribution to the fortunes of their families by tending cows and fetching water than by learning algebra.
In 2009 an estimated 390,000 children of primary school age, but out of school, grew to
600,000 by 2010 (IndexMundi, 2014). UNICEF (2014) revealed that only 25% of registered primary school students completed the last grade between 2008 and 2011 (based on administrative data). It is clear the education system is suffering, not only to lack of access, but lack of quality.
Uganda is at a pivotal stage right now with, on the one hand an exploding population, a government and economy in turmoil but on the other hand potential oil development and a forecasted economic growth of 6.5% which is attracting much foreign investment, particularly from China. Coughlan (2014) acknowledges the current crossroads and impetus for better education:
With tens of millions of extra young people, this could either be a story of a young confident country with growing affluence and higher-quality education. Or else it could be a volatile tinderbox of tens of millions of unskilled and workless youngsters.
3 It is clear the current strategy of UPE is not meeting the needs of the population in
Uganda; this research highlights the determination and success of local community members who provide education for over one thousand children in Mukono District, who otherwise might not be in school. This research elucidates alternatives for education which offer both access and quality, with the partnership of western volunteers.
Low-cost private schools & voluntourism
What is now emerging in poverty stricken communities across the developing world, are low-cost private schools (LCPS). These schools began in poor urban communities but have increased in rural areas where there is growing demand. They are characterised nominally as for- profit schools that maintain financial independence from the government and are reliant on user fees. These schools open in communities where government schools are not available or accessible, or the quality of education is so poor that parents reject the government school. The majority of LCPSs are started by local community members who see the need in their communities. The challenge is to offer a quality of education (with little funds) where parents are willing to pay the nominal fees, which is still too costly for many.
While the number of LCPSs continues to grow, so has their recognition within the literature since 2008 (Härmä, 2011; Mcloughlin, 2013; Phillipson, 2008; Sarangapani, 2009), as well as from multilateral organizations such as UNESCO and UNICEF. They receive praise because they offer lower student/teacher classroom ratios and greater teacher presence. However, they are critiqued for failing to offer a higher quality education than government schools and for excluding the poorest children.
4 While this new movement of education provision in developing countries has been escalating, so too has the interest of western volunteers to travel abroad and explore new countries, new cultures, and to boost their resumes. Known as voluntourism, it emerged over the last decade with great vigour as one of the fastest growing sectors of the tourism industry (Lyons
& Wearing, 2008; Pearce & Coghlan, 2008; McGehee & Santos, 2005; Simpson, 2004/05).
Voluntourism Views (2013) compiled statistics of this booming industry:
• In 2004, there were more than 800 organizations providing overseas volunteering in 200 countries
• In 2006, voluntourism was estimated to be worth US$150 million
• In 2008, a Tourism and Research Marketing survey of 300 organizations estimated the market size to be 1.6 million volunteer tourists per year worth £1.3 billion
• In 2008, the market was estimated to have grown 5-10% in Western Europe over the course of five years
• In 2012, 35% of adults said they would like to try a holiday involving a voluntourism component, in addition to the 6% who had already done so
The connection between these two emerging development trends may not be obvious initially since little research has been carried out on their relationship; however, 56% of voulutourists choose to teach (GeckoGo, 2009). Where they end up dropping their backpacks and picking up a piece of chalk is in the classrooms of LCPSs. These schools welcome volunteers who provide a vital source of income, and who support their efforts.
Volunteers in the classroom
This research is founded in the rights based development (RBD) approach, which in essence is the right to a sustainable livelihood, access to basic services, life and security, to have one’s voice heard, and the right to an identity. RBA supports the marginalised sectors of society,
5 the majority of which are often denied an education, or one of quality. The literature recognizes that education is essential to achieve these rights (Bourne, 2003; Chabbot, 2003; Juuko &
Kabonesa, 2007; Lynch, 1997; Reid, 2012; Robeyns, 2006; Samoff & Stomquest, 2001).
However, education in developing countries has embodied the ideologies of neoliberal approaches, and policies shifted emphasis from inputs and processes to outcomes in the last fifty years. The implementation of large-scale education policies, mandated by multilateral organizations look solely at the number of graduates and their economic output (Bray, 1986;
Heyneman, 2003; Jansen, 2005; Samoff, 1996; Tamatea, 2005; Vedder, 1994). The goal of
Universal Primary Education (UPE) embodies this ideology – success is defined solely on the number of graduates. Little attention is given to the quality of that education or that those excluded are the most marginalized in society.
LCPSs offer an alternative approach to education provision which originates at the grass- roots level and seeks to meet the needs of marginalised children. They provide for the most vulnerable community members, poverty stricken widows and orphans, which denies the school much needed funds since few of these people can afford school fees. Furthermore, these schools are often in poorly educated communities and face the challenge to elucidate the value of education to many parents. The reality is that LCPSs exhaust their resources and motivations within the first five years (Mcloughlin, 2013; Phillipson, 2008). These schools need funds to sustain their efforts, but also to show the value of education to students and parents. This is where a partnership with western volunteer organizations provides opportunity.
Tourism is one of the largest industries in the world and a potentially huge source of income for developing communities; it provides infrastructure, income generation, the prospect of modernization, and development. Pro-poor tourism (PPT) focuses on enhancing the linkages
6 between tourism businesses and poor people, it seeks to reduce poverty while building economic, social, and cultural infrastructure. At the essence of this literature is the focus on local participation and empowerment through tourist presence in host communities. Rather than looking at building up a tourist product or niche sector it seeks to build up the people and their resources (both physical and social).
Voluntourism, known commercially as the ‘Gap Year’ or the ‘Big OE’ (overseas experience), refers to the emerging population of (predominantly) young people who travel to developing countries to offer their time and funds. The literature focuses mainly on volunteers’ economic contributions to host communities, their experiences, and the impacts on the volunteers themselves; rarely does the literature examine impacts on host communities. Furthermore, what has received little attention is the specific activities carried out by volunteers whose first choice is teaching, followed by healthcare and conservation.
These two emerging trends, low-cost private schools and voluntourism, are meeting in the classrooms of poverty stricken communities in developing countries all around the world.
And little, if any, research has been carried out to determine the impact and outcomes of this partnership in host schools and communities. This research explores the intersection between rights based development through low-cost private schools and community development, voluntourism, and the contribution of voluntourism to pro-poor tourism.
Lastly, this research looks at the catalyst that enables this relationship between LCPS’s and western volunteers. These volunteer organizations range from large-scale, commercial companies, which are criticized for focusing their attention on tourists and their profit margin - rather than the development and benefit of host communities. At the other end of the spectrum there are small-scale, locally based NGOs which facilitate these partnerships, yet receive far less
7 attention due to their small size and volume. This research examines the latter, which has also been neglected in much of the voluntourism literature, to understand the motives and impacts of these small NGOs in the voluntourism industry and host communities.
Low-cost private schools in Mukono District & The Real Uganda (TRU)
A concurrent mixed-methods case study was carried out in Mukono District, Uganda in
2010. It is one of the most densely populated regions with just over one million people on
11,000km² and lies along the shores of Lake Victoria, 27km east of the capital, Kampala. Crops account for 70% of rural household incomes and more than 100,000 survive on subsistence farming. It was also one of the hardest hit populations by the HIV/AIDS epidemic and has more than 50,000 AIDS orphans. The state of education is dire in Mukono District with 15% dropout rates, the second lowest Primary Leaving Exam (PLE) rates in the country, and a full 20% of children absent from school.
The objectives of this research are to: (1) determine the access to UPE and the quality of education provided at LCPSs in Mukono District, and (2) to explore the complexities and tensions for education provision, as well as the interface between community development, local participation and western volunteers. The fieldwork examines five low-cost private schools and their partnership with The Real Uganda, a local NGO which places western volunteers in host projects. The research illuminates the successes (and challenges) of these schools. It explores the impact of western volunteers in these communities despite few being present at the time of the research as a result of the global economic recession of 2008/09.
The LCPSs in this research vary in their age as well as grades offered. All of them seek to help those children most in need in their communities, overlooking school fees for widows and
8 orphans. Beyond the construction of their schools, the founders seek to provide a quality education for their students and to give them an opportunity to learn, gain confidence, and become contributing members of their community; however, the presence of western volunteers can have detrimental impacts. While some schools in the research boast some of the highest PLE passing rates in Mukono District, another closed its doors permanently.
In Uganda, UPE to date receives a failing grade. But in the poorest communities, dedicated leaders recognize the intrinsic value of education for all and strive to provide a viable alternative to government schools. Add to this mix, untrained but enthusiastic western volunteers, and altruism meets rights based development in a very impoverished rural area.
9
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
The modern period of African romanticism covered roughly a quarter of a century from the end of World War II to the early 1970s. In the West, no less than in Africa, it was a time of optimism and high hopes for the renaissance of a continent (Legum, 1999).
This chapter will begin in the era of African independence and discuss the roots of
Rights Based Development and the pivotal role of education as a human right. It will discuss the role of NGOs in education provision as well as the increasing validity of pro-poor tourism as a development strategy. In particular, this will lay the foundation for the discussion of the emerging trend of voluntourism and the partnership of western volunteer organizations and their impacts in host communities.
When African countries regained their independence beginning in the 1950s there was high expectations and great optimism. Reid (2012) argues that independence from colonial rule brought about freedom and new opportunities, but also new problems as well as the resurgence of others forced underground during colonial rule. “The violent upheaval of the era had to some extent been in abeyance since the imposition of the colonial pax, which had itself been made possible through African agency; but political enmities – and in some places outright armed conflict – resurfaced in earnest in the 1950s and 1960s, as groups old and new sought to build competitive and indeed hegemonic communities within the arena of the nation-state” (297). As a result of these new and resurging conflicts the domination of one-party states imposed by
(predominantly) military leaders through uprisings and coups d’états was the norm for many countries (Guest, 2005; Young, 2004), including Nigeria, the Central African Republic, Burkina
Faso, Congo-Brazzaville, Uganda, the Sudan, Benin, and Ghana (McGowan & Johnson, 1984).
10 Reid (2012) argues that the underlying tensions and ongoing struggles for power manifested in violent regionalism and chronic instability in attempts to achieve outright succession1.
Many newly established governments declared themselves irremovable and nationalized everything from mines to factories, even local shops, and staffed them with family and friends of their ruling-party who had no knowledge or experience to run these enterprises (Cooper, 2008;
Reid, 2012). Guest (2005) insists that these governments hid their complete failure to produce, and created a temporary illusion of prosperity by borrowing money from ‘foolish’ western banks and governments – spending the borrowed money on healthcare, education and loans to farmers; little was invested in ventures which produced a return and they were unable to service their loans.
Many countries were left with [colonial] infrastructures centered on cash crop production and export which made them reliant on their former colonial rulers and dependent on importing much of their food and material goods (Cooper, 2008; Guest, 2005). Furthermore, cash crops were reliant on global price trends, fluctuations, and crashes. This resulted in a rural poverty trap for countless sub-Saharan African countries which persists today:
A significant proportion of Africa’s rural poor live at the very edge of survival, without the most basic elements of modern life: paved roads, electricity, modern cooking fuels, safe drinking water, latrines, modern health services contraceptives, schools, and motor transport. One distinctive and crucial aspect of the extreme rural poverty is the extreme rural isolation that accompanies it, and helps to perpetuate it. Many of Africa’s rural communities are almost not part of the national economy except through rural-to- urban migration, as they are cut off by the absence of paved roads, rail, and telecommunications. The situation is not only dire but getting worse. Since household poverty is extreme, saving rates are low or negative, and fertility and population growth rates are very
1 Examples: the “Biafran” war of 1967-70 in Nigeria and the intermittent north-south conflict in Sudan since the 1960s (Reid, 2012, 314). 11 high (as is characteristic of poor, rural households) (Sachs et al., 2004, 5).
In the 1970s many African countries began to spiral even further into economic and political turmoil. In an effort to ‘develop’ many governments put reforms in place which would emulate the European and North American model of urbanization and industrialization with the hopes that they could compete globally (Cooper, 2008; Davis, 2007). The industrial projects put in place by governments required massive influxes of foreign technology, expertise and loans. In a cruel irony the debts incurred by these governments forced them to refocus their economy on cash cropping since it was the only means by which they could pay their loans in hard currency
(Reid, 2012). These policies, however, did not reap the benefits they had hoped – but put them further into debt, which persists today (George, 2004; Peet, 2003). Furthermore, the influx of population on cities placed unimaginable strains on infrastructure, housing and social services
(Davis, 2007). Sachs et al. (2004) contend that not only is sub-Saharan Africa the poorest, and slowest growing, region in the world since the 1800s but it is also the only region in the world with a systematic decline in output per person over the last 30 years.
In the 1980s agrarian decline was at the heart of Africa’s economic crises (Watts, 1989).
Environmental and climatic catastrophes triggered persistent droughts across the Sahel belt from
Mauritania to Mali in the west and Sudan to Ethiopia in the east – leaving these regions heavily reliant on foreign aid and food imports (Berry, 1984; Commins et al., 1986). Furthermore, exacerbated economic crises triggered by these droughts led to ongoing civil wars in Sudan,
Mozambique, and Ethiopia (McGowan & Johnson, 1984). These droughts changed the landscapes of many African countries; with the loss of arable lands many rural farmers travelled in search of new land and settled on pastureland and unhealthy/unsafe areas in a desperate attempt to grow food. Others instead moved to cities which placed great strain on infrastructure
12 but also took away from agricultural labour and production. Crowder (1987, 9) describes the state of African independence at this time:
But by 1985, a quarter of a century after the annus mirabilis of African independence, the dream had been shattered and replaced by a profound disillusion whereby Africa had become the world’s basket case, a permanent mezzogiorno for which there was little if any hope. Ghana and Uganda, the jewels in Britain’s African colonial crown had, despite their extensive educated elites, sunk in the former case into an economic slough of despond and the latter into anarchy...
By the 1990s, buckling from public pressure, the World Bank (WB), and the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), many governments adopted structural adjustment programs (SAPs) which enforced privatization and decentralization of government and social services (George, 2004;
Peet, 2003). Davis (2007, 155) exposes the devastation these policies had on countless developing countries:
[i]ndeed, in many countries the economic impact of SAPs during the 1980s, in tandem with protracted drought, rising oil prices, soaring interest rates, and falling commodity prices, was more severe and long-lasting than the Great Depression. Third World cities, especially, were trapped in a vicious cycle of increasing immigration, decreasing formal employment, falling wages, and collapsing revenues. The IMF and World Bank, as we have seen, promoted regressive taxation through public-service user fees for the poor, but made no counterpart effort to reduce military expenditure or to tax the incomes or real estate of the rich.
The new millennium kicked off with exploding urban populations, spiking poverty, the resource curse2, unstable local and global economies which triggered a resurgence of warlords,
2 The Resource Curse argues that natural resources, most often non-renewables such as minerals and fuels, might be more of an economic curse than a blessing (Auty, 1993). In many developing countries, particularly in Africa, inevitably they tend to have less economic growth than predicted but rather an increase in poverty levels (Davis & Tilton, 2005; Karl, 1997). 13 and coup d’états and civil wars over struggles for material and political power (Cooper, 2008;
Reid, 2012)3.
However, the biggest killer has been the AIDS epidemic which has ravaged sub-Saharan
Africa for the last twenty years. Accounting for only 10% of the global population but 90% of all new HIV infections, 83% of all AIDS deaths are in sub-Saharan Africa – this disease has killed ten times more people than war (FAO.org, 2012). In 2010 there were an estimated 22.9 million living with HIV, including 2.3 million children, and another 14.3 million AIDS orphans
(avert.org, 2012). At the height of the epidemic several countries had infection rates as high as
35-40%. This has led to the loss of millions of lives but also crippled national economies; the disease targets young adults who contribute to, and sustain, national economic development.
Furthermore, the generation of orphans who will grow up without parental support and education will further cripple economies in the decades to come. An economic report from the World Bank warns that many African countries – those hardest hit by the AIDS epidemic – are at risk of complete economic collapse (Bell et al., 2003).
In 2011 of the bottom thirty countries on the United Nations Human Poverty Index (HPI)
27 were in Africa4 (UNDP, 2012). For countless African countries today there is a situation of
3 Somalia has been without a permanent or stable government since 1991 and civil war and militia has killed and exiled thousands of people (Little, 2003). The Rwanda genocide of 1994 saw the murder of nearly a million people over ethnic fighting between the Hutu and Tutsi; with the same ethnic war raging on the neighbouring Burundi for over two decades (Colletta & Cullen, 2000; Mamdani, 2001). Sierra Leone was devastated by an 11 year civil war with more than 50,000 people murdered; as was neighbouring Liberia with a 14 year civil war, fuelled by diamonds, which saw the murder of 250,000 people and thousands other maimed (Abdullah, 2004; Huband, 1999). Eastern Congo, or DRC, has seen decades of civil war – again over resources of diamonds, gold, copper, cobalt, timber – furthermore, parts of the country have been terrorized by the neighbouring Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) from Uganda – the north of which was also terrorized for over 20 years (Montague, 2002; Vinci, 2005). Sudan has been in civil war for 22 years over religious differences and oil resources, signing a peace treaty in 2005 and separating to become Sudan and South Sudan in 2011 (Barltrop, 2011). Ethiopia and Eritrea were at war between 1998 and 2000 over minor border disputes, two of the poorest countries in the world spent hundreds of millions of dollars on war and tens of thousands of people killed (Abbink, 2003). Angola has been in and out of civil war since its independence in 1975 with a peace agreement finally being accepted in 2002 (Ferreira, 2006). 14 dire poverty, overcrowding and little, if any, economic growth or social development. The international or ‘development industry’ has come under tremendous scrutiny for their failures to positively contribute or ameliorate the situation. “Africa is once again a condition to be addressed: an enormous industry, employing a lot of people both inside and outside the continent
– a diplomatic/humanitarian/developmental complex, as it were – is now geared toward the
“fixing” of Africa” (Reid, 2012, 342).
The following literature review concentrates on, and examines, the focus on education as one of the keys to development and the current players in the arena – from the international to the local – within a framework of Rights Based Development (RBD) theory.
Rights Based Development
Rights are not bestowed from on high. They are part of a never- ending human struggle to improve people’s lives drawing on both visions of a better future and a desire to prevent reoccurrences of past atrocities and abuses. As such rights have always been articulated, defined and put into law by the collective efforts and struggles of many people over many years, and will continue to evolve (or be lost) as time goes on. One key success of these struggles is the wide recognition that the actual concept of ‘rights’ applies to all people in all places at all times. (Chapman, 2005, 4)
Evolution of RBD
The evolution of the Rights Based Development5 (RBD) agenda is rooted in the
Enlightenment era through the emergence of citizenship as well as a shift to more universal values (Sengupta, 2002; Slim, 2000). The focus later transcended to the working class in the 20th
4 HPI is a composite index measuring deprivations in the three basic dimensions captured in the human development index — a long and healthy life, knowledge and a decent standard of living 5 Also referred to as the Rights Based Approach (RBA) to Development 15 century with a focus on social and economic development; the latter half of the century saw a more social movements-led agenda around issues of environment and development (Cornwall &
Nyamu-Musembi, 2004; Sengupta, 2002). The initial focus was on the relationship between the individual and the state, especially in formerly colonised countries (Chapman, 2005). The 1970s saw the materialization of social development notions of participation and entitlement.
By the 1980s RBD gained momentum as it offered a solution to the failures of the ‘quick fix’ development practices of the 1950s and 1960s. It evolved from Basic Needs Development and integrated the realization of human rights (Drakakis-Smith, 1997). Ultvelt (2004, 1) explains the transition:
The goal of human development is to create an enabling environment in which people’s capacities can be enhanced and their range of choices expanded. Rights approaches focus primarily on accountability and process. Human rights approaches add the element of duties and obligations as well as the ability to claim rights.
Uvin (2004) contends that accountability is the most significant difference between RBD and basic needs approach since it focuses on social structures, loci of power, rule of law, empowerment, and structural change – particularly since it focuses on the poorest and most deprived. “The RBA has the merit to force this issue onto the agenda – not necessarily because it has anything scholarly to say about colonialism and the like, but because when one begins speaking about rights and claims, one automatically ends up talking about mechanisms of accountability” (Uvin, 2004, 132). In essence, RBD includes and focuses accountability to those most in need of it – the poorest and most deprived.
The five essential components which make-up the RBD are the right to a sustainable livelihood, access to basic services, life and security, to have one’s voice heard, and the right to an identity (ActionAid, 2008; Chapman, 2005; Manzo, 2003). This offers the first fundamental
16 challenge to a market-dominated view of development which prevailed prior to the 1980s
(Nelson & Dorsey, 2003). Development no longer focused its strategies and outcomes on economic value and output, but rather human development – to be achieved through human capacity building. Sen (1999, 3) perceives development as freedom – achieved through the incorporation and process of expanding rights:
Focusing on human freedoms contrasts with narrower views of development, such as identifying development with the growth of gross national product, or with the rise in personal incomes, or with industrialization, or with technological advance, or with social modernization... If freedom is what development advances, then there is major argument for concentrating on that overarching objective, rather than on some particular means, or some specially chosen instruments. Viewing development in terms of expanding substantive freedoms directs attention to the ends that make development important, rather than merely to some of the means that, inter alia, play a prominent part in the process.
The fundamentals and principals of RBD are not as tangible as previous development strategies and theories, furthermore, interpretation of what they entail and embody can differ radically across individuals, communities, nation-states and beyond. “Rights do not come in neat packages, but rather are part of dynamic, sometimes messy, processes of resistance and change that work to engage and transform relations of power. Despite the existence of the international human rights system, the terrain of rights remains an ever-changing, political arena where some groups’ rights compete and conflict with others [VeneKlassen et al 2004]” (Chapman, 2005, 4).
Furthermore, there are varying interpretations of how rights are realised, ensured and protected. Sen (1999) addresses the three most common critiques of the depth and coherence of using human rights as a development approach. The first is the question of legitimacy and how human rights can exist without the entitlements which are sanctioned by the state as the ultimate
17 legal authority. The second concerns the coherence in which rights are entitlements that require correlated duties provided by some agency. If this does not exist then the rights are hollow.
Finally, a cultural critique disregards the legal or institutional form but rather views human rights as the domain of social ethics which are often conditional and rarely universal.
Farrington (2001) deciphers how the five core components of RBD are legitimised by the amalgamation of social structures and norms. Certain rights are defined in international laws and conventions such as civil and political rights and incorporate freedom of speech, religion, rights of women and children; whereas economic, social, and cultural rights embody health, education, shelter, land, and livelihood. Ensor (2005) argues that rights are defined in terms of individual well-being and addresses these issues through the relationship between individuals and their communities. Individual rights contribute to the ‘collective goods’ and communally held assets which define the character of a society. The other contemplation is cultural rights which occur when interests that are valuable to the individual have a collective aspect; they are not, however, reducible to individual interests.
Chapman (2005) believes that RBD supports the marginalised sectors of society, their organisations, and related social movements which engage them as innovators, protagonists and colleagues. Furthermore, the incorporation of RBD allows for more immediate impacts on those most directly involved, “support for local groups and communities in their efforts to achieve immediate changes in their lives while strengthening their organisations and social movements so they can better contest and advance their rights in the long-term” (Chapman, 2005, 3).
Molyneux & Lazar (2003) contend that organizations and movements which promote awareness of rights are also involved in the translation of ‘abstract’ rights which are brought down to the ground level and given meaning within local and national contexts. “At the same time, those who
18 lack power and influence have some chance of seeing their concerns conveyed upwards through the power structure – if the organizations they work with are genuinely accountable to them”
(Molyneux & Lazar, 2003, 3).
Education & Rights Based Development
Education is, of course, a political weapon more broadly: and even a small increase in the proportion of the population which is literate can mean an increase in the number of people in a position to read newspapers, access the internet – itself an ever more potent form of political expression – and engage in political discourse more generally. Literacy in itself is not a precondition for political consciousness, but it certainly empowers, facilitating heightened aspirations and increasing the capacity form more cogent challenges to oppressive regimes (Reid, 2012, 353).
Education and Development
The value of education is different for everyone; however, education benefits not only individuals but their communities and country. Hursh (2006) blames the neo-liberal state which restricts educators to a particular way of thinking which conceptualizes education in terms of producing individuals who are economically productive. Furthermore, “[E]ducation policy has shifted emphasis from input and process to outcomes, from liberal to vocational, from educations intrinsic to its instrumental value, and from qualitative to quantitative measures of success” (50).
Too often seen as the key to economic development for poverty stricken individuals and their countries, the non-economic benefits are often overlooked (Lewis, 2005; Robeyns, 2006).
Education provides invaluable (and often immeasurable) benefits for recipients – knowledge and awareness. Samoff & Stomquest (2001, 631) explain this by building on the long-standing claim that ‘knowledge is power’:
19 [t]he claim has become ‘information is development’. Or rather, information is the critical component of change and progress, whether in business, in government, or – to use Julius Nyerere’s apt shorthand for development – in eliminating poverty, ignorance and disease. If information is what matters, then moving information, and especially accurate and timely information to those experiencing poverty, ignorance, and disease, is the most powerful development strategy imaginable.
Education builds social capital but more obviously it means better health, greater freedom, increased communication and political participation. Robeyns (2006) argues that at the personal level education plays an instrumental role with access to information in being able to read a newspaper or a medical pamphlet, generating knowledge about health (reproduction and contraception), being able to speak with strangers, and working with computers to communicate worldwide. “Education can open the minds of people: they can recognize that they do not necessarily need to live similar lives to their parents, but may possibly have other options too”
(71). Access to education today means not just learning reading, writing, and math – but also learning your desires, goals and dreams. In addition, it fosters the knowledge of rights and responsibilities, and the awareness and acceptance of differences (Tomasevski, 2006). Robeyns
(2006) argues that at the collective level children will learn tolerance and contribute more positively in their society; furthermore, women will discover that the non-holy books do not prescribe to the submissive role their religious leaders advocate, as well, men will learn that in many societies fathers are greatly enriched by participating in the care and upbringing of their children.
Education as a Human Right
In 1945 the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was written. One of the essential, and prominent, components of this declaration was the right to education. From this emerged the 20 dominant belief that education was a catalyst for development, both economic and social
(Chabbott, 2003). Juuko & Kabonesa (2007) assert that RBD transcends the instrumentalist and qualitative aspects of education; furthermore, that it is a public good.
There are rights involved in education such as the right against discrimination, segregation, etc. Hence, it is not enough to look at the quantitative aspects of education i.e. availability of education. The qualitative aspects of education must entail the quality of teachers who should be regarded as bearers of rights themselves, accountability so as to avoid harmful indoctrination, acceptability of education to the people and adaptability to local circumstances such as the use of indigenous language. The needs of children – must be the primary consideration rather than that of the state or parents (50).
The implementation of education as a right differs from previous development strategies such as Basic Needs Development (BND) because education is not simply pursued when there are funds available. By making education a right it must be made available, and ‘decent’, implying that government needs to mobilize resources to offer quality education (UNICEF,
2003). However, Robeyns (2006) argues that this reduces rights to simply legal rights and “that once the government agrees that every child should have the right to be educated, and nothing more” (77). Indeed, as Pogge (2002) points out rights are legal and moral – supporting Robeyns’
(2006) argument that once the government provides the education, based on the pre-determined standard, there may be no further development or betterment. A second argument is that too often the right to education is a right that governments owe their citizens – but what about families and communities who also owe their children access to quality education even when education is not mandatory6 (Robeyns, 2006). Tomasevski (2006) adds that when education is not compulsory that governments are not pressured to provide free education and rather transfer
6 Education is not mandatory in Uganda and several other African countries. Wilson’s (2003) research of education in developing countries revealed that 40% of the countries in sub-Saharan Africa education is not mandatory. 21 this cost to families and communities. Wilson (2003, 7) reasons that, although at least 138 countries have enacted compulsory educational legislation, the difficulty remains in the translation of this into practice:
There is a lack of consensus on where the obligation lies in compulsory education: does this imply the criminalization of parents who cannot afford to send their children to school? Or of the child through the creation of the offence of ‘truancy’? Or is the obligation on the State to ensure sufficient opportunities?
Regardless of the arguments every country in the world, except USA and Somalia, is required by international human rights law to ensure compulsory education free of direct, indirect and opportunity costs (Tomasevski, 2006). Therefore, it is the responsibility of every government to provide education, and the right to every citizen to receive it.
The difficulties of education implementation in developing countries are not solely blamed on the failures of governments responsible – education is on the ideals and impositions of western education structures.
The [‘North’] generate the academic concepts which homogenize, routinize and steer the educational process, and they receive in return a hallowed and favoured position in the selection and allocation of both life chances and qualities, the moral high ground of argumentation and a high price for the export of their knowledge ‘wares’. They thus play a major role in the legitimation of inequality, while appearing to seek to attenuate it. Their declared values are interactive, egalitarian and concerned with social welfare, their operative values are purposive-rational, exploitive and economic (Lynch, 1997, 2).
Education in Africa
Education was a top priority at independence for many African countries, who believed it to be the key to achieving development. Primary school attendance doubled in nearly every country in the first decade with high expectations for the end result:
22 Africans could now express themselves in creative ways without the need to apologize for basing their knowledge on their own people. Their scholars could use new methodologies to investigate various issues. Teachers and students sought to use the school system to promote national unity and relate education to the primary concerns of their countries (Falola, 2002, 234).
The great conferences of Addis Ababa (1961), Santiago (1963), and Karachi (1960) were the first conferences which addressed the global education agenda. These conferences brought education to the development forefront in which regional agendas for education were developed
(King, 2004). UNESCO compiled an inventory of needs for primary and secondary education in tropical Africa which was used for the Conference of Ministers and Directors of Education of
Tropical African Countries held in 1960 and 1961. From this the Addis Ababa Plan for African
Educational Development was created. This plan set the education objectives to be undertaken at both the regional and sub-regional levels to support national efforts to implement the recommendations. Initially, specialized centres and institutes were established which included teacher training, school construction, planning, educational documentation and research. Later efforts would foster pilot projects on science and technology teaching, the advancement of rural women, and several literacy projects (UNESCO, 2012).
At the conference African nations set the target of achieving Universal Primary
Education in sub-Saharan Africa by 1980, and yet, by 2000 they had still not achieved their goal.
In fairness, the sheer numbers of children in primary school in 1980 was far greater than that projected by UNESCO – estimated to be 33 million but in actuality it was 59 million – a figure which increased to 125 million by 2000 (Mazonde, 2010, 10). However, one great outcome (of the 1961 conference) was the increased education of girls previously dismissed by many colonial powers (Ibingira, 1973; Ssekamwa, 1997). What remained was the western curriculum and ideologies which prevail today (Mazonde, 2010; Vedder, 1994). 23 Sefa Dei (2008, 231) reasons that education in Africa is imposed by external forces and that “[it] has been an education that for the most part failed to deeply cultivate self-esteem and pride in peoples of African descent. It was and still is a Eurocentric education, and it continues to distort, misappropriate, and misinterpret African human condition and reality”. Bunyi (2008) argues that the colonial curriculum which remains only further perpetuates the power of their former rulers, that it fosters the bond rather than reduces it (Mazonde, 2010). Dlamini (2008, 3) explains the need for African education to rid itself of the Eurocentric legacy of white supremacy:
[f]or instance, the meanings of “power”, “peace”, and “freedom” were presented as Western phenomena, and, when mentioned, the African continent was presented only in the context of “white man’s” involvement with it. Textbooks used in schools only testified to the power of whites as greater thinkers and great inventors: Galileo unlocked the workings of the heavens, Gutenberg discovered printing, and Newton solved the mysteries of gravity in Physics.
Unfortunately, many African countries do not have the resources to provide for their exploding populations, to redevelop curriculum, and train teachers. The costs of providing
Universal Primary Education are beyond the reality of most countries. Graham-Brown (1991) contends that although many sub-Saharan governments spent a large portion of national budgets on education (as high as 9% of their capital expenditure) the amount spent was small in absolute terms compared to that of developed nations. With the huge explosion of primary aged children by 2000 the cost has increased by almost 60% over what was spent in 1985 (Mazonde, 2010).
This cost is estimated to be US$13 billion, which is far beyond the reach of most sub-Saharan
African governments. Between 1980 and 1995, sub-Saharan Africa was the only region that experienced a decline in primary education enrolment rates (Deininger, 2003; Nishimura et al.,
2008). It was during this time that many African governments undertook structural adjustment
24 programmes (SAPs) which led to privatization, deregulation and the unbridled operation of the market economy. The outcome was a failure for African economic development. “Africa was the only major developing country region with negative per capita growth during 1980 to 2000; its health conditions are by far the worst on the planet; its soaring population is exacerbating ecological stresses; and despite the policy-based development lending of structural adjustment, it remains mired in poverty and debt” (McCord et al., 2005, 23). The net effect was the redirection of resources to the debt servicing triggered by these SAPs which led to the withdrawal of the state from their provision of education and other social services (Juuko & Kabonesa, 2007). Rose
(1995) also notes the drastic decline in female enrolment in education during the imposition of
SAPs.
In the wake of these crushing economic strategies western donors and development agencies took on the global agenda of education in order to foster development and alleviate poverty (King, 2004; Samoff & Stromquist, 2001; Tomasevski, 2006). Sefa Dei (2008) explains that schooling in Africa has always been a ‘hot topic’ due to the powerful link between education and development. “For a continent whose destiny is remarkably tied to dominant pronouncements of and about “what development is”, “what development ought to be”, and
“why we have development in the first place”, it is understandable that education and development have become a serious business” (230). It is not a stretch to say that development has become a business, it is one of the biggest industries in the world. As Hancock (1989) titled his book ‘Lords of Poverty; The Power, Prestige, and Corruption of the International Aid
Business’. The first sentence sets the tone: “This book is an attack on a group of rich and powerful bureaucracies that have hijacked our kindness. The Bureaucracies I refer to are those that administers the West’s aid and then deliver it to the poor of the Third World in a process that
25 Bob Geldof once described as ‘a perversion of the act of human generosity’” (xiii). Tomasevski
(2006), however, maintains that UNESCO is one of the few development organizations which has genuine respect that education is a human right. Furthermore, arguing that the World Bank does not see education as a human right, their analysis and implementation is in terms of supply and demand.
Education for All (EFA)
Regardless of accusations and slurs, the western donor community have taken their global agenda for education and tied it to aid money in almost every country in sub-Saharan
Africa, as well as countless other developing countries in the world. The 1990 World Conference on Education for All (WCEFA), held in Jomtien, Thailand, was the cornerstone of the global education agenda which prevails today (King, 2004). The conference brought the issues back to the global forefront. “On the last day of the WCEFA, 1500 men and women representing 155 governments, 33 intergovernmental organizations, and 125 nongovernmental organizations rose, some with tears in their eyes, to accept by acclamation the World Declaration on Education for
All, a nonbinding statement that asserted every human being has a right to a quality basic education” (Chabbott, 2003, 1). Bilateral and multilateral aid agencies began to filter much of this ‘standardization’ of education through the efforts of NGOs – particularly large-scale international NGOs.
The agenda was focused on universal primary schooling – for every country in the world
– however, it soon became apparent that the education needs and goals of North America,
Europe and other OECD countries was drastically different from developing countries who had
(to date) failed to provide basic education for all their citizens. With that the focus narrowed to
26 basic education, defined narrowly as primary schooling (King, 2004). Other aspects of the agenda targeted progress on early childhood, adult literacy, and non-formal skills development.
However, King (2004, 87) explains that “[p]rimary education was apparently more measureable than non-formal skills development and adult literacy, and it coincided with an increasingly powerful global campaign by NGOs to secure the rights of all children to be in school. Primary education was powerfully promoted by the World Bank, UNICEF, UNESCO and a number of influential bilateral donors – such as USAID and Britain’s ODA”. Furthermore, the ideals and goals set forward at the WCEFA were far beyond the abilities and finances of most developing countries and their governments. “As such, the WCEFA was clearly not a case of national governments taking rational, measured steps to address the specific needs and unique interests of their particular nation-states in the context of their resources. Rather, it was, in large part, the product of the global environment and a world culture that gave rise to the nation-states themselves and to the international organizations that organize events like the WCEFA”
(Chabbott, 2003, 2).
The question remained how national governments of many countries would provide schooling for all when their economies were already in ruin and this is where the ground- breaking pledge was made at for the World Declaration on Education for All, which resonates throughout future international conferences and NGO advocacy campaigns:
Substantial and long-term increases in resources for basic education will be needed. The world community, including intergovernmental agencies and institutions, has an urgent responsibility to alleviate constraints that prevent some countries from achieving the goal of education for all. It will mean the adoption of measures that augment the national budgets of the poorest countries or serve to relieve heavy debt burdens. (WCEFA, 1990, 8)
In addition, the framework for action made the obligation much more explicit:
27 International funding agencies should consider negotiating arrangements to provide long-term support, on a case-by-case basis, to help countries move toward universal primary education according to their timetable. The external agencies should examine current assistance practices in order to find ways of effectively assisting basic education programmes which do not require capital- and technology-intensive assistance, but often need longer-term budgetary support. (WCEFA, 1990, 17)
What was unclear was whether this external aid was expected to simply speed up the process to make education available for all or was rather a long-term commitment to sustain the agenda. Regardless, the agenda and strategies implemented remain the ‘cookie-cutter’, one-size- fits-all, approach to education which fails to acknowledge the various needs of different nations, communities and cultures (Diaw et al, 2002, 339). Samoff (2003, 52) warns of this approach to education and those who impose it: “Understanding international influences in education requires critical attention to the faith and enthusiasm of the evangelists of global goals and standards, to the roles of foreign aid and empirical research, and to the ways in which strategies intended to promote empowerment can become vehicles for undermining education reform and entrenching poverty”.
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)
Misinterpreted as national Targets; misused as a donor-centric view of development; and misappropriated as a call for faster growth or for more aid. Indeed, the MDGs have been misconstrued and distorted by different groups to serve their own purpose. (Vandemoortele & Delamonica, 2010, 61)
By the mid-1990s the global agenda for education began to narrow its objectives even further and was redefined within the framework of International Development Targets (IDTs).
These IDTs simplified the education goals to focus solely on two aspects of education: universal primary education by 2015 and the elimination of gender disparity in both primary and
28 secondary education by 2005. What had changed was the notion of ownership within education provision to a local focus. King (2004, 88) notes the language used for the document put forward in 1996 by the OECD/DAC, Shaping the 21st Century: the contribution of development cooperation:
The argument is all about countries and their peoples being ‘ultimately responsible for their own development’ (Ibid., p.14), about ‘locally-owned country development strategies and targets’ (Ibid., p.14), about development only being possible ‘if developing countries drive the action, with full participation by all of their societies’ stakeholders’ (Ibid., p.11), and a great deal else. Reviewing the achievements of almost 50 years of development, the Report claims: ‘It is clear that success has been achieved only where the people have made sustained effort to help themselves’ (Ibid., p.7).
In April 2000 the ‘world community’ focused on EFA met in Dakar to examine the decade of (attempted/failed) implementation of the agenda from Jomtien with very mixed reviews. The recurring discussion was that several developing countries did not have the resources to achieve EFA within the expected time frame. The outcome of Dakar was that further outside aid money was crucial in achieving EFA or universal primary education (King, 2004).
An idea greatly contradictory, or confusing, to the argument of local ownership put forward just four years earlier.
In September 2000, 189 countries met at the Millennium Summit in New York to adopt the United Nations Millennium Declaration. This was a commitment by all nations present to a new global partnership to reduce extreme poverty by establishing the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs) – a series of time-bound targets to be achieved by 2015. These were built on the
IDTs established in 1996 and incorporated both the education targets as the 2nd and 3rd goals (see
Table 1). UNESCO (2009) acknowledges the pivotal role that education has in achieving all the
MDGs: “two MDGs relate specifically to education but none of the MDGs can be achieved
29 without sustained investment in education. Education gives the skills and knowledge to improve health, livelihoods and promote sound environmental practices”.
Table 1 Millennium Development Goals (United Nations, 2012) Goal 1 Eradicate Extreme Poverty & Hunger
Halve, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people whose income is less than $1 a day; Achieve full and productive employment and decent work for all, including women and young people; Halve, between 1990 and 2015, the proportion of people who suffer from hunger Goal 2 Achieve Universal Primary Education
Ensure that, by 2015, children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course of primary schooling Goal 3 Promote Gender Equality and Empower Women
Eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and in all levels of education no later than 2015 Goal 4 Reduce Child Mortality
Reduce by two thirds, between 1990 and 2015, the under-five mortality rate Goal 5 Improve Maternal Health
Reduce by three quarters the maternal mortality ratio; Achieve universal access to reproductive health Goal 6 Combat HIV/AIDS, Malaria and Other Diseases
Have halted by 2015 and begun to reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS; Achieve, by 2010, universal access of treatment for HIV/AIDS for all those who need it; Have halted by 2015 and begun to reverse the incidence of malaria and other major diseases Goal 7 Ensure Environmental Sustainability
Integrate the principles of sustainable development into country policies and programmes and reverse the loss of environmental resources; Reduce biodiversity loss, achieving, by 2010, a significant reduction in the rate of loss; Halve, by 2015, the proportion of the population without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation; By 2020, to have achieved a significant improvement in the lives of at least 100 million slum dwellers Goal 8 Develop a Global Partnership for Development
Develop further an open, rule-based, predictable, non-discriminatory trading and financial system; address the special needs of least developed countries; address the special needs of landlocked developing countries and small island developing States; Deal comprehensively with the debt problems of developing countries; in cooperation with pharmaceutical companies, provide access to affordable essential drugs in developing countries; In cooperation with the private sector, make available benefits of new technologies, especially information and communications
Although these goals are admirable, they are also ambitious – particularly for many developing countries (Clemens et al., 2007; Easterly, 2009; Hassan et al., 2005). A major 30 criticism is that the goals present an aim to end development, but not a means to achieving it
(Vandemoortle & Delamonica, 2010). The ‘cookie-cutter’, one-size-fits-all, top-down approach does not offer a sound or realistic way to address the needs of various countries. The most pervasive and common strategy for education is school construction, which offers tangible results for donors but does not ensure the quality of the education received (Filmer, 2007).
What was recognized, however, was the money needed to achieve them; increases in aid flows from US$69 billion in 2003 to US$135 billion in 2006 and finally rising to US$195 billion by 2015 (Baulch, 2006, 933). In essence the aid money needed from multilaterals and donor countries was established but little else in the way of implementation – particularly the non- monetary costs. These costs include the social and political hurdles which needed to be overcome. Clemens et al. (2007) argue that primary enrolment rates can be hindered by the relationship between parental primary completion and child enrolment; furthermore, there is a
‘demand-side’ element to primary education which wealthier, educated parents are more likely to send their children to school. This was supported by Filmer’s (2007) study in 22 developing countries which revealed that if rural peoples’ lived right next door to a school enrolment rates would only increase 49.8% to 53% - suggesting the dominance of ‘demand-side constraints’.
Several developing countries see the adoption of the MDGs as conditional to receive aid.
Often countries are required, by the WB and IMF, to develop their own Poverty Reduction
Strategy Papers [Program] (PRSPs), which include many of the MDG targets, in order to qualify for aid7 (Hassan et al., 2005; Smith, 2003). This gives the perception of local participation and ownership amongst governments and civil society organizations. However, most developing
7 Baulch (2006) also notes that donors also take into consideration colonial and commercial ties, concerns about governance, recipient government’s attitudes toward donors, and geo-political considerations when giving aid to developing countries. 31 countries perceive the MDGs to be the donors’ agenda, not their own, since the minimum target setting is vastly different when compared with the holistic and sector-wide planning of their own ministries (King, 2004). There is concern that without ownership of these goals, aid recipient governments may change the goals or simply not follow through. Haines & Cassels (2004, 396) argue that national ownership of the MDGs is pivotal on their success, which is difficult when many developing countries see them simply as an outcome of political negotiation imposed by donors. “Very little research has been done on this, but, arguably, the MDGs are not in fact widely owned in the South at all, except when it is politically expedient to advance free primary education, as has recently happened in a number of East African countries (Uganda, Tanzania,
Rwanda and Kenya)”8 (King, 2004, 91). The question remains, what is the outcome when these are not the goals of those they intended to help? PRSPs and ‘National goals’ are distant from the squatter settlements and villages where these deprivations occur, there is no consultation with, or accountability to, these groups. Furthermore, Hassan et al. (2005, 6) observe that “[N]ational or regional consultations involving some civil society groups is a weak kind of “participation” – and it is rare for the civil society representatives involved to be chosen by and accountable to
“the poor” that they claim to represent”.
Unfortunately, countless developing countries continue to struggle with the implementation and success of the MDGs. A 2010 summit in New York was held to review the progress of the MDGs, entitled Keeping the Promise: United to Achieve the Millennium
Development Goals set out a new agenda to ensure the goals are achieved by 2015. Specifically, for Goal 2: Achieve Universal Primary Education the following commitments were made:
8 Uganda is said to be receiving over 50% of its recurrent education budget from outside sources and external actors – Zambia as high as 60% (King, 2004, 93). 32 1. Japan will provide $3.5 billion over five years for education in developing countries, beginning in 2011 2. The World Bank will increase its zero-interest and grant investment in basic education by an additional $750 million, with a focus on the countries that are not on track to reach the education MDGs by 2015, especially in sub-Saharan Africa 3. Trinidad and Tobago committed to provide laptop computers to all secondary students within five years 4. Dell committed to give $10 million towards education technology initiatives this year (UN Department of Public Information, 2012)
While Clemens et al.’s (2007) review of several major studies of how much would be needed to achieve the MDGs by 2015 range from US$40-70 billion in extra resources and aid each year, the average of all studies was US$50 billion a year. There remains the focus on the role of the donors and the global agenda, and a failure to acknowledge local decision making and ownership. Bond (2006) also notes that global-scale institutions which are the advocates of the
MDGs legitimise adverse power-relations and remain unreformed, and unmonitored, in their actions which work against the poor and the environment. Furthermore, many development agencies and western donor countries prefer to put aid money directly into national budgets and agendas which eliminates any opportunity and investment for independent and self-standing projects. Heeks (2005, 9) asserts that the MDGs were a counter-blast to the failure of the ‘neo- liberal’ agenda, but are in fact one in the same:
Neo-liberalism was accused of being ‘hegemonic’: of imposing a one-size-fits-all model that allowed no deviations from orthodoxy. But the new approach does just the same, forcing policies through the MDG filter and hammering them hard until they pass through. Where is the flexibility? Where is the consideration that there might be alternative, even better, paths to development?... Take a historical perspective and point out which of the rich, industrialised nations got rich and industrialised by placing MDG-type goals at the heart of their development strategies. Can you find them? I doubt it.
33 It is interesting to consider that no developed country has become so by putting in place poverty reduction plans but rather by a pure capitalist approach to growth, a focus on heavy industrialization and private enterprise and wealth – not government set targets and social investment. Easterly (2009) adds that many of the targets laid out make many sub-Saharan
African countries appear to be failing when in fact they are having much greater growth in social sectors – such as education – than any developed country has had in their history. Clemens
(2004) offers the example of Burkina Faso being criticized by the World Bank for being seriously off-track in meeting their primary education targets and yet they have expanded their elementary education at more than twice the rate of western historical experience. Easterly
(2009) argues that if MDG #2 had been tracked as a relative goal of proportional increases in enrollment then countless African countries would be a success story; furthermore, were the goals measured in terms of primary completion ratios (rather than enrollment ratios) it would be a better measure of who actually gets a full elementary education. This last point is particularly relevant since it does not matter if every child is registered in school if they are not learning anything, nor are they completing it. If these conditions are real, students are being denied their right to education.
The global agenda on education was designed and imposed by donor governments and bilaterals such as the World Bank and United Nations, however, on the ground much of the implementation and administration has been designated to NGOs. Non-Governmental
Organizations (NGOs) began to impose their presence, power, and numbers, in the late 1980s and early 1990s in developing countries around the world. Their initial efforts, which portrayed starving children on infomercials in search of private funding from the North, were referred to as the ‘pornography of poverty’ (Hoy, 1998). Their role has since evolved into one which focuses
34 on infrastructure, environmental degradation, and social services; but furthermore, they seek to build participation within communities and across nations through rights based development
(RBD). This research observes an NGO that plays a different role in education provision, through the placement of western volunteers in local schools.
Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs)
Developing nations have been dragged from one Northern-inspired orthodoxy to the next: a state agenda in the 1960s and 1970s; a private sector agenda in the 1980s and 1990s; and now an NGO agenda in the 2000s. Where is the breathing space and support for countries to construct their own agendas? (Heeks, 2005, 9)
The United Nations (UN) first acknowledged non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in
1945 in Article 71, of chapter 10, of the UN Charter for a consultative role for organizations which are neither governments nor member states. The majority of NGOs were initiated by religious organizations and predominantly privately funded by the public. Their increased power and prevalence was driven by the diminished power of the state in many developing countries, which were left further in debt and unable to meet the needs of their people, both economically and socially as a result of SAPs (Uphoff, 1993).
NGOs pluralized the institutional arena; they increased citizen participation by working with grassroots organizations, and monitored state power by challenging its autonomy at the national and local levels (Jad, 2007; Mercer, 2002; Uphoff, 1993). Pearce (2000, 30) argues that states in reality have become hostage to these powerful groups [NGOs] which has created a prevailing obstacle to development. Furthermore, these NGOs strengthen civil societies at the expense of the state. NGOs, from both the north and south, promise to address humanitarian issues, sustainable development and incorporate local voices and communities. They incorporate
35 buzz words such as ‘good governance’9 and ‘civil society’10 (Jad, 2007; Pearce, 2000; Tvedt,
2002). However, much of these elusive promises have not come to fruition. NGOs – particularly those funded by northern (or western) governments – have become laden with political agendas.
(Fisher, 1997; Mercer, 2002; Plewes, 2006). Furthermore, many local or southern NGOs are funded by Northern NGOs and governments whose ideas and rules determine their strategies and implementation. The reality is that there is little voice from the south permitted. Hoy (1998) explains the futility of the situation:
When Northern organizations find Southern NGOs to carry out specific projects, as is usually the case, this often imposes a limited, Western concept of time and efficiency that values met deadlines more than the learning or organizing process, which from the Southern perspective, is often the most valuable aspect of the entire project. This project aid is becoming more common with the growth of Northern NGOs’ budgets (due to increasing government support) and the increasing demand for more and more projects on which to spend their money. Project funding is also criticized by Southern NGOs for the lack of long-term commitment it suggests. (132)
Mercer (2002) insists that recipient African governments are wary of NGOs who provide social services but have little choice in the matter. It has also been noted by such multilaterals as the UNDP that “NGO interventions, although effective at reducing some of the worst forms of poverty, are not generally capable of helping people escape from structural poverty.
Additionally, NGOs are unlikely to play more than a complementary role in providing social services and eradicating poverty” (Hoy, 1998, 115). Omach (2007) and Zaida (1999) have
9 This is a prominent discourse in development literature and refers to processes of decision making and implementation with regard to public institutions – while encompassing the realization of human rights. This is achieved by overcoming abuse of power and corruption at all levels, but particularly within governments. 10 This idea encompasses organizations which are voluntary civic and social groups which form the basis of a functioning society. 36 argued that NGOs have failed so miserably it is imperative to focus on rebuilding the strength of states.
Rights Based Development & Non-Government Organizations
In the late 1980s RBD became justification for the presence of NGOs at the national and international level:
In recent years, the dominant understanding of poverty and suffering among ‘thinking NGOs’ has come to fix on power, its abuse and its imbalance, as the essential determinant in the construction of poverty and suffering. And as poverty and violence have become increasingly conceived of in terms of power, development has been re-framed – by NGOs and Western governments alike – in terms of human rights which provide a countervailing force to challenge and make just demands of power…The development of universal human rights, whose fundamental value is human dignity founded in individual equality, personal freedom, and social and economic justice, easily encompasses humanitarian and development activity and shows them to have common ends. (Slim, 2000, 493)
At the local level RBD demands the participation of all members of civil society, and with the move away from output-based approaches to more process-based ones, local NGOs became much more dominant with a shift to capacity building. At the international level the priorities of organizations such as UNICEF and UNDP employed RBD strategies and promoted the value of civil society and the awareness of human rights abuses. At the state level human rights are to be protected and enforced; it is also expected the state will practice democracy and be inclusive of all groups it represents as well as provide 100% transparency to its people (Ensor,
2005).
However, the greater question is the power of NGOs and western aid donors – who regulates and monitors their activities? As Chapman (2005, 7) challenges: “[r]ights cannot be truly realised without changes in the structure and relationship of power in all their forms. 37 Changes in who makes decisions, whose voice is heard, what topics are seen as legitimate, people’s sense of relative self-worth and in the confidence of people to speak out”. If NGOs suppress the voices of individuals and communities then RBD cannot occur.
Ensor (2005, 263) addresses the rights-based approach practiced by Oxfam and
ActionAid and argues that their policies, as well as those of other governmental and non- governmental organizations, demonstrate an institutional, or legal, understanding of rights.
Furthermore, he argues that the two aforementioned organizations “make no reflection of the synergy between culture, community and rights; and no guidance as to how or if these considerations should be incorporated into the processes of local decision-making”.
This research examines local NGOs who understand this synergy and work tirelessly to ensure the decision-making remains local, even with the presence of western volunteers and the reliance on their donations. It is here that this research will expand the literature on how the
NGOs foster RBD in host communities.
Tourism & Development
Tourism is too often regarded as a panacea – an economic, social and environmental ‘cure-all’. Globally, there is a lack of convincing empirical evidence to justify the claim that increased tourism development will lead to significant benefits for the poor. (Chok, Macbeth & Warren, 2007, 36)
The tourism industry accounts for nearly 4% of gross world product, tourism-related firms exceed US$1.2 trillion annually, and 71.9 million people worldwide are directly employed by the tourism industry and another 126.7 million indirectly (Gladstone, 2005). Western donor and multilateral organizations promote tourism as a solution to the poverty which plagues countless developing countries; it generates infrastructure, income, the prospect of modernization, and therefore, development. 38 The 1950s saw a shift in tourists destinations from the west to the less developed countries in the search of something more ‘exotic’ and free of western materialism (van Edmond,
2007). Gladstone (2005) argues that the entire tourism industry, in developing countries, is neocolonial and only serves to further reinforce and perpetuate the dependence of peripheral countries (former colonies) on core metropolitan countries (former colonizers). Social dependence is fostered through power relations embedded in the “host-guest” relationship, which has been compared to slavery (Beeton, 2006). In addition, there is the ‘othering’ that is created by tourism in developing countries (Lyons & Wearing, 2008b) such as realities of rich vs. poor, west vs. developing, white vs. native, and donor vs. recipient. When some tourists visit developing countries/communities they treat local poverty and suffering as a commodity to consume, a product they can take home and regale to their friends of first-hand encounters with poverty, suffering and misery – at a dinner party.
Tourism as a Development Strategy
Tourism in developing countries was epitomized by the liberal logic of modernization theory. With the onset of neoliberalism in the 1970s the World Bank (WB) and International
Monetary Fund (IMF) promoted tourism as a development strategy for suffering economies
(Mowforth & Munt, 1998; Scheyvens, 2007; Tosun, 2000). Tourism offered the opportunity to establish infrastructure and social services in urban centers and select few rural communities11.
Finally, it offered modernization to traditional cultures and a way for many former colonies to prosper and emerge on the global market (Scheyvens, 2007). Governments welcomed tourism
11 This was true for communities in or near national parks. 39 and saw the hard currencies as a great stimulus to their economies; policy makers saw the potential to earn foreign exchange and generate employment (Lewis, 2005; Scheyvens, 2007).
Many countries, however, become reliant on the economies of the west. When there is a recession leisure travel is the first thing cut from budgets; this was seen with the aftermath of
9/11 (Chok, Macbeth & Warren, 2007). As well, the recent economic downturn of 2008/09 in which, for example, Kenya’s economic growth slowed to 3% due to tourism losses, down from
7% in 2007 (Thomasson, 2009). When these countries relinquish control of the development of their communities by participating in the tourism industry rather than local trades with local benefit, and become reliant on foreign markets, the cycle of poverty and dependency is perpetuated (Brohman, 1996; Chok et al, 2007; Tosun, 2000; van Egmond, 2006). To go one step further, Gladstone (2005, 69) explains that the trade-off in employment and the dependence on the west is a perpetuation of colonialism and imperialism:
Whereas previously Third World farmers in Africa, Asia and Latin America were forced to grow cash crops to complement the home industries of their colonizers, today multilateral lending agencies, such as the IMF, the IDB, and the International Finance Corporation – global institutions controlled by the same colonial powers – promote IFS [International Formal Sector] tourism in the Third World as a complement to the industrial economies of the North. The underlying rationale of colonialism, critics of tourism assert, remains the same: the orientation of Third World economies towards the requirements of the metropolitan countries.
Pro-Poor Tourism
Pro-Poor Tourism (PPT) is now the most widely promoted strategy which offers development opportunities to communities in developing countries12 (Lewis, 2005; Lyons &
12 The term Pro-Poor Tourism is often misconceived by many to encourage the continued poverty of host communities (Beeton, 2006) as well as alienate tourism stakeholders (Chok, Macbeth & Warren, 2007). Therefore, 40 Wearing, 2008a; Mowforth & Munt, 1998). This approach, rather than a product or niche sector of the tourism industry, enhances the linkages between tourism businesses and poor people. It focuses on poverty reduction while developing a community’s economic, social and cultural infrastructure. Not to be mistaken for tourism development with the focus on building infrastructure and business to better meet the needs of the tourist, PPT focuses on better meeting the needs the of the community while accommodating, and benefitting from, the tourist. In essence, the goal is not to expand tourism but to create opportunities for communities to participate in tourism.
The core focus of PPT is on local participation and empowerment, it must demonstrate an increase in net benefits to the poor people it targets (Pro-Poor Tourism Partnership, 2009)13.
These benefits are not solely financial but also social and cultural. There are three core strategies of PPT: increase economic benefits, enhance non-financial livelihood impacts, and enhance participation and partnership.
Pro-Poor Tourism differs from other tourism development approaches such as ecotourism, community based tourism, and sustainable tourism – although they all seek to provide development for local communities14. However, for all the differences in strategies and goals there is much overlap in all these tourism development strategies: they seek to protect the community, its resources (both physical and social) and the surrounding environment – all with
the World Tourism Organization refers to the strategy as Sustainable Tourism – Eliminating Poverty (ST-EP); however, the concepts behind and strategies for implementation are identical. 13 Pro-Poor Tourism Partnership is a collaborative research initiative between the International Centre for Responsible Tourism (ICRT), the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), and the Overseas Development Institute (ODI). 14 Pro-Poor Tourism differs from ecotourism in that it perceives environmental concerns and preservation as a strategy to achieve its goal rather than the final outcome. It differs from community-based tourism in that the involvement of community is again a strategy and not the final goal. Finally, it differs from sustainable tourism in that its focus is not on mainstream destinations where often social issues are pushed to the periphery, but rather they are at the focus of the approach. These include economic, social and cultural development and preservation. 41 the key components of participation and empowerment. Furthermore, PPT is incorporated into larger Sustainable Development strategies15. When the Overseas Development Institute (ODI) first introduced the concept of PPT, to refer to the potential of tourism to alleviate poverty, they incorporated it as an agenda item on the 1999 United Nations Commission on Sustainable
Development16.
Communities, Development & Tourism
Community participation and empowerment are essential to incorporating community values, interests and aspirations in the practice of PPT. Chok, Macbeth & Warren (2007, 37) explain that poor people (and the greater community) must participate in tourism decisions if their livelihood priorities are to be reflected in tourism development. Tosun (2000) maintains that the idea of community participation has been present in the tourism development process (TDP) since the 1950s, employed as an umbrella term for a new genre of development intervention in the 70s, and was further strengthened through rights-based development in the 1990s. However, there has been little evidence in the literature of anything beyond community consultation or manipulative participation (Tosun, 2000). Beeton (2006) argues that there can be no tourism without a host community, particularly in marginal or peripheral regions with indigenous populations, who contribute to the creation and delivery of the tourist experience. However, when the community becomes the focus of the tourist gaze it also becomes the commodity to be marketed. Brohman (1996) believes that community participation fosters a more equal
15 Sustainable Development is a development strategy put forward in the 1980s with the goal to enable people to satisfy their basic needs and enjoy a better quality of life without compromising their quality of life or that of future generations (Defra, 2009). As well, it should be noted that throughout tourism literature sustainable development is interchanged/replaced with sustainable tourism but all the same goals and principles apply. 16 Chok, Macbeth & Warren (2007) claim it was in fact the UK Department for International Development (DFID) who coined the term ‘Pro-Poor Tourism’ but there is no other reference to this in the contributing literature to PPT (Beeton, 2006; Lyons & Wearing, 2008; Scheyvens, 2007, Stronza & Gordillo, 2008; Tosun, 2000). 42 distribution of benefits, discourages undemocratic decision making, and can better meet the needs of the local community. This last condition means that the community must be involved in the initial stages of the tourism development to determine what is needed (physical infrastructure but also social services); furthermore, the community must remain involved.
Community participation in practice is predominantly seen in ecotourism case studies, however, rarely from the inception of the projects (Lepp, 2008; Ruhamen et al., 2008; Soderman
& Snead, 2008; Stronza & Gordillo, 2008; Zorn & Farthing, 2007). Local participation entails local people working in hotels, parks, and as tour guides and bus drivers. This is critiqued because participants forfeit their local trades which make them reliant on, and vulnerable to, the industry. This participation further creates tension within communities since only a select few
‘participate’, there is infiltration of western culture, and travel from outside communities in search of employment (both local and foreign).
The literature does not address the practicality of community participation. Mowforth and
Munt (1998, 240) argue that the push for local participation has in fact come from a position of power – the west – who promote the principles of participation on paper (from a distance) and make no effort to put them into practice. Tosun (2000, 617) questions the boundaries of community participation in the tourism development process (TDP) and that there may be limits that exist to its validity and practicality:
[w]ho is the local community or who should participate and who should not participate in the TDP? How will the participatory tourism development approach be initiated? Who will initiate it? Why will they do so? How will participation by local people in the TDP ensure a better distribution of benefits of tourism? Can local people protect or defend their interests? Will any form of community participation contribute to tourists’ satisfaction? What should be the form and mode of participation? Is every form of participation effective under every circumstance? Who will decide on the form and level of participation? Is the participatory tourism
43 development approach feasible in terms of politics and finance? How will the level of development in a community, and scale and type of tourism development affect community participation in the TDP?
The notion of ‘community’ also assumes this to be a homogenous entity, when in reality communities are composed of distinct interest groups and a complex interplay of class, gender and ethnic factors (Scheyvens, 2007). Habitually, it is the community elite who dominate development efforts and monopolize the benefits of tourism. Often the result is the poorest members of the community have little voice or influence and receive little (if any) benefit from tourism in their community.
Many communities do not possess the knowledge base, as well as physical and social foundations, to maintain tourism development strategies (Beeton, 2006). This participation is forced upon them yet there is no foundation or support to develop the skills and practices in the long run. Where there is no local knowledge, or financial and political ability, to participate in tourism western companies and their employees are brought in – which takes away employment and income from the community (Tosun, 2000).
Also of interest in the PPT principles that Chok, Macbeth & Warren (2007, 37) refer to is commercial realism, that all strategies and projects must work within the constraints of commercial viability. This is where local knowledge and skills may be at a disadvantage in communities where commercial consumerism and marketing are not a common or everyday practice. It further demonstrates that host communities must cater to western desires – the epitome of neocolonialism.
Finally, with the idea of participation comes the term empowerment, of both communities and individuals. This again, is a western concept. Scheyvens (2007) argues that local empowerment alone is not sufficient to secure the benefits of tourism – it is often necessary for
44 states to intervene and provide appropriate legislation to protect individuals and their communities. It is clear that the values, interests and desires are not incorporated in the practice of much tourism development. All the failures of PPT to foster participation further demonstrate the disempowerment of community members through tourism development. Nonetheless, it is a development strategy that continues to be promoted.
Voluntourism
Does the idea of travel to far off destinations appeal to you? How about the adventure of joining an expedition into the world’s greatest mountain ranges? And I expect you’d like to help a disadvantaged community and acquire new skills while working on an aid project . . . . At the same time you’re probably thinking about how your Gap Year will fit into the broader picture, will it be something to impress future employers and how will it look on your CV? [Venture Co., 2002, p. 1] (Simpson, 2004, 684).
The inception of Volunteer Tourism or Voluntourism began in the late 20th century and is now one of the biggest emerging markets in the industry. It is defined by the industry as “a seamlessly integrated combination of voluntary service to a destination, along with the best, traditional elements of travel – arts, culture, geography, and history – in that destination”
(voluntourism.org, 2010). In the academic arena it is defined by McGehee & Santos (2005, 760) as “utilizing discretionary time and income to travel out of the sphere of regular activity to assist others in need”.
There are an estimated 1.6 million volunteer tourists a year whose services have been estimated at US$1.7 – US$2.6 billion (Atlas, 2008, Volunteer Tourism Global Analysis).
Teaching is the number one choice of all volunteers; its popularity as a volunteer placement
45 increased by 20% in 2008 (Year Out Group, 2009). This is followed by volunteer work in health and child care, conservation projects and lastly community projects.
Voluntourism is alternative tourism, an approach which “reconfigures the tourist destination as an interactive space where tourists become creative actors who engage in behaviors that are mutually beneficial to host communities, and to the cultural and social environment of those communities” (Lyons & Wearing, 2008a, 6). Voluntourism NGOs partner with commercial tour operators to place young western volunteers in developing communities. It
“seek[s] to combine the hedonism of tourism with the altruism of development work” (Simpson,
2004, 681). However, the literature and commercial brochures offer little, if any, mention of the
‘D’ word (Development) since this would then demand accountability of the commercial tour operators and NGOs who place voluntourists in host communities.
It is rightly argued that this latest form of tourism can trace its historical roots in the missionary movements; furthermore, it is paternalistic and fails to respect host communities
(Lewis, 2005; Raymond, 2008; Simpson, 2005). In essence, young, naïve westerners travel to developing communities to teach, dig wells, and offer their knowledge in exchange for their time
– and a chance to say they did it and put it on their CV and enjoy a safari (Hudson & Inkson,
2006; Inkson & Myers, 2003; Simpson, 2005; Soderman & Snead, 2008).
This alternative tourism supports small-scale or locally-based tourism initiatives which attempt to bring benefits to poor communities as well as build good relationships between ‘hosts’ and ‘guests’ (Krippendorf, 1989). It incorporates the core principles of PPT which demand the participation of community members in all stages of tourism development. However, this is in contradiction since many volunteers are placed in communities by external players such as
46 commercial tour operators and both local and western NGOs. Furthermore, volunteers replace locals in their efforts and make communities reliant on them as a source of income17.
McGehee & Andereck (2009, 42) posit the potential benefits:
Volunteer tourism, if developed, promoted and implemented in a way that maximizes the experience for the volunteers while preserving the dignity and culture of its beneficiaries, can potentially contribute enormously to the host region, particularly the most economically distressed areas. In many ways, this form of tourism – one which contributes to the economic health of a community through a combination of limited resource consumption (if volunteer tourism programs are designed so that volunteers stay in locally owned and operated accommodation, use public transportation and limit their use of water and other scarce resources) and the injection of money into a community in ways that limit leakages (eat locally grown and prepared foods, frequent locally owned and operated restaurants and accommodations, purchase local arts and crafts). Not only can economic and social benefits be reaped, but also there is great potential for both hosts and volunteers to walk away from a volunteer tourism experience with a better understanding of each other.
Raymond & Hall (2008) argue that in fact, the experience will have the opposite effect and reinforce stereotypes of poverty rather than to question them; this may lead volunteer tourists to assume that their host communities ‘accept’ their poverty – they do not have the material possessions but that is because they don’t expect them.
The notion of charity echoes throughout the brochures and websites. “Indeed, the very legitimacy of such programmes is rooted in a concept of a ‘third world’, where there is a ‘need’, and where European young people have the ability, and right to meet this need” (Simpson, 2004,
682). Table 2 (below) offers excerpts from commercial voluntourism websites where altruism is sold as a package deal by commercial tour operators and their partner NGOs.
17 Volunteers are placed in teaching positions (among others) for which they have no prior training and experience. Furthermore, communities become dependent on western volunteers for their money to initiate and fund projects in the community (which are often determined by the volunteer). 47
Voluntourism Brochure Marketing
‘Develop People. Share Cultures. Build Futures’ (i-to-i, 2002)
‘It’s [overseas volunteer work] a great way to soak yourself in another culture; you may find yourself working with people who know only poverty, disease, hunger and monotony’ (Gap-Year.com, 2002)
‘SPW will not send you where you are not needed. You will not be doing a job that a local could do better than you’ (Student Partnership Worldwide, 2002)
Table 2 Voluntourism brochures (Simpson, 2004, 684)
Voluntourists
Pearce & Coghlan (2008, 132) distinguish that the majority of voluntourists are from former colonial powers and European settlements who encompass a wide range of groups with varying intentions and motivations. Seventy-six percent of volunteers are between the ages of 18 and 24, and nearly 60% are women (Year Out Group, 2008). Predominantly they have short-term travel plans (2 weeks to 6 months).
Upon completion of secondary school, graduates in the United Kingdom are encouraged to volunteer a year abroad in order to gain life experiences before they continue on to their tertiary studies – known as the Gap Year18. Annually, there are an estimated 200,000 young Brits who take a gap year; 10,000 of them between the ages of eighteen and twenty who engage in third world volunteer projects (Simpson, 2004, 681). Australia and New Zealand also promote a year abroad for young students, known as “The Big OE” or Overseas Experience (Inkson &
Myers, 2003). In North America this development trend is referred to as volunteering abroad or
18 The literature uses the general reference to the Gap Year to include voluntourists from all developed countries. 48 simply ‘backpacking’ in order to foster further personal development. “Once a marginal and unusual activity undertaken by hippies and adventurous drop-outs, it has now become a widely accepted rite of passage for young people” (O’Reilly, 2006, 998). In Asian countries, such as
Singapore, youths partake in overseas volunteer work in school groups19. This is done predominantly through a compulsory community involvement program through the Ministry of
Education or the Youth Expedition Project (YEP) operated by the National Youth Council (Sin,
2009). Many Asian overseas volunteers receive bursaries or their travels are subsidized by their government and NGOs. Epprecht & Tiessen (2012) further acknowledge that globally, colleges and universities push agendas to expand study abroad programs in less developed countries in an effort to internationalize beyond their traditional Eurocentric parameters; an agenda further driven by their students.
Heath’s (2007, 94) research of the gap year brochures and public studies revealed five benefits of the gap year experience which resonate throughout:
• The gap year provides an opportunity for self-reflection, enhancing students’ sense of perspective and facilitating better-informed decisions about their degree plans and future career options;
• The gap year provides an opportunity for self-development and personal enrichment;
• ‘gappers’ adapt particularly well to university life as they have greater maturity than non-gappers, are less distracted by the freedoms of university life and are less likely to drop out, rendering them attractive to admission tutors;
• Gappers acquire ‘soft skills’ that are not necessarily acquired during their formal education, such as communication skills, organisational skills and team working skills; and
19 Also known as service learning which does not package and market itself the same as voluntourism but shares the same ideology of skills development and improved employability (for the volunteer). Lyons & Wearing (2008, 148) refer to this as coerced volunteering. 49 • For all these reasons, employers favour gappers.
The gap year industry has become so large-scale that it is now argued to be the professionalization of youth travel “bringing them into contact with neoliberal understandings of education and citizenship, where emphasis is placed on young people’s acquisition of global knowledge as governable subjects with market potential” (Simpson, 2005, 447). Predominantly, voluntourists (underlying) motivations are self-serving, to see ‘if they can do it’, to escape the boredom of their own lives, to ‘say they did it’, and build their CV (Inkson & Myers, 2003;
Matthews, 2008; Sin, 2009). There is little, if any, mention of the benefits to host communities and the individuals with whom they work and stay with.
Host Communities
The challenges of voluntourism in host communities include the motivations and intentions of volunteers, their expectations of host communities and the overall experience. The aspect of voluntourism which receives the least attention, yet warrants the greatest, is volunteer impacts in host communities (Tiessen, 2012). To date, research on the impact of tourism in developing communities has focused on employment and income levels – strictly economic gains – and has paid little attention to the immeasurable social benefits and impacts (Stronza &
Gordillo, 2008). Furthermore, McGehee & Andereck (2009) contend that, until their study of host community impacts in Tijuana, no research had examined the impacts on communities from volunteer tourism specifically. Ironically, their study revealed that many perceived outcomes of the residents were not overtly different from those of mass tourism; this was likely because the majority of those who completed the surveys did not perceive volunteer tourists to be tourists at all. One other interesting outcome was that the participants who identified the negative impacts
50 of volunteer tourists in their community had a higher education level than those who perceived no negative impacts at all.
McGehee & Santos (2005) argue that many voluntourists are in search of a community to belong, they feel disenchanted or removed from their own due to awareness of social movements to overcome poverty and feel the need to connect with those who share that same value of social justice. These ideas could be in reference to the volunteer community which may already be in place in a host community, or the belief that members of the host community seek them out as well. The latter is much more naïve, and is a western ideology or assumption. Again, these notions treat the community as homogenous and that all residents share the same values and goals. This also implies that the host community aspires to continue their dependence on the west for their ‘development’. In addition, volunteers as a source of income externalize development and encourage the notion of us vs. them or the impression of charity. It is never questioned why volunteers are needed, there is no exploration or greater understanding of the issues underlying the poverty these communities face20. Sin’s (2009) study of volunteers from Singapore working in South Africa showed that only two of the eleven volunteers had any interest of their impact in their host community. Only three of them continued with volunteer work when they returned home (they were also the only three who had done volunteer work prior to the trip), and finally that their motivations were altruistic but also self-serving and never questioned why they were needed nor did it foster any social ties.
Indeed, volunteer tourism, like community service in Singapore, has tended to be apolitical – largely philanthropic and altruistic, rather than associate with political dimensions of citizenship and advocacy. Volunteer tourists were also hardly encouraged to question why communities in host-countries needed volunteer
20 I do not wish to imply that entire communities are poverty stricken or that their issues are homogeneous, I simply use the term community for simplicity in this work. 51 services. Instead, there is a risk that volunteer tourists can be led to assume that aid-recipients were naturally poor, and failed to understand prevailing circumstances that impede aid-recipients’ efforts to break out of the poverty-cycle (personal observation in 2004). Indeed, “[w]hen viewed as simply helping those ‘less fortunate’, students may fail to see the role that their own privilege plays in the dynamics of power” [Clark and Young, 2005:72]. (Sin, 2009, 496)
Volunteers may foster disempowerment of individuals and entire communities.
Volunteers participate in projects for which they have no training or experience. “Most notably, when volunteer tourists inappropriately take on roles of ‘expert’ or ‘teacher’ regardless of their experience or qualifications, this can be seen to represent the neo-colonial construction of the westerner as racially and culturally superior” (Raymond & Hall, 2008, 531). Furthermore, in the arena of education, there is a complete disregard for current conditions and issues that developing countries must address. “Volunteers from other cultures show the value of education to children who may see work as more important than school” (Cross-Cultural Solutions, 2009).
There is an assumption/misconception that students, and their parents, would rather work in the field or pick through the garbage dump than be in school. This type of marketing further perpetuates the stereotypes of poverty and that the volunteer is the one who will save them.
The length of time volunteers spend in host communities is a concern since their visit is often short lived which questions the impacts or contributions they can make21 (Raymond &
Hall, 2008). The majority of voluntourists spend only two to four weeks in host communities.
McGehee and Santos (2005, 764) argue that volunteers compensate for this with the intensity of
21 This applies specifically to young, short-term Voluntourists and does not apply to long-term qualified volunteers such as those who work for VSO (Volunteer Services Overseas) or MSF (Medicins Sans Frontiers) and are trained prior to their placement. Furthermore, the majority of volunteer tourists do not spend their entire travel period in the host community. They often use part of their time to enjoy local tourist attractions or adventure tourism activities (Lepp, 2008; Sin, 2009; Soderman and Snead, 2008). 52 their interactions with other volunteers, researchers, local officials, and residents – it is their time living in these host communities where social ties and connections are formed:
Although they lack an overtly political mission, volunteer tourism experiences, through their uniqueness and emphasis on participation, are likely to predict or promote further activism, and be reasonably expected to draw together like-minded individuals from far-flung geographical areas, enabling the establishment of networks and idea exchange. In turn, these new networks may encourage participation in and support for social movements.
Are these connections in fact a reality? Is there greater local participation fostered by volunteers in host communities? And if so, is it including all members of the community – are those most in need being reached – or is it still the elite and those with financial backing who build and maintain these ties? Since volunteers have the finances to maintain communication
(phones, internet, and access to travel) it is likely that those most in need of inclusion are in fact not participating. Raymond & Hall’s (2008) research of twenty volunteer placement programmes showed that volunteers who were in short-term placement programmes (2-4 weeks) did not develop close relationships with local community members, and even those that had been there for three months were just beginning to feel they were integrating into their host community.
Furthermore, Raymond & Hall’s (2008) study revealed that while there was ‘cross-cultural appreciation’ it was at the individual level, and there were not necessarily changes in broader perceptions of nationalities and cultures.
NGOs and the Business of Voluntourism
NGOs emerged in the 1990s as one of the principle advocates of sustainable tourism and later embraced and incorporated PPT strategies (Raymond, 2008; Ruhamen et al, 2008; Stoddart
& Rogerson, 2004). NGOs did not simply see it as an industry or activity, they intended to build
53 new and positive attitudes, values and actions amongst both tourists and host communities, and to foster socially appropriate tourism and empower communities (Wearing, 2002).
The escalating demands of the voluntourism industry have been met by a growing number of NGOs who partner with commercial volunteer tourist providers22. Tourists seek alternative tourism but at the same time adventure tourism (safaris, white water rafting, etc) or luxury/mass tourism (beaches and resorts). Commercial tour operators package the best of both worlds marketed on tourism websites. This means that NGOs must work directly with these companies towards outcomes that may not have total support by, and for, all those affected. “The argument could be made that as NGOs begin to develop partnerships with corporate entities, they run the risk of losing sight of their core activity of supporting local communities at all costs and instead become engaged in the gradual process of the commodification of alternative – and by extension, volunteer – tourism” (Lyons & Wearing, 2008a, 9). Volunteer tourism operators offer packages and sale prices throughout the year. There is the question as to how the cost of the trip is broken down with regards to the tour/volunteer operator and the money that is injected into the host community or host project. There is no information of administrative costs and the financial contribution to host communities. The i-to-i lifechangingtravel website offers a two week teaching package in Uganda for the bargain price of CD$1535.00 and CD$220 for every week thereafter (www.i-to-i.com). This price does not include airfare, food, local transportation, visas, insurance, or vaccinations. There is no explanation as to where the CD$1535 goes; accommodation is a shared room in a guest house or with a host family a remote community.
22 There are hundreds of Organizations which recruit young volunteers; some of the largest include: Cross-Cultural Solutions, Global Volunteers Partners in Development, International Volunteers Program (IVP), International Volunteer HQ, International Volunteer Programs Association (IVPA), Involvement Volunteers, United Nations Volunteers (UNV), United Planet, and Volunteer Abroad. 54 Few questions are raised as to their motives or the sustainability of their projects; there are no specified long-term goals for the projects. And worse, there is no accountability to host communities. Finally, the relationship between commercial tour operators and western volunteers can undermine development efforts. NGOs are dependent on tour operators to promote their organization and its projects so they must make the costs as low as possible to be competitive, as well as design their projects to cater to western volunteer desires. Furthermore, as previously discussed, tourists cut travel out of their budget, and so do volunteers’23.
RBD, Education, NGOs & Voluntourism
The ‘Development’ of Africa has been going on for decades, more recently with a focus on the education agenda. I used a mixed-methods case study of five primary schools with voluntourists present, in Mukono District, Uganda to consider how these ‘agendas’ come together and who really benefits. The research was carried out in 2010 during the onset of the
2008/09 global economic crisis which provided an honest portrayal of the relationship. This literature review has brought together four separate, yet overlapping, areas of interest: Rights
Based Development, Education & Development, NGOs, and Tourism & Development (Figure
2).
23 Personal communiqué with PEDRRU and the Real Uganda (two locally run NGOs in Uganda reliant on western volunteers) said the recession had led to a drastic decline in volunteers and also a loss of child sponsors – another source of income. 55
Rights Based Development (RBD)
• Education • NGOs • Community Participation
Education & NGOs/CBOs & Development Development • RBD • NGOs Primary Education & • RBD • Community Community • Education leaders Development • Volunteers • Volunteers Mukono District, Uganda
Voluntourism Community Development & Local • NGOs Leadership • Education • Development • NGOs/CBOs • Education • Volunteers
Figure 2 Conceptual Framework of the research and their interlinkages (Skett, 2014)
56 CHAPTER THREE: UGANDA – THE BLOOD STAINED PEARL OF AFRICA
Uganda, as it is known today, takes its name from the Kingdom of Buganda which was the most prosperous and dominant of all Kingdoms in the region prior to the arrival of European explorers in the nineteenth century. It was given the Swahili name Uganda by British officials in
1894 at the inception of British Colonial rule. Winston Churchill referred to it as the Pearl of
Africa when he arrived in 1907 and marvelled at the beauty of the lush environment and its people.
[T]he Kingdom of Uganda is a fairy-tale. You climb up a railway instead of a beanstalk, and at the end there is a wonderful new world. The scenery is different, the vegetation is different, the climate is different, and, most of all, the people are different from anything anywhere else to be seen in the whole range of Africa... The natives evince an eagerness to acquire knowledge and a very high observant and initiative faculty. And then Uganda is from end to end one beautiful garden, where the staple food of the people grows almost without labour, and where almost everything else can be grown better and easier than anywhere else (Churchill, 1990, 56/7).
Once a bountiful and prosperous country it fell under colonial rule for nearly 70 years and sadly became known as The Blood Stained Pearl of Africa in the two decades following independence in 1962 – a country plagued by brutal political instability, civil war, poverty and debt (Seftel, 1994). This chapter will explore the rich history of Uganda, the Kingdoms which maintained their power during colonial rule and the history and evolution of the education system throughout. Finally, it will conclude with the current state of Uganda’s economy and its people.
Today, it has a population of nearly 34 million, thirty five per cent of whom live below the poverty line; with the second highest population growth rate in the world (3.1%) it is
57 projected that Uganda’s population will increase by an additional 80 million by 2050 (CIA
Factbook, 2011; Worldwatch Institute, 2011). This rapidly growing population places an increasing strain on a country which struggles to combat an AIDS epidemic, ongoing droughts, political instability, and the repercussions of the global recession. In 2011 inflation rates reached
13.7%, up from only 4% in 2010.
Geography
Uganda lies astride the equator in the heart of the African continent along the shores of
Lake Victoria at 1°00 N and 32°00 E. It covers an estimated area of 240,000 sq. km of which about 42,000 sq. km (17%) are swamps and open fresh water while nearly 30,000 sq. km (12%) are forest reserves and game parks. Roughly the same size as Great Britain or Ghana, it is bordered by Kenya to the East, Sudan to the North, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to the
West and Tanzania and Rwanda to the South (Figure 3).
58
Figure 3 Map of Uganda (World Embassy Information, 2012)
There is heavy rainfall throughout the year, with an average of 1000mm, with the greatest in March and September (Mawejje, 2004). The minimal temperature variations are influenced by altitude and proximity to Lake Victoria, with an average annual temperature of 26°c. The country lies on the great African plateau (with an average altitude of 1200m) which is only broken by the
Great Rift Valley to the west. The Rwenzori Massif (5110m) sits on the border of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and the volcanic Mount Elgon (4300) on the border with Kenya. Both are national parks in Uganda, of which there are ten24.
24 Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, Murchison Falls National Park, Queen Elizabeth National Park, Kibale Forest National Park, Lake Mburo National Park, Mt Rwenzori National Park, Mhahinga Gorilla National Park, Kidepo Valley National Park, Semliki National Park, and Mount Elgon National Park 59 The vegetation is predominantly savannah with fertile soils and tropical rain forests in areas of high rainfall which has made Uganda (relatively) self-sufficient25. More than 80% of the country’s workforce is employed in agriculture and the economy is heavily dependent on these resources. Its primary export is coffee, followed by fish, tea, cotton, tobacco, vegetables, and meats. Unfortunately, the recent global economic recession and subsequent price fluctuations have made the Ugandan economy extremely vulnerable.
Pre-Colonial Uganda
Kingdoms fight for Power
One of the last African regions reached by outsiders, it was not until the 1840s that Arab traders came in search of slaves and ivory. What they found in the southern and westerns region were the Kingdoms of Ankole, Buganda, Bunyoro, and Toro where life was predominantly sedentary and the favourable terrain and climate presented ideal land for agriculture (Karugire,
1980). The kingdoms practiced hunting, carpentry, fishing, and iron-melting. Ancestor worship was an integral part of religious life and the extended family was the basic social unit in every community (Seftel, 1994).
In the nomadic and pastoralist populations of the eastern and northern regions, which included the communities/clans of Lango, Acholi, Madi, West Nile, Bukedi, Bugisi, Busoga,
Teso, Karamoja, Sebei and Kegezi, the climate and terrain allowed little permanent settlement.
These pastoralist clans had little opportunity to develop social units and therefore family relations took precedence over the clan (Karugire, 1980; Mukherjee, 1985). There was little
25 The north-east is covered by semi-desert type vegetation which has often impacted that region’s population with severe droughts and food shortages 60 surplus labour in these households and thus minimal division of labour between men, women, old and young. The prominent distinction that existed was between ‘elders and non-elders’ and the main focus of clans was on religious practice (Moncrieffe, 2004, 11).
The Bunyoro-Kitare Kingdom was the most powerful in the seventeenth and eighteenth century, based on rigid social divisions between pastoral aristocrats and agricultural serfs, which was also the foundation of its demise (Burke, 1964; Doyle, 2006). The Buganda Kingdom, with a much more fluid society where peasants could be recruited into higher positions, began to gain strength at the end of the eighteenth century and became the most powerful kingdom in the region. “Eventually, these distinctions contributed to Bunyoro’s demise and Buganda’s ascendancy, for while the Kingdom of Buganda was able to build its administration by recruiting the ‘ordinary’ people, Bunyoro relied increasingly on a group of elite pastoralists” (Moncrieffe,
2004, 11). The Buganda Kingdom became the most dominant faction, in population and economy, with their ideal location along the shores of Lake Victoria which was optimal land for agriculture and which allowed them to prosper and trade with other Kingdoms and clans in the region. By the end of the nineteenth century the Kingdom of Buganda was comprised of fifty clans (Karugire, 1980).
In the mid-19th century when Egyptian and Sudanese traders came in search of slaves and ivory, they focused their efforts in the northern and eastern regions of the country where the population was more transient and there was more wildlife to hunt. The Buganda Kingdom was the first kingdom to establish contact and negotiate with the traders which greatly developed their communications and military force (Low & Pratt, 1960). Trading links were established and traders introduced guns which then allowed the Buganda Kingdom to exert their dominance and
61 take land from other kingdoms. They were particularly dominant over the Bunyoro Kingdom in the west of the country (Doyle, 2006).
Europeans, Missionaries, and the War of Religions
John Speke and James Grant were the first Europeans to set foot in Uganda in the 1860s in search of the source of the Nile River (Mukherjee, 1985; Rowe, 1966). They were welcomed by the Kabaka (king) Mutees I of the Buganda Kingdom, who offered to guide them on their journey (Reid, 1999; Rowe, 1966). When Henry Stanley, a Welsh American correspondent, came in 1874 he too was welcomed in the Buganda Kingdom where the Kabaka expressed his interest in Christianity (Low, 1971; Reid, 1999). The Egyptian and Sudanese traders had begun to convert locals into Muslims, however, the Kabaka did not like that converts saw Allah as a higher being than himself and believed Christianity was a good counterweight to deter others from converting (Pirouet, 1995). Stanley agreed and promised to send missionaries upon his return home (Seftel, 1994). British Pentacostalists were the first missionaries to arrive in Uganda in 1877, soon followed by French Catholics in 1879. The introduction of foreign religions led to tensions which triggered conflict among Kingdoms and clans but also created greater difficulty for the development of trade for the British.
With the rise of colonial rule in East Africa the British had little interest in the development of Uganda. In 1888 the Imperial British East Africa Company (a commercial company), was given the right to administer and develop the territory. Their task was to construct a railway from the East Coast of Kenya (including Zanzibar) to the shores of Lake
Victoria in the Buganda Kingdom in order to transport raw materials to ship back to Great
Britain (Low, 1971). However, numerous problems ensued which included Germany secretly
62 signing the Buganda Kingdom to a treaty which guaranteed a German protectorate over the
Kingdom26; furthermore, there was insufficient funding to complete the rail line. The greatest hindrance, however, was the civil war which broke out between British Protestant missionaries and their French Catholic rivals:
In January 1892 there is heavy gunfire between and among the four hills which form Kampala. On the top of one hill is the palace of the Kabaka. On another the French have completed a Catholic cathedral of wooden poles and reeds. On a third the Protestants are building their church. On the fourth is the fort established for the company [The Imperial British East Africa Company] by Frederick Lugard, who is the only combatant with the advantage of a Maximum machine gun... Lugard prevails. But the loss of life and destruction of property in this unseemly European squabble makes it plain that the East Africa Company is incapable of fulfilling its duties. (History World, 2011)
The British government was forced to intervene and take control of the rapidly deteriorating situation in order to maintain their control and trade in the region (Low & Pratt,
1960). In 1894 the British government declared a protectorate over Buganda and over the next two years control was extended to cover the Kingdoms of Ankole, Toro and Bunyoro – and the
Uganda Protectorate formed in 1896.
British Colonial Rule
Buganda Favouritism
The British government appointed seasoned administrator, Harry Johnston, to determine the most effective form of administration and rule for Uganda (Ibingira, 1973). Johnston acknowledged the power of local African kings and determined that control must be exercised
26 The British Prime Minister, Salisbury, in an attempt to regain control of the Buganda Kingdom and territory offers Germany the island of Heligoland (in British possession since 1814). The deal is accepted and the protectorate is returned to Britain. 63 through them. The first policy was signed with the Buganda Kingdom in 1900, since it had optimal land and the greatest power amongst the Kingdoms. “Under the terms of this agreement the Kabaka’s status is recognized by Britain, as is the authority of his council of chiefs. The chiefs’ collective approval of the British protectorate over the region is eased by Johnston’s acknowledgement of their freehold right to their lands (a concept alien to African tribal traditions, but nevertheless extremely welcome to the chiefs themselves)” (History World, 2011).
Over the next eighteen months Johnston made similar agreements with the rulers of the
Toro and Ankole Kingdoms. However, they were never privileged to the same special standing as the Buganda in which they were given administrative power over other kingdoms. Chiefs were expected to collect taxes to enable the government of the protectorate to be completely self- sufficient; as well, appointed chiefs held judicial, legislative, executive and administrative powers which were exerted across the country (Low, 1971; Low & Pratt, 1960). The Bunyoro
Kingdom was never given agreement status but rather was treated as ‘enemy territory’ due to their fierce resistance to colonial incursions (Moncrieffe, 2004, 14). For their help in this battle, the Buganda Kingdom was rewarded sizable portions of Bunyoro land. This increased land ownership led to economic inequalities as new land owners [Buganda Kings and council members] managed and exploited the peasantry. The final role of the Baganda was to spread the
Christian (Protestant) gospel to all and convert all other faiths (Wrigley, 1959).
Colonial ‘Development’
The Ugandan Railway was completed in 1901 and ran from the East African coast at
Mombasa to the Lake Victoria port of Kisumu in Uganda. British colonial rulers encouraged cash cropping in order to finance their endeavour and once complete they transferred the eastern
64 section of the Uganda Protectorate to the Kenyan Colony. In order to better manage their costs it became the East Africa Protectorate (Low & Pratt, 1960). Under colonial rule primary products were developed such as cotton, coffee, sugar, rubber and tea – all profits to benefit Great Britain from whom they began to import manufactured products.
Again, the Buganda Kingdom benefited the greatest from this development with their fertile lands. The prosperous endeavour allowed the region to purchase material goods and the elite to concentrate their wealth. The Buganda Kingdom invested in education which was encouraged by Christian Missionaries who insisted the Baganda learn to read and write
(Ssekamwa, 1997). The British introduced Kiswahili into the primary curriculum but later enforced English as the language of instruction when the Christian hierarchy saw Kiswahili as the language of Islam. The Baganda began to see Kiswahili as the language of ‘prostitutes and thieves’; furthermore, learning English allowed them to maintain their control and superiority over other Kingdoms and clans (Moncrieffe, 2004). The British built Mengo High School, St.
Mary’s Kisubi, Namilyango, Gayaza and King’s College Budo – the only secondary schools in the country prior to independence. Graduates were offered positions with the government (Low
& Pratt, 1960).
In addition, the British systematically undermined African industry and small independent traders who were either forcibly excluded from the market and/or forced to produce for the metropolis (Kasozi, 1999). The British also began to encourage European and Asian
(Indo-Pakistani) immigrants to come to Uganda (1949 – 1959) with detrimental outcomes for
Ugandans:
While the Baganda were preoccupied with land ownership and administration, Asians became involved in commerce: retail and wholesale trade, cotton ginning, coffee and sugar processing. The British encouraged this, though for their profit. By the late 1940s,
65 the banks were British or Indian-based. Kasozi notes that banks rarely lent to Africans, though they accumulated African savings. Africans were largely excluded from wholesale trade as, according to colonial policy, licenses could only be issued to traders who owned permanent buildings of stone or concrete. In 1959, ‘Africans handled less than 10% of national trade’. (Moncrieffe, 2004, 15)
British colonial rule left Uganda dependant, and vulnerable, to the global economy with the main focus on cash cropping. This also made the country reliant on outside economies for manufactured products and development of raw productions. Finally, the country was segregated into regional, therefore ethnic or “tribal”, districts. Kasozi (1994, 49) explains:
Discrepancies in regional – and therefore ethnic – development and wealth in Uganda have produced antagonisms that have often, directly and indirectly, led to violence. Simply put, people from the underprivileged parts of the country wanted an equal share in the wealth of the privileged centre, while the rich reacted by trying to close the gates. The greatest, and most problematic, disparity was precisely between the centre, Buganda, and the rest of the country, or, geographically, between North and South.
In the years following World War II Britain was bankrupt and broken; furthermore, their colonies were not generating the income they had hoped and they no longer had the man-power to remain in the colonies. At the same time the pro-decolonisation labour government led by
Clement Atlee was elected in Britain in 1945 and anti-colonial movements were increasing in many of the European colonies (Mukherjee, 1985).
By 1949 the Baganda had begun rioting and burning down houses of pro-Government
Chiefs. Their demands were the right to bypass government price controls on the export side of cotton, the removal of the Asian monopoly over cotton ginning, and the right to have their own representatives in local government replace chiefs appointed by the British (Ibingira, 1973).
They were also critical of the young Kabaka Mutesa II whom they felt was not concerned with the needs of his people. In 1952 Sir Andrew Cohen was brought in to begin the ten year process
66 of independence for Uganda. Over the decade he removed obstacles to African cotton ginning, reduced price discrimination against African-grown coffee, co-operatives were promoted and the
Uganda Development Corporation was established to promote and finance new projects
(Karugire, 1980; Walker, 2009). Cohen also restructured the legislative council to include
African representatives elected from districts throughout the country which would (in theory) remove the interest groups which heavily favoured the European community.
Independence
Two Decades, Two Dictatorships
Uganda lurches back from a mad dictatorship to a repressive regime held in check only by anarchy (History World, 2011).
Uganda was a country of hope when it gained independence in 1962. British Colonial rule had established a moderate infrastructure of the roads, schools and hospitals which were seen as some of the best in Africa at the time27.
After independence, unlike Kenya, Uganda attracted no substantial foreign investment or “aid”, and, unlike other dependent ex- colonies, Uganda’s subsistence sector was not only self-supporting but very strong. Subsistence agriculture covered seventy-five percent of cultivated land and cash crops – which were cultivated in addition to food crops, not as a replacement – the remainder. The presence of many fish-bearing lakes and rivers greatly enriched the protein-over-carbohydrate content of the people’s diet. Though Uganda is grouped among the world’s less-developed countries, life expectancy was for a long time as impressive as that of some industrialized countries. The literacy rate was high, road and communication systems were good and medical services reasonable. (Kasozi, 1994, 3)
27 Uganda has 28 airports (four of which are paved), one heliport, and one international airport in Entebbe. There are 30,000 kms of roads – only 2,800 of which are paved. 67 There were expectations that the economic growth would continue, but also that the
Baganda elite would continue to maintain their dominance. Unfortunately, these prospects were crushed after two short years. The rule of Idi Amin and Milton Obote from the 1960s through to the 1980s was devastating for Uganda, not only to its economy but for its people.
Shortly after independence, the country degenerated into tyranny, chaos, violence, war, economic collapse and moral degeneration. Constitutionalism and the rule of law ceased to exist. Extra judicial killings were elevated to the level of public policy. By 1986 Uganda became the land of untold human misery and an object of pity in the world (Mugaju, 1996, 6).
Milton Obote founded the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) in 1960, a party which drew support from the north of the country and its central political platform was the opposition to the hegemony maintained by the Buganda Kingdom (Karugire, 1980). Elected Prime Minister in
1962, Obote was forced to address the erupting tensions with the Buganda Kingdom. A constitution which gave federal status and [a degree] of autonomy to the four traditional
Kingdoms was signed; the Baganda maintained their position of dominance. Obote also approved the ceremonial role of President and head of state to the Kabaka, Mutesa II, of the
Buganda Kingdom in 1963 (Seftel, 1994). However, the collaboration was short-lived. In 1966
Obote attacked the Kabaka’s palace, led by his army commander Idi Amin and Mutesa II fled to exile in Britain. Obote then abolished the hereditary Kingdoms and declared himself President
(while also maintaining his position as Prime Minister) (Kasozi, 1994)28.
In 1971, while President Obote was abroad, Idi Amin (the Commander of the Ugandan
Military) led the coup which overthrew the current regime. Obote sought refuge in neighbouring
28 In 1993 President Yoweri Museveni restored the hereditary Kingdoms, but only as cultural institutions (The Ankole Kingdom has not had their title returned; however, they still retain their leader who is officially regarded as a prince). Today, the Baganda are the largest ethnic community and compromise twenty per cent of the population, about five million Ugandans. 68 Tanzania where he maintained a small army of Ugandan exiles under the command of Tito
Okello. When Amin took power he was intent on building legitimacy and support, particularly with the Baganda and religious groups. However, his disposition quickly turned and he expelled
70,000 Asians and retained their assets29 – which immediately robbed the country of needed business skills and access to credit (Mazrui, 1980). Furthermore, he appointed Muslims to key army positions in an attempt to alienate Christians.
Amin succeeded in building enemies in all parts and, in a final attempt to secure his regime, succumbed to what Low describes as a ‘reckless and bestial’ slaughter of whole communities, prominent individuals (including the Chief Justice of Uganda and the Vice- Chancellor of Makerere) and members of his Cabinet. Amin’s assault on the church demonstrated his paranoia. He considered himself threatened by small independent and Pentecostal churches, as they were supposed to have international connections that could work against him. (Moncrieffe, 2004, 16)
In 1978 Amin launched an assault on Tanzania, maintaining that Uganda had rights to parts of Tanzania, Sudan and Kenya. Ugandan soldiers occupied parts of Tanzania for two months (Jamison, 1992). In 1979 Tanzania retaliated and Amin was ousted which allowed
Milton Obote to return and regain power with the help of Tito Okello. It is believed that the
‘Butcher of Uganda’ (as Amin became known) tortured and killed as many as 500,000 to
1,000,000 people during his rule of terror (Avirgan & Honey, 1982; Dodge, 1987; Kasozi, 1994).
Idi Amin lived in exile in Saudi Arabia until his death in 2003.
29 During the construction of the Ugandan railway British colonial rulers imported thousands of Asians as laborers since they had previous experience with rail construction. Those who survived remained and settled in Uganda and Kenya (www.riftvalleyrailways.com). 69 Destruction of an Economy, and a Country
The rule of Idi Amin from 1971-1979 reduced any investment or aid money for
Uganda and social services were drastically cut or forgotten all together, particularly education and health care. At the same time he was spending heavily on military which in no way benefited the economy. Amin received bilateral support from Russia and a few Arab states for the Cold
War alliance, which increased the country’s debt to US$800 million by 1979 (Birdsall et al.,
2002, 143). Furthermore, his expulsion of all Asians led to a chronic shortage of commodities.
His rule was characterized by rampant inflation and loss of money value. “The economic war led to the collapse of the formal sector and marked the beginning of Magendo. In brief, the Magendo economy was characterized by speculation, hoarding, smuggling and black marketeering”
(Mugaju, 1996, 18).
After Amin was ousted in 1979, Obote headed the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) and won the election in May 198030. With Obote’s re-election investment and aid was a little more forthcoming with massive inflows of aid, loans and investments. The problem was that Obote was funding a violent civil conflict, spending up to 30% of revenues on military, and killing an estimated 500,000 people between 1980 and 1985 (Birdsall et al., 2002). In particular, his brutal regime focused their terrorism on the Baganda.
Tito Okello, appointed the Commander of the Ugandan National Liberation Army in
1980, staged a coup d’état in 1985 which ousted Obote from power once again. Okello became
President in July 1985 but was quickly overthrown by Yoweri Museveni in January 1986.
Museveni had briefly held the position as Uganda’s Minister of Defence with the interim government in 1980 but retreated to the bush when Obote came to power a second time
30 The UPC’s opposition believed these elections were rigged which would eventually lead to the guerilla rebellion led by Yoweri Museveni and the National Resistance Army (NRA). 70 (Jamison, 1992). Five years later he emerged leading the National Resistance Army (NRA) [a well-organized guerrilla army] and had secured the support of the west and south of the country which allowed him to seize and retain power – remaining President to this day.
New Leadership, New Partnerships, and New Debt
When Yoweri Museveni declared himself President in 1986 he faced countless challenges. Both the economy and society at-large were in disarray; furthermore, countless irresponsibly managed loans had left large debts. However, Museveni offered increased confidence to outside investors and bilateral organizations such as the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and World Bank (WB). When Museveni announced the Economic Recovery
Program in 1987 it meant an onslaught of support and overlapping structural adjustment loans and credits31 (Dijkstra & Van Donge, 2001).
One of the biggest foci of structural adjustment programs was agriculture, which shifted resources to export-crop production. Heavy emphasis was on coffee export – however, the decline in coffee export earnings from 1985-1993 reduced foreign exchange earning capacity and Uganda had even more difficulty servicing their debts (Mijumbi, unknown). McGow (1995) documented that women who partook in government incentives to produce coffee for export were left with no means by which to grow their own food crops for their families. Moreover, aid- funded rehabilitation programs in the early 1990s which supported diversification from traditional export crops had little success32. By 1996 non-traditional export crops accounted for
31 Part of the Economic Recovery Program was a currency devaluation of the Ugandan shilling by 77% (Belshaw et al., 1999, 673). 32 The most important export crops are flowers (mainly roses), fresh and frozen fish (Nile perch), fresh fruit and vegetables (cooking and apple bananas, hot pepper, chilli, okra, green beans, passion fruit and others), hides and 71 less than 12% of export earnings compared to the 73% from the four traditional export crops – coffee, tea, cotton, and tobacco (Belshaw et al., 1999).
The structural adjustment programs put into place by the IMF and WB beginning in the 1980s were expected to improve economic output but it never happened – a sad reality for many African countries.
SAPs have failed throughout Africa to increase investment and savings rates, improve export performance, diminish debt, create jobs, bring about sustained growth, or improve the productive capacity of the poor, the majority of whom are women. Nevertheless, the World Bank and the IMF continue to insist that SAPs, with their emphasis on creating “macroeconomic stability”, are the best tool for bringing Africa out of economic crisis and laying the ground work for economic development (McGow, 1995).
What occurred in Uganda was an increase in debt and a rapid decline in the economy due to an overall failure of agricultural restructuring. Belshaw et al. (1999) argue that macroeconomic stabilization did not diminish the structural weakness of the economy but rather widened the gap in the balance of trade, with imports far exceeding exports. This is due to
Uganda’s dependency on foreign aid – resulting in increased external debt – and the lack of supply response in the government sector.
The “Donor Darling”
Once Uganda started to impose structural adjustment programs in the early 1990s donor money began to flow back in to the country and the government was praised for being dedicated and efficient in their efforts. The government focused on currency devaluation and
skins (raw and wet blue [chrome tanned leather which has a blue color derived from the chromium]), vanilla, sesame seed, and maize and beans (Dijkstra, T.,2001). 72 macroeconomic stabilization. When combined with their valiant efforts for poverty reduction it made Uganda an even stronger candidate to donors:
The combination of rapid economic growth, the commitment of the country’s leadership to poverty eradication and the emerging evidence of a substantial decline in poverty made Uganda into a “donor darling” and President Museveni into a symbol of what was – during a short hopeful period – seen as the “African Renaissance”. Understandably, donors’ wished to be associated with Uganda’s successes. A symptom of this is that donor assistance to Uganda is now equivalent to 50% of total government expenditure, roughly 10% of GDP (Adam & Gunning, 2002, 2046).
Unfortunately, these massive inflows of aid money only further increased debt, particularly since donors had little interest in how their money was spent. Even before the 1990s donors were convinced Uganda was a good “performer” and became more concerned with outcomes than the processes (Dijkstra & van Donge, 2001). The increase in aid money had a domino effect and led to higher imports and overly ambitious investment. External debt owed to multilateral creditors grew from 54% in 1989 to 81% in 2000 (Mijumbi, n.d.). But miraculously,
Uganda qualified for the enhanced HIPC Initiative in 2000 and the next domino fell. “In the early 1990s, thanks to Uganda’s debt and adjustment strategies, donors stepped in and provided funds for multilateral debt service and commercial debt buyback. The bilateral arrears rose again sharply in 1997 and remain high, but the multilateral arrears have been eliminated by the HIPC
Initiatives” (Mijumbi, n.d., 4). Essentially the multilaterals invested in themselves and not in
Uganda, which really only traded one debt for another, perpetuating the cycle of poverty. In fact, the 2011/12 Budget Framework Paper to Parliament stated that their debt exposure has risen from US$4.3 billion (nearly USh10 trillion) up from US$1.4 billion in 2006/07 financial year – growing at an average of 17% per annum (Mugerwa, 2011).
73 The Lord’s Resistance Army
Further adding to Uganda’s despair is the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) which has ravaged the north of the country and brutalized tens of thousands of people for more than 20 years and has displaced more than 1.2 million people (Vinci, 2005). This rebel group has waged a war of terror on the Acholi people under the pretense of overthrowing the government based on quasi-religious ideas of the Ten Commandments (Van Acker, 2004). LRA rebels have attacked hundreds of villages and communities – they desecrate infrastructure, burn crops, rape women, maim and kill men, and kidnap children to become soldiers and brides. This has left the regions of Kitgum, Gulu and Lira destitute, and without the means to sustain themselves on their land
(completely lacking social services). The conflict forces 45,000 children in the region to walk to town centers before nightfall every night for fear of abduction by LRA rebels. Carol Bellamy, the Executive Director of UNICEF, describes the situation: “[t]he 18-year conflict in northern
Uganda has obliterated the idea of childhood as a protected time of healthy growth. It has left parents so desperate to shield their children from abduction and murder that sending them trekking miles into town by themselves at night is their only hope, a contrarian act of love”
(UNICEF, 2012). These children then walk back the endless miles the next morning to their homes. Furthermore, the displacement of more than a million people from their homes and land has meant no agricultural production or subsistence making the population solely dependent on outside aid. The United Nations has established refugee camps in the region and works with neighbouring countries to overthrow the LRA and return peace and stability (Wasike, 2007).
Unfortunately, the Museveni government has not had any real success in defeating the rebel group. There have also been accusations made against the local MPs in the north of being corrupt and using aid money, intended to help the military in its efforts, to pay “ghost soldiers” (BBC,
74 2006). Today, the LRA continues to raid villages and massacre hundreds a year in the Central
African Republic (CAR), Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) where they maintain their base. They have not been seen in Uganda since late 2009, yet their reign of terror continues to cripple the region.
The Orphan Burden
The 72-year-old woman has two new families to take care of. In the past two years, two of her sons died of AIDS, leaving her with two huts, two shambas and two new sets of mouths to feed. At one side of the village she has three tots between the ages of 1½ and 6. The daughter-in-law left to pursue the possibility of marriage in Tanzania. Across the ridge are five more kids, the eldest 12 years old. Their mother is believed to be in Mbarara, married again or about to be. The old woman needs blankets, bedding, food and clothing. More than that, she needs to rest from the burden of trying to feed these children, a task in which she gets no help. And a rest from the psychological burden of knowing she can’t provide school fees, the one thing that would enable these kids to avoid ignorance, despondency, eventual juvenile delinquency, the possibilities of becoming criminals or rebels (Hunter, 1990, 681).
The greatest war waged against Uganda is the HIV/AIDS epidemic which has devastated its people and the economy. With an infection rate as high as 36% in the mid-1980s, more than a million people have died – almost all of whom were adults between the ages of 24 – 49 years old
(Kakooza & Kimuna, 2005). The AIDS epidemic has dramatically reduced the labour force, reduced agricultural output and food security, and weakened educational and health services. The loss of agricultural workers, doctors, nurses, teachers, and countless other professionals has been devastating for economic growth and development – but the most crippling of all has been the loss of parents and the destruction of families. The orphan burden in Uganda is the estimated 1.2 million aids orphans who are now reliant on elders to provide for them, or even worse, the
75 burden falls on the oldest sibling (UNAIDS, 2006). Uganda must bear the burden of a generation of more than a million children who will grow-up with little education, little social guidance and no real skills to contribute to their own well-being or that of their country (Hunter, 1990).
Finally, there are also the costs of medical treatment and the need to retrain a whole new community of young professionals lost to the disease. Kakooza & Kimuna (2005, 75) explain how this disease and the orphan’s burden further perpetuate the cycle of poverty:
Poverty is intergenerational. It can be bequeathed just as easily as wealth. Without schooling, the orphaned grandchildren’s life chances are curtailed with no hope for a better future. Lifelong poverty will leave successive generations unable to help each other. The grandchildren will inherit poverty from their grandparents and bequeath poverty to their own children.
At the beginning of the millennium Uganda was once again heralded as a poster child, this time for its successful efforts to reduce HIV/AIDS infection rates (Cohen, 2004). By 2003, through the government’s strong efforts to promote and support public education and the ABC program33, as well as to create a broad-based partnership with NGOs and donors, had reduced the HIV/AIDS infection rate to 4%. However, this dramatic reduction in infection rates does not ease the burden of more than one million people still infected and recent statistics have revealed that HIV infection rates may be on the rise again in Uganda (avert.org, 2012).
In The News Today
With the increase in global commodity prices in August of 2011, consumer inflation rates rose to 28.3% (Miti, 2011). Coupled with a prolonged drought in the country, this led to rises in local food prices, petrol, diesel, charcoal and firewood. Food prices saw the highest increases
33 The program promoted: Abstience, Be faithful, and wear a Condom. 76 with sugar, fish and milk rising by over 200% (Miti, 2011). Furthermore, the price of meats increased due to the 23% rise in oil prices which also impacted transportation costs (Young,
2011a). The increased price in fuel (an import) cost taxi drivers – both motorcycle taxis (boda bodas) and taxi vans (matatus) – the greatest. Young (2011b) recounts the story of a boda boda driver in Kampala:
“Fuel was 2,500 shillings before. Now it is almost 4,000. It has almost doubled”. Seth says he’s been unable to increase his fares, and so the amount he earns has been massively reduced. “You cannot charge passengers double. Their incomes have not doubled. He will not take you and you will get nothing”, he explains. As a result of his falling income, Seth says he can no longer afford to eat meat and fish. “I only eat beans. Why do I have to eat only beans when I am in my homeland?” he asks. Seth, the boda boda driver, puts it another way. “I’m begging the white men, help us so we can stabilise our currency and develop”.
All of these increases on an already poverty stricken population led to rioting, strikes and violence. In April 2011 protesters, spearheaded by the leading opposition politician Kizza
Besigye, took to the streets of Kampala in demonstrations over rising commodity prices.
President Museveni took swift action “despite the meagre size of the protests, government security forces have responded with overwhelming force, killing at least five people since the protests began, including a young child, and wounding and arresting hundreds more” (Kron,
2011a). Ongoing protests, increases in commodity prices, and currency inflation have led many international backers to withdraw from Uganda, hurting the economy even further.
The 2011 Euro zone debt crisis is to blame for the dramatic drop in exports from Uganda, in particular of vegetables and coffee. Young (2011b) interviewed local vegetable exporters who were forced to terminate more than half of their workforce because of the drop in demand. Small and medium-scale farmers have also suffered dire consequences with increasing commodity prices and can no longer afford the inputs and open land therefore reducing their volumes of 77 production (Miti, 2011). Many local farmers have voiced their concerns over the extensive liberalisation and privatisation policies of recent decades and asked the government to begin to subsidize the industry (Miti, 2011).
Finally, the discovery of oil in 2006 below Lake Albert (on the northwest border of DRC) has raised the hopes of many Ugandans while others fear the ‘resource curse’ (Kron, 2011; York,
2011). The newly found reserves of 2.5 billion barrels, discovered with the help of Canadian explorer Heritage Oil, would make Uganda a top 50 oil producer; furthermore, it would generate an expected US$2 billion in annual revenue for the government and a 67% boost in state revenue
(York, 2011). There are currently three oil blocks in operation in Uganda in the Lake Albertine
Rift which are now operated by UK-based Tullow Oil. However, recent allegations of government ministers taking multi-million dollar bribes has led to parliament suspending all new deals in the oil sector, pending further investigation. Kron (2011b) suggests that the concerns are not limited to Ugandans:
There are growing worries that the oil may prove to be more of a curse than a gift, similar to the fates of other countries in sub- Saharan Africa that have joined the petroleum bonanza. Uganda is considered by international experts to be among the most corrupt nations in the world, and even before oil production has begun, several senior government officials, including the prime minister, have been accused of pocketing millions of dollars in bribes from oil companies, forcing at least one of the politicians to resign.
Uganda is a country which has been plagued by both internal and external powers which have crippled the country economically, politically, and socially. A country with a rapidly increasing population and decreasing economic strength and political control – there are immeasurable challenges the country and its population continue to face. However, the ongoing resilience and determination of Ugandan’s to overcome these human atrocities and injustices are abundantly evident.
78 Once a country rich in traditions and ruling Kingdoms, this country has endured decades of oppression, from western and internal powers. Furthermore, Uganda has fallen victim to one the most notorious and vicious epidemics of the 20th and 21st century – the AIDS epidemic. This country must now overcome a besieged government and economy amidst another global economic crisis.
79 CHAPTER 4: STUDY AREA, RESEARCH DESIGN AND ETHICAL ISSUES
Fundamentally, the question is no longer whether NGOs should play a role in the education sector, but how NGOs are most likely to fulfill their promise to improve the quality, equity, accountability, and pertinence of education in African countries. (Miller-Grandvaux et al., 2002, 13)
In February 2005 I travelled to Uganda to volunteer with the African Child Foundation
(ACF) for three months. I chose Uganda because I sponsor a child (through World Vision –
WV), who lives in the remote Rwenzori Mountains and wanted to incorporate a visit with her during my volunteer travels34.
On my third day in Ndejje Village, Uganda, the ACF volunteer co-ordinator walked me down to a low-cost private school (LCPSs) partnered with ACF. He introduced me to the head mistress, they conferred for about ten seconds and I was informed that I would take over the primary five class. They walked me to the classroom, introduced me to the teacher who told me to take over the lesson she was writing on the board; she walked out and I never saw her again.
For the next three months I adlibbed my lesson plans – once I had figured out my students’ academic standings. I had 23 students – almost half of them were kicked out weekly by the headmistress for failure to pay their school fees35 - aged between 7 and 13 years old – and fortunately most of them spoke English36. At no time did the headmistress check on the progress
34 I searched the web for volunteer opportunities and decided to apply to the Global Volunteer Network (GVN), an umbrella NGO based in New Zealand, which places volunteers with partner NGOs in twenty-one countries in Africa, Asia and South America. 35 I later realized that the same children that were removed for failure to pay school fees were sponsored children of ACF. This led to an investigation by GVN who later terminated their partnership with ACF when they discovered the corruption. 36 English is the official language of Uganda and government curriculum is in English. It took me a while to realize that some students did not speak English because they would keep quiet and a classmate would let them copy their work. I then realised the reason they did not speak English yet had somehow made it to primary five was because they had been passed through by former teachers and volunteers. 80 of my class or my teaching, and never was I told that these students were to sit national exams two weeks after I left.
The three months I was in Uganda I witnessed the futile efforts of western volunteers who dump their money into projects they feel are important, and impose their ideas on the community37. There were benefits to the school, but they were not long-term, nor did they empower the community. This experience fuelled my passion to carry out further research about the presence of western volunteers in developing communities, and particularly in schools.
Furthermore, I began to question the realities of UPE (which I had heard so much about) yet I had never come across a government school during my three months there.
This chapter will discuss my research methodologies as well as introduce my research sites. It will also present a lot of personal reflection of my experiences while in the field. It will offer insight into the daily successes and struggles while carrying out field work abroad.
37 The best example of this was a young American volunteer who pulled US$2,000 out of his bank account to build a library in the village for which the whole community could benefit. Volunteers tore down a field of banana trees, employed local workers and it was up within three weeks. Other volunteers paid for the electricity and books. However, once constructed it was then realised that the land it was built on was not owned by ACF and that once the volunteer who constructed it was gone who would work in this library? It could not simply be left open because all the books would be stolen within minutes and people would likely start sleeping/living there. 81 Location & Size
Geographic & Demographic Profile
This mixed-methods comparative case study focuses on rural communities in Mukono
District in south eastern Uganda
(Figure 4). Mukono is 11,764km² with a population of just over a million (2011) in 1,119 villages38.
The district has one of the highest population densities in the country at 264 persons/km² compared to the national average of 126 persons/km² (Malton &
Barnabas, 2007). It is made up of four counties with 24 sub-counties Figure 4 Political Districts of Uganda (United Nations, and 4 town councils. The district 2012) has an average infant mortality of
81 deaths/1000 births, maternal mortality rate of 500/100,000 live births and contraceptive prevalence rate of approximately 25%39 (Malton & Barnabas, 2007).
38 Nearly 75% of the Mukono District surface area is under water, in Lake Victoria. 39 Uganda’s fertility rate in 2012 was 6.14 children born/woman (CIA Factbook, 2012). 82 Social & Economic Profile
Mukono district falls along the shores of Lake Victoria and benefits from favourable terrain and climate which makes the region a major agricultural producer. In particular, it is the production of sugar cane and tea around the areas of Lugazi and Buikwe which make up much of the income generation in the region. In this district 92,901 residents survive on subsistence farming, with crops accounting for 70% of rural household incomes40 (Simeo, 2009, 15). Other sources of income include the selling of labour, brewing (beer & gin) and taxi drivers41 (see
Figure 5).
Figure 5 [from left] an illegal gin mill; a woman sells maize in the rain with her child sleeping behind her; boda-boda drivers wait for their next fare (Skett, 2010)
40 The primary productions are cassava, sweet potatoes, beans, maize, millet, ground nuts, soya beans, banana, sorghum, tomatoes, onions, pineapples, passion fruits and yams (Malton & Barnabas, 2007). 41 Brewing is often of illegally produced alcohols such as banana beer, gin mills and other various alcohols, Taxi drivers are those who drive boda-bodas (motorcycles) and matatus (taxi vans that hold up to 14 passengers) 83 Mukono Town is the biggest urban center in the district and one of the fastest growing urban hubs in the country with an estimated population of 60,000. The town is 31.4 km², 27km east of the central business district (CBD) of Kampala. The Kampala-Jinja Highway passes through the heart of the town which serves as a service hub for both highway traffic and the surrounding villages. This stretch of highway is part of the larger trans-Africa Highway which runs from Mombasa, Kenya to
Kampala – it is the main transportation route for all goods and products shipped from the east coast
(Figure 6). It is also argued to be the largest transmission route for the
HIV/AIDS epidemic and has been nicknamed the AIDS Highway42
(McGeary, 2001). This stretch of Figure 6 Kampala-Jinja Highway running through Mukono Town (Skett, 2010) transport was a prime breeding ground for the epidemic with thousands of truck drivers with disposable income being offered the sexual services of women living in poverty, many with children to feed. This led to high infection rates among these women, but also the truck drivers who returned home and passed the disease on to their spouses.
It is the headquarters of the Mukono District Administration, the Mukono Town Council,
Ugandan Christian University (UCU), as well as the a central post office and a teachers college.
42 Dervela Murphy (1993) entitled her book ‘The Ukimwi Road: From Kenya to Zimbabwe’ which told the story of her 3,000 mile bicycle journey through sub Saharan Africa and the epicenter of the AIDS epidemic (ukimwi is Swahili for AIDS). Her journey took her from Kenya, through Uganda, Tanzania, Malawi, and Zambia to Zimbabwe – known as the AIDS Highway, or Ukimwi Road. 84 The town has a large market (fruits, vegetables, meats, and clothing) (Figure 7); as well as a grocery store, several national bank branches, medical centres43, hotels and small restaurants.
Figure 7 Mukono Central Market (Skett, 2010)
Education Profile
The 2002 national census revealed that for the central region (excluding Kampala – but including Mukono District), only 42% of the school age population were attending school,
44.7% had left school, and the remaining 13.3% had never been to school44 (Uganda Bureau of
Statistics, 2006, 12). Simeo’s (2009, 30) research of primary education of Nama sub-county
(Mukono District) revealed that 20% of children were not in school and dropout rates were
14.9%. In Mukono District 10.5% of the population aged six and older had never completed
Primary 1, and furthermore, only 70% had completed P1-P6; this was lower than the national averages of 8.9% and 73.8% respectively (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2006, 72). Only 7.7% of
43 There are five hospitals in Mukono District (1 Government owned and 4 privately owned). 44 One in every four Ugandans, aged six and over, have never been to school; in central Uganda 31.3% of the population, aged 13 or older, have never completed primary school (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2006, 33; 37). 85 the population, twenty years and older, have completed secondary school in the district (Simeo,
2009, 8); this is below the country-wide average completion rate of 12% in 2009 (UNESCO,
2013).
Currently of the 832 primary schools in Mukono District, 450 are privately owned. In the
2008 school year only 65% of students completed primary school (i.e. passed Primary Leaving
Exam (PLE)) and 20,332 students repeated a grade45 (Mukono District Council, 2009; Uganda
Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008). These repetition and completion rates are concerning since only 44% of residents (aged 6-24) were enrolled in school that same year (Hungry for Life,
2012). This undoubtedly poses a huge threat to the skilled labour force of the community even though the 2002 census ranked Mukono District amongst the ‘top ten’ in literacy rates with
81.8% for men and 75.8% for women (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2006, 56).
Finally, Mukono District has 54, 205 primary school-aged AIDS orphans; in addition, there are 2,126 pupils and 83 teachers in the district with primary HIV/AIDS cases46 (Uganda
Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008). Although the HIV/AIDS prevalence rate has been greatly reduced over the last decade the victims remain, and further compound challenges to the regions recovery; orphaned children, and those infected, are greatest hit by poverty and unable to afford school, or are too sick to attend.
45 Mukono District has the highest number of repeaters in the country with the exception of Northern Uganda where the LRA has ravaged the region with two decades of war. 46 Both of these figures are the highest of all districts in central Uganda. 86 Research Design
Methodological Choices
In order to determine the best applicable research design it was imperative to look at previous work carried out in developing countries, specifically rural communities, with the focus on NGOs and education; but also factoring in volunteers, and voluntourism. It was critical to carry out research which would contribute to understanding the gaps in the literature. Ingram
(2011) contends that little research of volunteer tourism has been carried out incorporating development theory, and showing the relationship between volunteer tourism and development.
McGehee & Andereck (2009) acknowledge the lack of literature which measures the perceptions and attitudes of residents who are regularly exposed to volunteer tourists. They further push to differentiate between tourist and volunteer and contend that most residents do not see volunteers as tourists and therefore do not have the same negative perceptions as seen in tourism research carried out in developing countries (Fee & Mdee, 2011).
Fee & Mdee (2011) asked whether volunteers were aware of who benefits from their money in the end and would they still have done it? “A question for further research is this: if all young people who undertake short-term volunteer placements in developing countries were aware of the crucial distinction between private and social enterprises in the market, how many would continue to choose such schemes?” (Fee & Mdee, 2011, 231). Furthermore, there is merit to look at the greater impact of the private company (in this case The Real Uganda) and their contribution to development when they partner appropriately with local NGOs and LCPSs to enable them to access revenue for their projects – not just for volunteers (Burns & Barrie, 2005;
Fee & Mdee, 2011).
87 By examining linkages between education and volunteer tourism within the framework of
Rights Based Development this research is expected to contribute to reducing the gap in the literature surrounding the presence of voluntourists in primary schools and remote communities in Uganda. Juuko & Kabonesa’s (2007) study of UPE in Mpigi District, Uganda, founded their study on RBD and the right to education, entitled Universal Primary Education (U.P.E.) in
Contemporary Uganda: Right or Privilege? They found the value of RBD is justified since it looks beyond the instrumentalist and quantitative aspects of education:
There are rights involved in education such as the right against discrimination, segregation etc. hence it is not enough to look at the quantitative aspects of education i.e. availability of education. The qualitative aspects of education must entail the quality of teachers who should be regarded as bearers of rights themselves, accountability so as to avoid harmful indoctrination, acceptability of education to the people and adaptability to local circumstances such as the use of indigenous language. The needs of children – must be the primary consideration rather than that of the state or parents. (50)
Juuko & Kabonesa (2007) looked at Uganda’s progress in realizing the right to education; by studying five district schools they found that there were not enough schools, and the ones that did exist were over capacity47. They reported very high repetition and drop-out rates due to overcrowding and teacher absenteeism (due to lack of pay). These are all issues that are addressed in this research as well. The goal is to not simply look at school construction and attendance rates but the quality of education at those schools and how the partnership with TRU facilitates this. Fee & Mdee (2011) contend that in order to understand the impacts of volunteer tourism on host communities (and specifically in schools) one must look at the following categories: effective, ineffective, and exploitive. An effective volunteer scheme will use fees paid
47 The Ugandan Ministry of Education strives to permit no more than 55 students per classroom in order to ensure quality student/teacher time (Uganda MoES, 2012). 88 by volunteers to run their organization as well as fund (their) other development projects. They will have long-term presence in the community and will employ a majority of local staff – including decision-making positions. In these ways an effective volunteer scheme contributes to local livelihoods. In an ineffective volunteer scheme there is inadequate communication between all parties, poor planning of volunteer activities and a poor grasp of development issues (by all parties).
[w]e see a danger in volunteer operations being set up by the DIY [Do It Yourself] developers, people with little experience of development work but with the laudable urge to ‘do something’, who can now easily and relatively cheaply (through cheap flights and email) begin operations. They may, for example, concentrate on building infrastructure without community participation and without employing locally or set-up orphanages without understanding the policy of the government is to support children within a family setting. They will be welcomed in by host communities who see potential for gaining access to resources, and potentially local elites may exploit the situation for their own benefit. This type of scheme may be run by profit or non-profit organizations (Fee & Mdee, 2011, 230).
Exploitive schemes will incorporate many of the same categories as ineffective schemes coupled with the financial (and possibly moral) exploitation of the volunteer – who are charged exorbitant fees which go to the arranging company with little, if any, contribution to
‘development’ or the community. In this way volunteer tourism is dictated by market demand.
This research will allow some insight into the impact of volunteers in local schools and developing communities – as well as the overall, long-term impact of TRU. It will bring together several components such as the lack of education available, the emerging LCPSs, and the presence of voluntourists.
89 Comparative Case Study
Case studies allow the researcher to explore many variables of interest with multiple sources of evidence (Yin, 2008), offering in-depth direct investigation. Case studies are a method often applied in both education and development research (Laws et al., 2003; Opfer, 2006;
Vulliamy et al., 1990). Robson (1993) identifies six different types of case studies: 1) individual case study; 2) sets of individual case studies; 3) community studies; 4) social group studies; 5) studies of organizations and institutions; 6) studies of process, events, roles, and relationships.
This exploratory case study will incorporate many of these aspects including community, organizations (NGOs), institutions (schools), roles (all players), and relationships (between developing communities and volunteers).
A concurrent mixed-methods design includes both qualitative and quantitative data.
Qualitative methods include key informant and semi-structured interviews, focus groups and participant observations. Quantitative methods will be used to compare examination passing rates of case study schools with regional and national rates; it will also look at student/teacher ratios and teacher qualifications.
Ethical approval was granted by the Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board for the
University of Calgary. Fieldwork was carried out for four months beginning in February 2010 to coincide with the start of the Ugandan primary school year. There is no definitive fieldwork duration for what qualifies the research to have valid and comprehensive observations. Crow
(2008, 132) argues that depth has been yielded for breadth – no longer is research carried out for a year in one community but rather entails multiple short-term visits to multiple communities.
This is unfortunately the reality of budget constraints to research, particularly for graduate
90 students48 (Behar, 1996; Narayan, 1995). Crow et al. (2001, 40) contend that it is not the amount of time that distinguishes the ‘outsider’ from the ‘insider’ but that positions in kinship networks
[working with a partner NGO] may potentially allow inclusion within certain communities or organizations. Gold (2001, 224) explains the evolving situation:
Positionality is not always consistent, but could create conflicts depending on the various roles being played out by the researcher, the researched and the research itself. It is something dynamic, since the ‘we’ and ‘they’ are not fixed, as Katz (1994) explains when writing about the demarcation of the ‘field’. This is particularly true in questions to do with ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’. Being outside or inside is not a static position, but one that is dynamic and could change over time and in relation to circumstances.
My previous experience as a volunteer teacher allows a better understanding of the issues I am studying. Furthermore, previous visits to sub Saharan Africa have allowed me an understanding of the varying concepts of “time” – which is perceived differently in many developing countries (Laws et al, 2003). ‘African Time’ does not reflect the same sense of urgency or commitment to specific time frames as we are accustomed to in the west. On several occasions during my fieldwork interviewees showed up several hours late – or sometimes not until the next day – offering no explanation, just a smile. It is something you must accept as a researcher and always have a back-up plan. Being prepared for this also helps to ease anxiety in the field around trying to achieve all your research goals in a set amount of time (Laws et al,
2003; Stephens, 1990).
Objectives and Research Questions
My original objectives and research questions were as follows:
48 In 2009 the Canadian Government cut CAD$148 million in research funds to the three agencies which support basic research in Canadian universities (Kirby, 2009). 91 1. Determine the access (UPE) and quality of education provided by both INGOs and local NGOs in Uganda 2. Explore power relations with respect to education provision in two rural communities in Uganda 3. Explore the interface between community development and local NGO/INGO participation
When I framed my research initially (October 2009) my inteded strategy was to compare schools under the operation of both local NGOs and INGOs (specifically World Vision schools for the latter). I was in discussion with the Ugandan Projects Coordinator of World Vision
Canada to arrange permission to carry out this research. They were willing, although not outgoing, to allow me to visit some of their schools – as long as I completed all the necessary applications and they were approved. Communication with the direct World Vision Uganda projects was difficult initially (likely because they did not have constant access to internet, but more so because they were waiting to confirm with their Canadian directors)49. I was informed a few weeks after my successful proposal defense that it would not be possible for me to carry out research at their sites (after several emails/weeks with no response). There was little explanation just simply that they do not allow outside research to be carried out in their projects. This was very disappointing, and also concerning as I am a World Vision child sponsor50. None-the-less, I had to make adjustments and decided to focus solely on LCPSs which partner with a volunteer
49 I contacted a World Vision staff member in Uganda, Charles Barungi, with whom I had had previous conversations/emails, during and after my visit with my sponsor child in 2005. Although he was based in their Rwenzori project he promised to put me in contact with the director of their Mukono Projects. However, I had been informed by others in the region (non-WV staff) that there were few, if any, World Vision projects in the area. I decided that if that were the case I would pick another district in order to carry out the research. 50 At the end of my research time in Uganda I arranged to visit my sponsor child, five years since our last encounter, and was very concerned by what I learned during that visit. My sponsor child’s parents had pulled her out of the government school and placed her in a private school nearly an hour away. Her father explained that there were too many students at the government school and she was not doing well (which I was already aware of since I receive her annual school reports). I was happy her family was doing well enough to afford this but questioned what my sponsorship money was now being used for. I was not offered any answers. 92 organization; voluntourism was of particular interest as its emergence in academia was gaining prominence (Lyons & Wearing, 2008b; McGehee & Santos, 2005; Simpson, 2005).
Once World Vision was excluded from my research, my objectives and research questions then became (and remained) the following:
1. Determine the access to UPE and quality of education provided by NGOs and community members
2. Explore complexities and tensions within the education provision in Mukono District, Uganda
3. Explore the interface between community development, local NGO participation and western volunteers
Research Sites
The research sites were chosen based on their partnerships with The Real Uganda
(TRU)51. Contact with TRU, through Leslie Weighill, was made in October 2007, at the beginning of my PhD. I had contacted GVN to see which organization they were partnered with in Uganda; since my initial experiences as a volunteer were in Uganda I knew I wanted to continue my research there. Furthermore, I was also aware that during my time with ACF in
2005 their fraudulent business practices (embezzlement of volunteer donations and child sponsorship funds) had been made known to GVN and their partnership had been terminated.
Leslie Weighill replied immediately and welcomed my research from the beginning. Prior to my arrival I discussed with Leslie that I wanted to focus on primary schools as well as some community projects. We decided I would pick my specific projects upon arrival in Uganda; one
51 A detailed breakdown of each project will be presented in Chapter 6 93 of the main reasons for this was so I could choose sites that had volunteers during my research period, as well to ensure the projects were still operating52.
Some potential research sites were eliminated immediately due to their distance from
Mukono Town (my primary residence) and their proximity to other sites53. Narrowing down the sites to roughly ten, Leslie then went into greater detail about their inception, their leaders and current situations – I asked her to refrain from giving personal opinions of them (i.e. her favorites, ones where she might have personal dislikes of people, etc). From this I determined five sites which would best meet the requirements and goals of my research with regards to their operation, volunteer status and related community projects. I felt that the five sites offered both contrast and similarities which would prove interesting and telling for the research. There were contrasts in project length, growth, funding, volunteer placement and community participation. I never visited any of the sites prior to choosing them – I felt not visiting would reduce some of the bias in my choices. Not all of the schools had volunteers present during the time of my research due to the economic recession of 2008/09, and those schools with volunteers were not present for the full duration of my research project I visited several education projects of TRU throughout the fieldwork, however, I chose to focus on five LCPSs in order to spend the most time possible at each site and gain a more in-depth insight into their operations54.
52 TRU often only determines volunteer placement a few weeks/months prior to their arrival – it would have been difficult to determine specific sites while writing my thesis proposal. As well, small or new NGO projects in developing countries can sometimes breakdown or terminate due to poor management by their directors. 53 One site was the Christian Heritage Center (Mabira Forest Project) which Leslie said had tremendous leaders and a very ‘western’ approach to their education project. However, the travel to this project would take several hours a day and would be very hard through public transit. 54 Six other schools were visited during my time in Uganda. 94
The Real Uganda (TRU)
This legally registered non-profit NGO was founded in 2005 by Leslie Weighill, a
Canadian woman who previously volunteered in Ghana through the Global Volunteer Network
(GVN) and wanted to pursue a life in Africa. The goal of the organization is to put money and skills into the communities of south central and western Uganda, and provide meaningful cultural exchange experiences through volunteering. TRU partnered with GVN in order to secure volunteers to make this a reality for their organization. TRU networks with over 20 organizations and schools to provide volunteer placements; they place over 100 volunteers a year. Volunteers can work in such fields as primary school teaching, organic farming, HIV counseling and testing, public health outreach services, orphanages, and community projects. Figure 8 offers greater detail of the goals of TRU and the motivations behind their foundation and projects:
95
Figure 8 The Real Uganda homepage (The Real Uganda, 2012)
96 Primary School Research Sites
1 PACE Primary School
2 Nalusse Success Primary
School
4 Hope for Africa Children’s
Village
5 Hopeland Junior School
8 Buikwe Bright Future Primary
Figure 9 Location of Research Sites (George Magawa, Makarere University, 2010)
97 PACE Primary School (Seeta Parish)
This project is located in Seeta55, between Mukono Town and Kampala [Study Site 1 on
Figure 9]. The town serves primarily as a service hub for the main highway that passes through, carrying both private passengers but also all service trucks headed between Kampala and the coast of Kenya. There are several slums in the surrounding area with high population density, with a predominantly poverty stricken population.
The school was started by Elizabeth Kasumba (a.k.a. Betty) in 2007. She realized the needs of the community through her work with another NGO. She sought permission, and worked with community elders (“Elsie’s”) and council chairmen to identify those children most in need. The school began with 27 students and offered nursery to P3 with one teacher (Figure
10). The school partnered with TRU in Figure 10 PACE Primary School (Skett, 2010) 2007.
Nalusse Success Primary School (Mukono Town)
This school is in the heart of Mukono Town behind the main highway (site 2 on Figure
9]. The surrounding houses are small, often made of make-shift or found materials (metals, woods, or mud walls). The majority of income generation in the surrounding community is
55 More specifically the community is Gwafu; they serve the surrounding communities of Intenda, Bugoba, Bagala, and Mamiryango. 98 through casual labour (at the market or selling crafts along the roadside). There are small vendors who offer services such as tailoring, cell phone charging56, electronic repairs, and used clothing.
Figure 11 Nalusse Success Primary School (Skett, 2010)
This primary school was started in 1993 by Josephine Nansubuga (a.k.a. Nansubuga) a retired school teacher. She saw the need for more schools in the community and with the inception of UPE parents began to realize the benefits of smaller classrooms for their children; furthermore, the UPE schools were located on the other side of the main highway – which was too dangerous for children to cross every day57. The building and the land are rented; in 2002 a second building was constructed on the land to accommodate their 270 students in Nursery to P7
(Figure 11). They have ten teachers and one cook, and Nansubuga retains her position as
Headmistress. The school has a garden located beyond the town limits which is used to feed the teachers and a hot lunch program has been in place since 2007 (funded by former volunteers).
The school partnered with TRU in 2005.
56 A common roadside service offered are small stalls where you can charge your cellular phone – many households in Uganda are without electricity and this is an affordable option for many, as well as a source of income for others. 57 There is not a single traffic light or crosswalk in Mukono Town, the highway goes right through the center and there aren’t even sidewalks or medians. 99 Hopeland Junior School (Kitoola)
Kitoola, a very small community with a predominantly subsistent economy, is 10km south of the closest town of Lugazi (site 5 on
Figure 9). Surrounded by sugar cane fields, access to this community is difficult, particularly during the rainy seasons58. Many households in this community are single mothers or grandmothers raising their grandchildren, many of the men travel to larger urban centers in search of work.
This school was started in 2007 by a local Figure 12 Hopeland Junior School (Skett, 2010) community leader, Valence Lutaisire, and his
NGO Youth Focus Africa Foundation (YOFAFO)59. They constructed four classrooms and a small office; three rooms are cement and the remainder non-permanent materials such as wood, mud and thatch (Figure 12). There are also four small boarding rooms on site for teachers and their families. They offer Nursery to P4 with 120 students and five teachers. YOFAFO partnered with TRU in 2005.
58 In order to reach the school I had to travel by boda-boda from the taxi park in Lugazi. Often drivers would not be aware of the location of the school and few spoke much English. When there were heavy rains I was not able to access this site at all because the roads were simply dirt paths which became rivers of mud. 59 See Secondary Sites for greater detail on this NGO. 100 Hope for Africa Children’s Village (Bugiri)
Figure 13 Hope for Africa Children's Village (Skett, 2010)
This village is located in the remote community of Bugiri (site 4 on Figure 9); the closest towns are Buikwe and Lugazi. Income in this area is almost exclusively subsistence agriculture and travel is difficult60. The region is predominantly single parent families or children living with a grandparent or extended families.
This school is the second education project of YOFAFO, and they began construction in
2007. There are no other schools in this community and travel to another school is beyond the ability of nearly every resident (both financial and physical). The land was donated by a community member (8 acres) and volunteer donations have funded the majority of the
60 It was often difficult to access this site because there is an infrequent matatu that would travel far enough in along the main (dirt) road, I would then wait up to thirty minutes for a boda-boda to pass by to take me the rest of the journey. Sometimes I would try to take a boda-boda from Buikwe instead but there were a few incidents where they ran out of petrol along the way because it is a long journey and they rarely have more than a few dollars’ worth of petrol in their tanks. Once at the school I would have to pay the boda-boda to wait for me or arrange for them to return at a certain time; if they did not return the walk back to the central road could take up to an hour, and then I would wait for a boda-boda to pass by. I never saw a car on the road during my travels to this site, with the exception of the vehicles belonging to the directors of YOFAFA and TRU. 101 construction. There are two permanent classroom blocks (bricks and cement), and one (original) constructed of mud and thatch61 (see Figure 13). There is also a small kitchen (constructed of mud and thatch) and a teacher’s housing unit (brick and metal sheet). There are 375 students, 10 teachers, one headmaster and a cook; the school offers Nursery to Primary 7.
Buikwe Bright Future Primary (Buikwe)
Buikwe Town is 25km southwest of
Mukono Town, breaking off from the Kampala-
Jinja highway to another (dirt) road approximately 10km south of Lugazi (site 8 on
Figure 9). The town is a trading centre for the Figure 14 Buikwe Town (Skett, 2010) smaller, surrounding villages (Figure 14). There is some income for labourers who work in the nearby sugarcane fields of Lugazi62; however, subsistence agriculture is the predominant practice with some larger farms growing vegetables and livestock (goats, chickens and ducks). Much of this region was hard hit by the HIV/AIDS epidemic so there is a high population of orphans and grandmothers raising these children.
This school (Figure 15) was started by a local pastor, Paul Mulamira, in 2002. The building is rented from a local community member. The school has 87 students and offers nursery to Primary 4. There are three teachers and one headmaster (who also teaches). They partnered with TRU in 2009.
61 During the time of the research ground had been broken to begin construction of a new classroom block to replace the original one. 62 While travelling to this site it was observed that many of the men travelling to the fields were not local but in fact from the northern part of Uganda. Casual conversations with local community members explained that these men would travel from the war-ravaged north in search of work and would be willing to take a lesser wage than locals. 102
Figure 15 Buikwe Bright Future Primary School (Skett, 2010)
Secondary Sites
Grace Orphanage & School (Nakifuma)
Grace Primary School and Orphanage is located in the village of Nakifuma, 25km north of Mukono Town63. This remote area is very poor and relies predominantly on subsistence agriculture, but recent droughts have made survival a daily Figure 16 Grace struggle for many. Orphanage School (Skett, 2010) This primary school and orphanage was started by Regina Kumiibi in 1996 (Figure 16). There are currently 170 students and 42 ‘sponsored children’ meaning they are unable to pay school fees so parents contribute in other ways such as offering food. There are also 8 orphans who live at the school. The school
63 This school was not chosen as a primary site because it was very far from the other sites and travel to the school would have been exceptionally difficult; rather, two full days (one in March and another in April) were spent at this school. One visit was planned, the second was not. 103 offers nursery to primary seven, with six teachers and one cook. They partnered with TRU in
2007.
Youth Focus Africa Foundation (YOFAFO) (Lugazi)
Valence Lutisaire started this registered NGO in 2005.
Figure 17 YOFAFO Women's Empowerment Group (Skett, 2010)
104 The following is from their website homepage (YOFAFO, 2012):
ABOUT YOUTH FOCUS AFRICA FOUNDATION-YOFAFO YOFAFO is a determined organization that, since incorporation has actively created community involvement and commitment aimed particularly at Children, Youth, and Women. It has opened and resourced several empowerment centres, created sponsorship of eighty children, delivered training in
Tailoring skills, Motor Cycle maintenance and repair, how to live Healthy and Hygienic lives, plus support to Water and Sanitation projects. YOFAFO works at the grassroot level, committed to providing resources and support to rural communities.
Vision and Mission "To provide an education, formal or vocational to children orphaned with HIV/AIDS and to empower women whose spouses have died of HIV/AIDS so that they can have a hope and a future."
Objective YOFAFO seeks to initiate community sustainable projects aimed at poverty reduction and increasing the standard of living of our communities.
Partnerships We work in partnership with each individual community to help them realise their own development potential. We invest in relationships and build a foundation of trust, listening, and accountability.
Community Representation Each community elects a representative group to assist in assessing needs and priorities and together with YOFAFO develop a plan of action. Women and Children are whole-heartedly encouraged to be fully involved in all phases of the development process.
Empowerment Centres YOFAFO aims to establish Empowerment Centres in each community to provide a physical facility as a focus for group meetings, development and training activities, and resources that lead to the community becoming self sufficient.
Individual Tailored Programs Together with the committed community groups, YOFAFO coordinates initiatives which are appropriate to the individual needs of each community, such as: Youth Activities, Income Generating Projects (Micro- credit related), Agricultural Improvement Programs, Child Sponsorship, Health and Nutrition Education and Information Sessions, among others. Please check our menu on the left to have a review of all our different human development and holistic programs.
105 The two primary schools (Hopeland Junior & Hope for Africa Children’s Village) are the largest projects of YOFAFO. They also provide international child sponsorship for over 80 children. The other large project is the woman’s empowerment group (Figure 17) and a micro- finance project. YOFAFO partnered with TRU in 2005. Valence was referred to Leslie Weighill at a community outreach program where he was told of the TRU who provide foreign volunteers for projects.
Buikwe Village Care (BVC) (Buikwe Town)
Figure 18 Community Volunteers working on local BVC projects (Skett, 2010) Buikwe Village Care, a registered NGO, was founded in 2007 by Pastor Paul Mulamira
(the founder of Buikwe Bright Future Primary School). Their primary focus is to operate and maintain Buikwe Bright Future Primary School; however, they also have several village projects that involve construction and community development (Figure 18). The following text box explains their goals, motivations, and current projects as determined by the founder, Paul
Mulamira (BVC, 2012):
106 Background
The main goal is to bring local people together to help those in need. They do this by offering free primary education to the local needy children and by mobilizing villagers to volunteer each week, helping the elderly and disabled in their community.
Chronic underdevelopment in Uganda is a problem not easily solved, remote rural living, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, a subsistence economy, loss of hope and lack of services that help to keep many orphaned children, and their extended families, dependent upon hand-outs, malnourished, and uneducated. BVC wishes to ease these conditions by bringing villagers together, using local resources to provide knowledge and infrastructure that will build better lives.
Through BVC, Paul has mobilized 7 local villages surrounding Buikwe Village to meet weekly and do good works. Each village has a committee that finds people in need (mostly elderly or disabled persons). They build or renovate outdoor kitchens, build plate stands, fence wells, make bricks and dig latrines. Volunteers visit different villages each afternoon and join in on that day’s activity. Expect to get dirty and have lots of fun working alongside these good Samaritans.
BVC also does periodic visits to surrounding rural to offer basic HIV/AIDS education to students aged 10 – 18 years. They do have some written materials for this, but would welcome extra information from international volunteers. This is not a particularly active program. You may or may not do this while you are here.
(BVC Handout: Food Security and Financial Community Empowerment)
BVC hopes to secure large international donations (US$ 65,000 [a figure determine by
Paul]) in order to construct vegetable and livestock farms which would benefit entire communities by increasing food availability and income generation. They partnered with TRU in
2009.
107 The Real Uganda (TRU) (Mukono Town)
The base for this registered NGO is at the private residence of the director, Leslie
Weighill, in Mukono Town. The volunteer guesthouse was also a secondary site for the research; this residence houses many of the international volunteers working at projects in and around
Mukono Town64. The house can accommodate up to 18 volunteers if necessary in 4 shared bedrooms, with one common seating/eating area, a balcony that overlooks the highway, a washroom (no piped water), and pit latrines located in the back courtyard (Figure 19).
Figure 19 facilities at the Guest House from left: outdoor pit latrines, sink and “bucket bath” (Skett, 2010)
The house is rented by TRU and volunteers cover this cost (and meal costs) through their placement fees. The ‘house mom’, Esther, prepares volunteer’s meals65, pumps water daily from
64 Of the primary research sites only volunteers at Nalusse and PACE resided at the guesthouse, the rest stayed with host families in their respective communities – usually the project directors’ homes. During the research there were several other volunteers who were working at nearby schools which were not my sites. The guest house was also my primary residence during my research, although I stayed at other sites on occasion. 65 Esther would travel to the market daily for fresh fruits, vegetables, beans and rice since there was only intermittent electricity in the house so the fridge could not be relied up to preserve food. Furthermore, this was necessary since the number volunteers she had to prepare food for would change on a daily basis – volunteers may decide to eat at a restaurant in town or be delayed at their projects and eat there. 108 the well in the compound, washes the sheets and cleans the house66 (Figure 20). Moses, the
‘house dad’, drives volunteers to certain projects on his motorcycle, as well as helps with maintenance of the house.
The easy location of the guesthouse (along the main Kampala-Jinja Highway) allows volunteers easy access (by foot or boda-boda) to all services in Mukono Town; furthermore, it is easy for volunteers to catch a matatu along the highway to their various project sites or Kampala for other activities.
Figure 20 Esther and myself (left); Nango & Sarah (Skett, 2010)
Respondent/Participant Profile
Access and acceptance are key issues intertwined with trust. Punch (1994, 84) refers to this as infiltration. “Entry and departure, distrust and confidence, elation and despondency, commitment and betrayal, friendship and abandonment – are all as fundamental here as are dry
66 Esther resides at the house permanently along with her younger sister (Sarah, 5) and her niece (Nango, 3) who both attend Nalusse Primary School since their [remote] village does not offer a primary school. 109 discussions on the techniques and observation, taking field notes, analyzing data, and writing the report”.
Carrying out research in developing countries has an added element of difficulty when gaining access to study sites and participants. There are endless boundaries to overcome, culturally, socially, politically and physically. Gate Keepers may allow or deny access to the research (Laws et al., 2003); they include community elders, heads of NGOs, headmasters and parents. Bogdan & Bilken (2007, 86) argue that university students often have an easier time gaining access from Gate Keepers since they are perceived as less of a threat. “They understand that professors require educational placements; anyway, they feel that it is a good idea for people to learn firsthand what the world is like”. Although this is encouraging there is the greater issue of the western ‘outsider’ conducting research, for reasons that locals may not relate to or understand, or even acknowledge at all. Fortunately, my research was welcomed by TRU, but that is not to say that all participants understood my research or presence67. I found that the teachers, particularly at Kitoola, were confused about why I wanted to observe (not teach) and interview them. Furthermore, I found it very interesting that Pastor Paul was so welcoming of my research particularly because he loved the idea that my University would learn all about his projects and him, and would be in my thesis. I would also argue that in certain instances the acceptance, and support, of ‘gate keepers’ was a hindrance when interviewing their employees or members of their community – for fear of chastisement.
67 During my Masters fieldwork in the Yasawa Islands, Fiji, I often encountered issues where community members did not understand my research and thought I worked for a company which was attempting to develop another resort on an island in the area. When they believed this they were very keen to speak with me about how much they wanted the resort to be developed so they could make money. When I clarified that I was doing research for my own education, and furthermore was studying education in their communities they rapidly lost interest. 110 Punch (1994, 87) argues that the “lone wolf” often gains easy access and melts away into the field. Vulliamy et al. (1990, 79) refer to their experiences carrying out educational research in Kenya and the apprehension they faced when they first arrived at the schools in their study:
Perhaps I was really an inspector checking on attendance? Or the overseas arm of some benevolent aid agency looking for children to sponsor? Or a site to offload some cast-off text books from Europe?
Vulliamy et al. (1990) offer the advice that with time and repeated visits to the schools, participants’ doubts were eased and they became willing and active in the research. I found this to be true as well; I did not conduct interviews for the first few visits to my sites but rather spent time with the directors of each program/school and allowed them to get to know me as well. This also allowed me time to observe and better formulate my questions. Crow et al. (2001) reason the continued presence of the researcher will foster a relationship and build trust between the participant and the researcher.
In the Field
My primary residence for the four months spent in Uganda was TRU’s volunteer guesthouse in Mukono Town which allowed me the greatest access to travel between my five primary research sites, but also the most time spent with volunteers during their stays. This also allowed the greatest participant observation of volunteers, along with opportunities to carry out interviews and focus groups with them.
Gillen (2011) acknowledged that while carrying out research on the Ho Chi Minh City tourism industry, in Vietnam, the most fulfilling feedback he received came through informal gatherings at someone’s home or in a restaurant where they felt most relaxed and connected with the researcher on a more relatable or personal level. On occasion I travelled with volunteers to
111 their various placements which gave me the opportunity to see how their day was spent and to watch their interactions with the students and teachers in their projects. While with them at their projects I would also participate in activities such as helping give lesson plans, playing games with students in class, or carrying out sporting activities. Sin (2011) maintained her full-time volunteer commitment while carrying out research in South Africa – the experience allowed her better understanding and integration with her research. This allowed me to better relate to the volunteer and allowed them to feel more relaxed to speak with me, since I had seen their daily routine and participated with them.
McMorran (2011) found this while working in a hotel in a Japanese hot spring village; he sought to better understand the plight of the workers in this industry and workers began to trust him and open up much more when they saw the young European working the same menial job as them (Ryokan workers are predominantly older, Japanese women). McMorran (2011, 227) believes that by working in the industry he was no longer perceived as a tourist and was treated differently by the participants of his research and developed a better understanding of their lives:
“They preferred the informality of chatting while working, with its stops and starts and its tendency towards gossips and complaints. This provided opportunities to ask all the questions that I could not have asked even over the course of dozens of interviews”. Furthermore, by working with them it increased the difficulty of carrying out interviews since working limited his time, he also realized what little time his co-workers had to give interviews. This too was the case with my research; when the work day was over (for volunteers & teachers) they were exhausted and giving an interview was the last thing I wanted to ask of them. I would often wait until the weekend and invite the volunteers to meet me for lunch, and also did this with a few of
112 the teachers with whom I had developed a good relationship68. However, at three projects
(Nalusse, PACE, and Hope for Africa Children’s Village) the headmaster/mistress pulled the teachers out of class for them to speak with me. These interviews often felt coerced and the teachers seemed to be giving the answers they thought I wanted to hear (Scott et al., 2006).
Time was also spent at the various project directors’ homes in order to spend more personal, one-on-one time with them. I did not stay overnight at the projects because this would be an added cost to directors for my room and board, as well I wanted to maintain some distance and not become too personal with them (Sin, 20111). Finally, by staying at the guest house I had the most privacy to write up field notes and my daily journal, along with transcribing interviews and preparing for the next days’ work.
I traveled to various research sites every day during the week; schools were closed on
Saturday and Sunday. Several days I would stay later in the community (once the school day was over) to participate in the community projects (YOFAFA & BVC) which would make for a very long and exhausting day – both physically and emotionally. Hubbard et al (2001) highlight the importance of understanding emotion as a critical part of the research experience and that while we are aware of the emotional needs of our respondents too often that of the researcher in the field is overlooked. In particular they refer to the ‘emotional labour’ of the researcher who may encounter emotionally disturbing situations. I found this true when so often I was surrounded by children, and women, who were living in dire poverty, who were facing daily struggles that no one should have to face, I was overwhelmed with emotions of both guilt and frustration.
68 This was only possible for teachers that were relatively close such as those in Seeta, Kitoola and Mukono Town. I would pay for their transport on matatu and pay for their lunch. These were some of my most enjoyable and enlightening moments of my research – particularly with the teachers, they would introduce me to local foods and I would learn so much about their personal lives and Uganda. 113 However, the daily commute also proved to be very enlightening. The time travelling to the three furthest sites (Bugiri, Buikwe, and Kitoola) took an average of 90 minutes each way on a combination of matatu & boda-boda, having to transfer at the Lugazi taxi park. Although long
(and hot) this time offered me the opportunity to observe the surrounding culture and speak with locals – often proving some of the most interesting and enlightening conversations. People were always keen to speak with me and curious about my research – one of the most interesting was an older gentleman (in his 70s) who asked me “what does Canada need to learn from Uganda about education”? He seemed genuinely perplexed, and it is a question I continue to think about today. Another was a conversation with the driver while on the back of his boda-boda; the young man (about 20 years old) said to me [after learning where I was from] “God shines on you and pours oil on us – that is why you are white and we are black”. Initially, I thought he was referring to the recent discovery of oil in Uganda and the potential ‘resource curse’ – a thought that was incredibly naïve and arrogant of me. He went on to explain that God shines on white people and we are rich because of it, and God dumps oil on Africans and has forgotten about them. His dislike, and distrust, of white westerners was very obvious – and difficult to hear. It was a very different perspective towards white people or Bzungu69, one which had not been conveyed by those I worked with at my project sites. This is a thought which remained with me throughout the remainder of my research as well70.
69 Bzungu is the plural form of the Swahili word for ‘white person’ or ‘westerner’; the singular word in Mzungu. Children will often shout out “Mzungu! Mzungu!” when you walk through the villages. However, at the school sites they are not permitted to refer to volunteers as mzungu, it is seen as disrespectful and they must learn their names. 70 Another incident showed me the resentment towards white people, I had been attending Esther’s sister’s engagement ceremony (as a bridesmaid) in their home village [a very remote 90 minute matatu ride] and my travels home proved to be very dangerous. The engagement ceremony was almost six hours, and by the time it had finished it was dark, and there were few matatus travelling back to Mukono Town that night. Moses (our house father) was travelling with me thankfully, and when a matatu finally arrived in the local taxi park the driver wanted to charge me double because I was mzungu [USh5,000; CAD$2.50], I was irritated but willing to concede and pay it; however, Moses protested and began to argue with the Matatu driver, others soon became involved and physical fight broke 114 I would often ‘chat’ with women on the matatu who were on their way to/from work; I would ask about their family – were they married, children (how many and how old), whether their children were in government or private schools (and the reasons surrounding their decisions). I would also ask if there were bzungu in their community and their overall thoughts on their presence in Mukono District. I found that women who were involved in my communities’ research gave the answers they thought I wanted to hear, that they were so happy we [westerners/volunteers] were there. However, those who had nothing to gain by my presence, and who did not fear reprisal from community leaders, had no problem expressing their lack of faith in the benefits of bzungu in their community or country. They were never disrespectful or harsh, simply honest.
Weekends were spent, on occasion, visiting secondary sites, but predominantly they were spent with volunteers, carrying out interviews and focus groups. The focus groups were often carried out in very relaxed or social settings – either in the living room of the guesthouse or at a local restaurant while sharing a meal71. This was also an opportunity to spend personal time relaxing and recovering, as well as internalizing and ingesting the events of the previous week; and it was a great chance to see other parts of the country.
out in the taxi park – all because of me. Moses grabbed me and quickly pulled me out of the taxi park for fear of our safety and luckily a private taxi happened to be driving by and we negotiated a quick price for him to drive us to Mukono Town [USh40,000; CAD$20]. I was happy to pay since it meant our safe travel home. The incident showed me that not only was there anger towards mzungu, but also the speed with which the fight erupted also showed me that the tensions in general were running high – particularly with money, and poverty. Furthermore, during my four months in Uganda there was a crime wave of boda-boda drivers in Kampala taking white female passengers to secret locations where they were gang-raped. There were more than ten reports during my time there. 71 Social time was spent with volunteers, traveling to Kampala for social outings (movies, bowling, dancing), or to Jinja (rafting the source of the Nile) and Kibaale National Park (Chimpanzee trekking) to enjoy some of Uganda’s best tourist attractions. 115 Field Report & Data Generation
Miller-Grandvaux et al.’s (2002) comparative case studies of the increasing presence of
NGOs in education in Ethiopia, the Republic of Guinea, Malawi, and the Republic of Mali demonstrate the value of comparing various perspectives of all players involved. “By capturing the range of perspectives and experiences, these interviews with key actors at different levels of the system identify complex relations and contradictions, and help develop a more nuanced understanding of the impact of NGOs on the education system” (15). Therefore, the variation of key informant interviews, semi-structured interviews and focus groups with teachers, volunteers and parents allowed a more balanced perspective of my project sites. Although the spoken or written word has a “residue of ambiguity”, regardless of how questions are worded or reported, interviews are one of the most common and powerful ways of trying to understand fellow human beings (Fontana & Frey, 1994, 361). Furthermore, it allows us to examine and confront the constraints of the everyday social world (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994, 5).
Ten Key Informant Interviews were carried out with project and NGO founders, head masters/mistresses and community leaders. With positions of authority and power, there is the risk of getting the ‘official line’ versus everyday practices. Scott et al. (2006, 32) encountered such issues during their PhD field research in Vietnam in the late 1990s. Each researcher found it overwhelmingly difficult to move from discussions of policies, norms or discourses, to actual practices. I only found this with one project site, Buikwe Village Care, where Pastor Paul sounded practiced in his answers and echoed much of the official lines from their information booklet and mandate. I think because he is so passionate about their work, he was genuinely hopeful that I would support their efforts. I think when you are struggling for money for your projects you are always trying to have people ‘buy in’; and I recognize his intentions.
116 I often found this while interviewing teachers and two schools in particular – PACE and
Hope for Africa Children’s Village. Teachers at the other three sites seemed much more open and honest with me during their interviews. I believe this was the case at PACE because the teachers were all fairly new so perhaps feared reprisal; at Hope for Africa Children’s Village I believe it was because it was the farthest away and I had spent the least amount of time there.
Leech (2002) presents techniques for asking questions in an interview. The first is to gain rapport with your subject; this does not simply entail putting people at ease but convincing them you are listening, that you understand and that you are interested. She argues that some textbooks will tell you to ‘appear slightly dim and agreeable’ in order to put the participant at ease, however, there is greater risk of alienation when conducting interviews with highly educated or highly placed respondents who might feel they are wasting their time or will dumb-down their answers. “I recommend a middle road. The interviewer should seem professional and generally knowledgeable, but less knowledgeable than the respondent on the particular topic of the interview” (Leech, 2002, 665). I found that all the project directors were impressed that I had background knowledge of the needs of their community and that the goal of my research was to recognize their efforts and contributions to their communities, and that I wanted to learn from them as to the ongoing needs of their education system and community.
The ordering of the questions can further put the respondent at ease by asking simple, straight forward questions and later become more challenging (or threatening). The latter questions were more presuming, particularly when asking questions that the respondent is likely to avoid or may have a stigma attached to it (Leech, 2002, 666). However, I never felt in my key interviews that anyone withheld any information or honesty from me – with the exception of
Pastor Paul.
117 Finally, throughout these interviews I employed a retrogressive line of questioning in order to determine the evolution of these NGOs and their host communities. This also allowed me to observe the success and/or failures they have had in their communities to date, and how they have overcome or addressed any issues or ‘growing pains’.
Semi-structured interviews were carried out with teachers, NGO workers, volunteers and community members/parents72. Sometimes referred to as informal, conversational or ‘soft’ interviews they allow the researcher to ‘talk’ with participants but in a way that is self-conscious
(Longhurst, 2003). Semi-structured interviews have some degree of predetermined questions but maintain flexibility for the issues to be addressed by the informant (Hay, 2005). These are known as The Grand Tour questions which get respondents talking, in a structured way, and can often give the researcher a sense of what an average day/event/issue is (Leech, 2002). There is also a degree of funneling to the questions which initially focus on general issues and then gradually move towards personal matters relevant to the informant. There is concern with how the participants will respond and what information they will offer; fear of offending or damaging the efforts of NGOs and volunteers may impede participants from answering questions honestly.
Laws et al. (2003) explain that respondents may be scared to downplay their poverty for fear of losing funding or resources being provided by outside sources. Furthermore, using the work of
Sin (2009) I carried out multiple interviews with volunteers to better observe any changes/issues that arise during their time in the host community73.
I found access to the parents and community members the hardest. Many students at my study sites were orphans (such as PACE); at other schools such as Hope for Africa Children’s
72 Interviews with community members and parents will be determined through snowball or chain sampling. 73 I do so based on personal experience which perceptions of my contributions, as well as that of my host community, changed and evolved during my time in Uganda. 118 Village they were very spread out and difficult to access. I did attend a ‘Parent Day’ at the school and was able to speak with some parents then – but this ended up more as a casual talk or focus group with a few parents while in the school yard. Pastor Paul provided me with specific parents to meet with and I felt they offered answers they thought I wanted to hear. I was able to speak with a few others while working with the community outreach program but language sometimes proved a barrier74. With Nalusse it was a little easier because many of the parents were those working in the local market in Mukono or the street vendors – both of which TRU volunteers
(and myself) frequented.
Focus Groups carried out with teachers, western volunteers and community members allowed more data generation and generally consisted of four to ten people. They are instructive when in-depth information about people’s opinions on an issue, as well as their reasoning and why they hold those views (Laws et al., 2003). They provide guidance in setting a framework for the research; furthermore they help to determine how to build or improve on current situations and issues of importance to the group. Most beneficial is that focus groups foster communication and discussion amongst participants; they also allow the inclusion of those previously excluded from participation (i.e. if they cannot read or write).
I found that focus groups worked best when the participants already knew me and knew each other. With teachers, in particular those at Nalusse and Hopeland Junior, they knew each
74 A few attempts to secure an interpreter, or full-time field assistant, were made but with no success. Dr. Tumwine, at Makerere University, suggested I use a local teacher, however, to hire one to travel with me to various sites would have required them to abandon their own classes. At Kitoola the teachers did introduce me to various parents and community members. They would also interpret for me, but I often felt that they were not full or accurate translations. Furthermore, they were casual conversations since neither the teacher or the parent had the time to carry out a full, formal interview. Most often the discussion would take place when I joined the YOFAFO women when they met to make beads or sew clothing – which also happened to be one of the times I enjoyed and laughed the most. In the end, because English is the official language of Uganda, I was able to carry out almost all my own interviews. The only exception being with some locals or parents, those who had never attended, or completed, primary school and spoke only Lugandan (the most widely used indigenous dialect in the region). 119 other quite well so their discussion was much more open and honest (no fear of reprisal). The majority had been teaching at these schools much longer than most teachers at my other sites
(many more than five years), and were much more relaxed and jovial. This was also true of volunteers, especially those who were working together at various projects or who had been staying at the TRU guesthouse for a few weeks and had begun to settle in75. I was unable to carry out focus groups at PACE, Buikwe Bright Future or Hope for Africa Children’s Village; the first two was due to the lack of teachers present since both schools only average 3 teachers there on any one day; the latter had such a disciplined scheduled it was not possible. Furthermore, for all three schools many of the teachers were (relatively) new and were not local so they travelled home (often several hours) on weekends.
Participant Observation provides the researcher with an understanding of the issues facing the community, and also helps to better understand their everyday lives. The key elements of participant observation are:
• Living in the context for an extended period of time • Learning and using local language and dialect • Actively participating in a wide range of daily, routine, and extraordinary activities with people who are full participants in that context • Using everyday conversation as an interview technique • Informally observing during leisure activities (hanging out) • Recording observations in field notes (usually organized chronologically) • Using both tacit and explicit information analysis and writing (DeWalt, 2002, 4)
75 Based on personal experience as a volunteer in Uganda in 2005, and observation from this fieldwork, it often takes a few days, or weeks, for volunteers to not simply overcome their jetlag, but the overwhelming culture shock that many first experience. Wearing (2001) also studies the impacts of volunteers in developing communities and addresses the adaption and coping mechanisms and found that many take several days, even weeks, to adapt and feel they are safe, but also part of the community. Personal experience and observation is that when their departure date comes they do not want to leave. 120 Living in the communities where the research is being carried allows a more in-depth understanding. Initially, my strategy was to practice moderate participation since I was interested in the location, recognized as a researcher, but was not planning to actively participate and only occasionally interact with the people there (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2002; Vulliamy et al.,
1990). This is a common form of participant observation in education research where there is observation and some interaction; however, the researcher does not directly participate (i.e. teaching or any other volunteer work). This is easier in theory than in practice. While living in these communities and observing efforts by locals and NGOs it was impossible to not become involved and participate in their projects. I was always surrounded by women working [hard] together and I immediately wanted to be a part of it. To sit around and watch them work made me feel as if I had gone back to the colonial era and it made me very uncomfortable76.
Paul (1953, 69 [quoted in DeWalt & DeWalt, 2002, 23]) saw the oxymoron of participant observation at its inception, the impossible methodological and personal tension: “[p]articipation implies emotional involvement; observation requires detachment”. Behar (1996) argues that the oxymoron of participant observation lies in the researcher’s inability to fully ‘go native’ and yet seeks to understand the ‘native’s’ viewpoint; that is, until the research money runs out and the researcher returns to their desk. Both arguments are valid, however, I tried to centre my participant observation based on the fact that I was a white researcher from outside their communities.
76 One weekend I travelled up to Jinja, a town situated near the source of the Nile River where riding the rapids is a large tourist attraction; we booked in a two hour horseback ride along the Nile. Unfortunately, the ride only paralleled along the river for the first fifteen minutes and the remainder was spent going through poverty stricken villages on horseback watching children in torn clothing pump water into jerry cans which weighed more than they did. Needless to say I could not get off that horse fast enough. 121 Tedlock (1991, 69) reasoned that personal accounts of the observer must be incorporated into participant observation as “observation of participation”, known as narrative ethnography.
This incorporates the written standard monograph about the people studied (the Other) and an ethnographic memoir centered on the researcher (the Self). Behar (1996) supports the incorporation of the researcher’s difficulties and pains from the field because it incorporates what he/she brings to the relationship. Punch (1994, 86) believes that too often we forget to acknowledge personal and intellectual paths which have led the researcher to drop one line of inquiry or pursue another topic; in essence, we need to require intellectual autobiographies to clarify why academics end up studying what they do. Regardless of acknowledging one’s emotions and issues, the researcher remains an outsider who maintains a distance between the people they study and themselves (Narayan, 1995). One exception is that I have been a western volunteer, teaching in Uganda, so that component of my research is not only personal but relatable.
Descriptive field notes address ownership, funding, school fees, student/teacher ratios and overall understanding of the schools and projects. However, reflective field notes are more interesting and challenging at the same time enabling me to critically engage with my research and build on it while still in the field. These are more subjective and address problems, ideas, hunches, impressions and prejudices (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). These provide an excellent outlet for observation of the participation, a reflection of my role in the study and the influences and experiences which shaped the research. These field notes reflect analysis, methods, ethical dilemmas and conflicts, mind frame, and points of clarification. Stephens (1990) suggest the only way to present honest observations, particularly when conducting education research, is to return often to overcome the unwanted notoriety and establish trust. Only then will the researcher
122 witness the true happenings and intentions. Indeed, as time went on in the field participants became much more relaxed, honest and playful with me when I was visiting their schools.
Quantitative Data
Quantitative data can be measured by national standards and thus adds a sense of scale and an element of quantification to the data collected. A comparison of the school attributes of each site was conducted. This looked at the number of teachers per student and grades offered, as well as other facilities such as lunch programs, latrines, medical bays, lodging and outdoor space.
A comparison of the structures of the buildings, classrooms, distance of travel for students, and the availability of other primary schools – both government and private. Finally, teacher qualifications were also documented with regard to their education and training levels and how long they have been teaching.
Passing rates will help to demonstrate the quality and consistency of education received at each school in the study. Furthermore, if there are differences between the schools studied and the national passing rates this will prove as a point of interest. The Ministry of Education and
Sports (MoES) has national, standardized exams (Primary Leaving Exams (PLE)) which all schools must administer for students to receive their Primary Leaving Certificate (PLC) and qualify for secondary school. PLE passing rates have dropped in the last few years. Initially I had planned to compare the PLE passing rates of my study sites to each other, and national UPE rates, but three of my schools do not offer P7 so students do not sit the PLE. Once in the field I also thought I would attempt to gather data on repetition rates for the various schools but this proved challenging since many children had been pulled out for various reasons (discussed in
Chapter 6) and this was not information schools collected themselves.
123
Data Analysis
Analysis
Data analysis is broken down in to several sections, addressing qualitative and quantitative data separately. Initially, a breakdown of each case study (research site) was carried out. This will not need deep analysis as Laws et al. (2003, 386) explain, “sometimes data analysis basically just describes what was found”… “For most research for development work, the analysis you require is quite straightforward, and should not be mystified”. I will categorize the inception of the schools and projects, as well as the background of their founders. This will include their funding sources and history, as well as community involvement. As well, a breakdown the quantitative data of the teacher’s backgrounds and training, the levels of education offered and passing rates.
I then make comparisons across the case studies. Crow (2008) contends this can be difficult; however, there is also the potential to produce surprising results and they contribute to theorizing temporal dimensions of what holds people together as communities. This is an important component of my research, in determining the community’s involvement and participation in education as well as their view of volunteer presence. Furthermore, the data collected alludes to the impacts of volunteers’ own money in their projects and how it has helped, or hampered, their schools and projects.
Finally I will organize the narratives collected in to themes and patterns. These will be determined by the research objectives, follow-up questions, the data collected, and my own interpretations and theories as to what is occurring. In this way the narratives will allow the research to show not only pre-set categories, as well as themes in the literature, but will also
124 allow emergent categories to be explored (issues not previously thought of) (Laws et al., 2003).
The research will explore attitudes of locals towards education (both government and private), trends in the needs and aspirations of the schools in the research, to understand the value of low- cost private schools in these communities, and finally volunteer perceptions of their impacts and experiences in their projects and host communities. Furthermore, I will seek to determine relationships, such as two or more themes occurring together constantly in the data – which may suggest a cause and effect relationship.
Focus group analysis will also seek to determine themes and categories. However,
Halkier (2010) and Laws et al. (2003) argue that focus group data analysis cannot be treated like data drawn from individuals as it will lose its unique value. Rather, the strength of focus groups is the interaction between participants, and the way in which people work together to make sense of an issue. The data analysis will require personal observation and interpretation of the issues addressed, as well as a comparison with various focus groups.
Data Interpretation & Validity
Interpretation of the data will require that I determine what it means and question the significance of the data at every level, starting with my own assumptions (Laws et al., 2003).
Hubbard et al. (2001, 121) also acknowledged the role of ‘emotionally sensed knowledge’ which contributes towards understanding and analysis of the data, “to gain insight and give meaning to the interpretations of the subject they are investigating”. I will then apply three aspects imperative in accurate analysis and interpretation (Laws et al., 2003, 383):
1. Check the trends – where the same information appears in different places (do they fit in with what you expect? Has the research uncovered new ideas and information?)
125 2. Check the contradictions – are they a result of: working with different groups, using different methods, external factors affecting data collection at different times? 3. Checking the gaps – where information you expected to see is missing (did you forget to collect; is there a social silence about the issue?)
Interpretation also requires determining what the lessons are and what the research has unearthed. It is imperative to answer the ‘so what’ question; what will those who use the results be interested in reading? (Taylor-Powell & Renner, 2003).
To determine validity I will ask if the conclusions do justice to the complexity of the phenomenon being investigated and offer internal consistency. How far do the findings and conclusion fit with existing knowledge on the area, and how far do they translate to other comparable studies (Laws et al., 2003). Finally, it is important to think about what is not there, which will contribute to further potential research and recommendations put forward.
Ethical Considerations & Constraints of the Study
Friendship in the Field
The ethical challenges of carrying out my research, which is based on personal experiences and has been facilitated through friendship and established connections, was a subject of concern – although, as shown, it was also of great value. I believe that by acknowledging these relationships, not just with myself, but to participants at TRU it eliminated any deception and allowed honest research to prevail. Revealing my motivations and concerns allowed participants to trust me and possibly be more honest with me at an earlier stage in the research. However, what was also a tremendous benefit, and new cause for concern, were the
(ongoing) friendships I developed in the field with key participants – particularly Leslie
Weighill. Lemelin et al. (2011, 294) warn that too often the pressure of friendship in the field can
126 overshadow the realities of the research – and yet often be the greatest source of learning and understanding:
The research relationships developed prior to and entering the field, as well as during the research itself, are central to the success of all variants of action research. However, even when every effort has been made to create meaningful research relationships, it does not guarantee that the research process will be a success or will end in some form of capacity-building where empowerment and change are implemented. Indeed, as Lickers (Lickers et al. 1995) explains, researchers often place too much emphasis on the research and the end research process (i.e. the thesis, the publications), when what is more often important is the journey, the friendships, and the other contributions arising from the research.
However, there will be ethical issues as I write-up my findings. “One might say you owe it to your friend to defend him and his reputation in the court of public opinion” (Stroud, 2006,
503). With this notion of friendship, I refer not only to those who have helped the research but the organizations they represent. Experiences of corruption with previous NGOs force me to acknowledge this reality; or what if my interviews, focus groups and observations show that these NGOs and their volunteers are doing more harm than good? Or simply that it is not benefitting the host community?
On several occasions the tension between this inside-outside position nearly led me to abandon the research altogether. This was not due to the fact that I had actually uncovered something ethical, but more a question of what I would do if I uncovered something unpalatable. Would I be prepared to be intellectually honest if I did uncover a ‘can of worms’?... On one level, such a position is inherent within the nature of geographical research. In every research situation there are arguably dilemmas of positionality such as dilemmas of disclosure, conflicting loyalties and blindness to other perspectives. (Gold, 2002, 230)
For all the literature on qualitative methods and ways in which we carry out valid and ethical research there is no one strategy or solution. As previously discussed, one prevailing
127 notion (through the influx of feminist geography contributions) is to understand the ‘Self’ before trying to understand the ‘Other’ and acknowledging the motivations of the researcher (Behar,
1996; England, 1994; Gold, 2002; Mullings, 1999; Punch, 1994; Rose, 1997; Tedlock, 1991).
Furthermore, the dilemma Gold (2002, 235) faced in which she felt she was too closely connected to her research, since she was a member of the religious organization she was studying, proved to be a benefit more than a hindrance in the end. “The dilemmas encountered by this crisis of positionality at the deepest level, however, eventually created new possibilities for opening up points of contact between different worldviews and perspectives”. The qualitative methods discussed provide me with the tools to carry out my fieldwork and allowed critical thinking, and reflection, throughout the process. The truth is that fieldwork is a learning process, not just of the study, but of the Self. And as Punch (1994) said: “Just Do It!” As a final note on the matter, Leslie was always very open and honest with me as to the value of western volunteers, the leadership of various projects and the impacts of western volunteer money. I feel confident that she would want me to be honest and convey the realities of the situations of the case studies, but also the greater realities of education in Uganda, and the partnership with western volunteer organizations.
Constraints of the Study
However, the call for reflexivity, I argue here, goes beyond recognition of one’s multiple positionalities in research and in relation to research respondents. Instead, it is also important to be reflexive also of research as a process of decision-making – who we decide to approach as research respondents, who we do mange to interview and, especially lacking in current-day research writing, who we do not manage to interview. (Sin, 2011, 250)
The constraints of the study have been discussed throughout this chapter. As is the case for most graduate students, my research was hindered by financial capacity to remain in the field 128 longer than four months. However, in that time I was able to carry out in-depth, ongoing interviews with ten key participants (I have more than 12 hours of interview with Nansubuga, we would spend hours in her office just talking and I would leave my digital recorder on). I carried out sixty interviews and five focus groups. I was able to spend over 50 hours in the classrooms, participate 30 hours in community projects and spent easily over 100 hours on public transit! I learned how to roll paper cut-offs into beads to make necklaces, I built two cookhouses (breaking a bone in my thumb), gave two guest lectures at Makerere University, and was a bridesmaid in a traditional engagement ceremony. However, a researcher is never done asking questions and always seeks to learn more. I would like to have been able to interview more parents, to better understand both their expectations and hopes for their children’s education. Unfortunately, many parents were unavailable but I can include this in my analysis of the issues – many parents were working long hours, or were far away on remote plots of land, or worse, were deceased – the awful reality of AIDS orphans is a huge component of my research.
This chapter has revealed the realities of carrying out field work in a developing country.
Even though I was familiar with both Uganda, and being a volunteer, as a researcher can never be fully prepared for what challenges await you in the field, but this is often the most enlightening aspect of the fieldwork. The methods chosen offered the greatest opportunity to spend as much time in the field with local Ugandans.
129
CHAPTER 5: THE REALITIES OF UPE IN UGANDA
Uganda is a shining light as one of the World’s success stories in economic and human development. Uganda has made remarkable progress towards attaining Millennium Development Goals in Primary Education Enrolment now more than 90% of all school going age children, and HIV/AIDS reduction (from 36% to 6%). Education consumes the highest amount of the Government budget. (Uganda National NGO Forum, 2007)
Uganda has been heralded as one of the great success stories, a poster child, of Universal
Primary Education (UPE) in the last decade despite being one of the poorest countries in the world with a per capita income of US$1,100 and 35% of the population living below the poverty line (CIA Factbook, 2011). Nearly half of the population is under the age of fifteen – which means there are 15 million school-going age children – more than a million of which are AIDS orphans with no parent or care-giver to ensure they have access to school. The reality is, unfortunately, that UPE in Uganda has not had the successes which were boasted to the international community. This chapter will examine the current state of UPE in Uganda as well as the alternatives, low-cost private schools, which are expanding rapidly in numbers and notoriety. It will also look at the history of education in Uganda, which reveals that education was not introduced by missionaries and colonial powers, but rather was a rich contribution to
Ugandan culture for centuries before the presence of western imposers.
In 2009 the primary completion rate remained exceptionally low at 53%; moreover, there have been increasing repetition and drop-out rates (African Economic Outlook, 2012). The
United Nations Progress Report for Uganda (2007, 20) reveals the disparities and failures of
UPE since its inception in 1997:
130 [t]he completion rates recorded in Uganda are far lower than the impressive enrolment figures that have been recorded since 1997... [C]ompletion rates have been far from 100 per cent and have actually fluctuated between 48 per cent in 2006 and 60 percent in 2004. The low completion rates imply that the investment in primary education has not translated into real gains due to the high dropout rates.
Many parents question the value of education and UPE when their children are not succeeding, coupled with the fact that the secondary costs of UPE are too burdensome for many families. This has led to an increase in low-cost private schools (LCPSs) where parents would rather send their children – even when there is a UPE school only a few hundred metres away.
In order to better understand the current state of education in Uganda it is pivotal to first appreciate the historical foundations and evolution. Although it is often portrayed that Europeans and Missionaries introduced education, it has been deeply engrained in tribal culture and society for centuries. Furthermore, community participation has been a core foundation in education provision for centuries and a practice which is gaining popularity again today.
Education in Uganda
There was a conviction in the minds of the early European and American educators that ignorance loomed high in Africa. Therefore the burden of the white man was to bring light to the Africans to save them physically, mentally and spiritually. Persons who held such views could not take time off to try and see whether there was anything of value in the African situation. (Ssekamwa, 1997, 21)
Indigenous Education
“In the African indigenous education system, every adult person in a tribe was responsible for teaching the young the basic skills and knowledge and norms of society” (Ssekamwa, 1997, 23)
131 In traditional East African societies children were taught skills by their parents and elders which would allow them to survive and prosper. Ssekamwa (1997) describes indigenous education as ‘productive learning’ in which students learned as they applied the skills and lessons they were taught. Students were immersed in the daily activities and societal practices while they contributed to their clan and culture. The curriculum incorporated the environment, cooperation, belonging to a group, discipline, culture, skills, leadership, religion, medical knowledge and practice, desirable behaviour and good manners (Hanson, 2010; Ssekamwa,
1997). Young boys would often stay with chiefs and kings in order to learn leadership; as well, young girls would learn ceremonial practices and tribe etiquette from the chiefs’ wives (Hanson,
2010). Other examples included boys learning how to build houses by other community members or girls being taught how to cook matoke from their mothers77. Through these hands-on teachings they learned while at the same time producing something tangible for their tribe.
A secondary teaching practice was through plays, games, songs, rhymes and storytelling; as they got older they learned through idioms, proverbs and riddles. Ssekamwa (1997) believes this also taught them philosophy, psychology, sociology, economics, politics, history and culture.
Furthermore, it taught them imagination, thinking, inventiveness, shrewdness, literature, composition and public speaking (Furley & Watson, 1978).
Therefore education in a country is a useful weapon because it is used as an instrument to bring about corrective and necessary measures in any one society. The general purpose of indigenous education in each Ugandan tribe before the introduction of Western education, was to enable each member of that society to be helpful to himself/herself, to his/her family, to the rest of the members of the society and to the state (Ssekamwa, 1997, 2).
77 Matoke is a staple crop of green banana which is steamed and then mashed and served as part of a traditional Ugandan meal. 132 Missionary Education
“The Ugandans knew that there is one God. This knowledge was not introduced by Islam and Christianity during the middle of the 19th century” (Ssekamwa, 1997, 12).
Mutesa I invited European missionaries into Buganda in 1875 with the hopes that they would educate his people and overcome the influence of the Koran, which Muslim Arab traders had been teaching with Allah above all other gods (Wrigley, 1959). Furthermore, he felt the education would allow him to defend his country against foreign invasion and control his neighbouring countries (Reid, 1999). There were also other reasons for his demands:
These Europeans were referred to as 'explorers' - exploring territory for British expansion. Stanley helped Buganda raid the Islands of Buvuma and extracted a letter of invitation from Kabaka Mutesa I, inviting the white men to come to his kingdom. Mutesa felt threatened by the spread of Egyptian imperialism and the old rivalry from the Kingdom of Bunyoro. He wanted guns to defend his kingdom and invited the whites thinking that they would help him in this task....In his letter of March 24 1876, inviting missionaries, Kabaka Mutesa explained that he wanted to be "a friend to the white man". This letter was published in London in the Daily Telegraph. (enteruganda.com, n.d.)
Protestant British missionaries first arrived in 1877 and were soon followed by the
French Roman Catholics in 1879. Their primary focus was the teachings of the Bible, as well as reading, writing, numeracy, agriculture and some technical skills (Ssekamwa, 1997). Initially, lessons were in Swahili; however, the Kabaka soon believed it to be the language of heathens and prostitutes and insisted they learned in English (Reid, 1999; Rowe, 1966). Mutesa I studied all subjects and believed this would allow him to better understand the changes taking place in his country and remain in power; furthermore, his followers pursued missionary education to win
133 favor with him (Ssekamwa, 1997). Furley & Watson (1978, 97) put forward the written words of one of the first missionaries:
Mutesa is now taking the question of education in earnest, and is ordering all his chiefs, Batongole, (officials), pages and soldiers to learn the alphabet etc. in English characters. Mackay and myself are never free from learners, some of whom are waiting with the daylight. We have our hands full to supply them with brain-food, and the small printing press sent out with us from England is in daily requisition.
The alphabet was taught to a wide social scale of the Buganda kingdom and the first
Luganda grammar book was printed in 1884. Mackay also printed religious reading materials for
Protestant Christians, and literacy was soon associated with education and religion with baptisms given as the final test (Furley & Watson, 1978).
However, tensions soon arose between the teachings of the Protestants, Catholics and
Muslims since each faith worshipped a God that contradicted the others and led to inevitable disputes. Mutesa I would often give his Chiefs meat and those who were Muslim would not accept it since it did not follow the rules of the Koran. This greatly annoyed him and he soon began to question the Missionaries and Arab traders who were destroying the social fabric of his
Kingdom (Ssekamwa, 1997). He was also angered that the Missionaries would not communicate with their governments back home on his behalf, claiming this was not their responsibility, nor did they have the authority (Reid, 1999; White, 1996). Mutesa I had begun to fear and despise the missionaries so much that in 1883 he killed three of his Protestant servants and banned all missionaries from his palace (Reid, 1999).
The following year Mutesa I died and his son, Mwanga, succeeded him. This young new king wanted to work with the missionaries again and invited them back to the schools and palace
(White, 1996). However, much like his father, he soon found the teachings made the Buganda
134 disobedient to him and once again blood was shed. In 1886 Mwanga ordered the killings by burning of more than thirty followers of the Christian and Muslim faith; he also devised a plan in which all missionary teachers would be taken by boat to an island in Lake Victoria and left to die
– either by dehydration or eaten by a crocodile or hippopotamus (Ssekamwa, 1997). Fortunately, the missionaries heard of the plan and counteracted by having Mwanga removed from the throne
(Furley & Watson, 1978). His younger brother Prince Kiweewa would take his place as Kabaka and allowed the missionaries to rapidly expand their education with the support of the chiefs, who also praised their populous for their desire to become educated and literate (Wrigley, 1959).
When the British government declared a Protectorate over Uganda in 1893 mission schools were prospering, particularly in Kampala, and there was little desire to intervene (Rowe,
1966). Furthermore, the segregation between education and religion had begun and more schools which focused primarily on academics were opening with the help of local teachers (Wrigley,
1959). The 1900 agreement brought peace to Uganda and many Buganda chiefs were employed by the British government, which further helped the spread of missionary education.
In the early years of missionary education community initiated ‘village schools’ emerged which were built, run, and staffed by Ugandans who had embraced literacy and the new religions
(Ssekamwa, 1997). These schools were a melange of missionary and the traditional education which had been taught for generations; furthermore, there were equal numbers of boys and girls in attendance. The curriculum focused on English but also encompassed a broad range of other subjects, as opposed to missionary schools which gave priority to boys and was centered on religious studies (Furley & Watson, 1978). The bias in missionary schools changed the social role for women since, prior to this, women played an equal role in society and were ruling chiefs, doctors, and participated in the political sphere (Allman et al., 2002; Tripp, 2004). Hanson
135 (2010, 161) explains the mindset which prevailed, and ultimately changed the societal role and value of women in Uganda:
The consensus among Europeans was articulated by Father Hughes of the White Fathers’ Mission: “We feel very strongly that the education of girls should have a strong bias towards the building of homes. The time has not come to give them an academic education,” and Miss Esdaile elaborated, “Your native teachers can really give definite help towards making the women better home keepers, better child tenders, better providers of food” [De La Warr 1937, no. 18, January 16, 1937].
Although village schools provided equal education for boys and girls, they neglected many traditional cultural teachings and no longer incorporated the skills needed to prosper or the capacity to generate knowledge (Ssekamwa, 1997). This new generation of students believed that the teachings and curriculum of the Europeans was far superior to that of their parents and ancestors. “Africans who had been adults when Europeans arrived thought of their own cultures as equally valid, and in ways superior, but the generations that grew up under British domination accepted the colonizer’s assertion that African societies had been primitive and Europe was the source of all progress” (Hanson, 2010, 162).
When colonial rulers first took control of the region and signed the Protectorate they allowed the village schools to pursue their efforts, and even provided funding assistance
(Ssekamwa, 1997). Furthermore, they were eager to subsidize mission schools, which already held the monopoly on education. They did, however, designate their own industrial education which offered apprenticeships to young men, including printing, agriculture and carpentry
(Furley & Watson, 1978). It was not until the end of WWI in 1918 that colonial powers decided to take control of the well-developed education system.
136 Colonial Education
“We are opposed to any extensive literary education for the general native population, and we consider it should not proceed beyond a standard which will enable a native to learn a trade by which he can earn a living. Unless literary education is complete, or is accompanied by technical training, the native is apt to regard himself as a superior being for whom the ordinary duties and responsibilities of life have no significance” [The committee appointed by the Governor to report on Native Civil Service] (Furley & Watson, 1978, 187)
British colonies had little interest in promoting or overseeing education; their primary focus was to establish trading posts to benefit the empire (White, 1996). The British state policy of ‘indirect rule’ integrated harmoniously with missionary education in the colony (White, 1996).
Overall, British colonial education in Uganda was relatively hands-off with a reliance on, or partnership with, missionary schools (Beck, 1966; Carter, 1967). The British Empire was interested in profiting from its colonies, therefore education focused around this and little was intended to benefit the local interests and allow them to prosper (White, 1996). However, colonial rulers became concerned that Ugandans were too enthusiastic for education, and their goal of the elusive ‘white collar job’; there was a mistrust that general education of Africans would make them misfits in society or politically dangerous (Beck, 1966; Furley & Watson,
1978). Missionary schools had also begun to break down due to lack of supervision and inspections, and geographical discrepancies were becoming increasingly obvious with the majority of schools in the Buganda Kingdom and Kampala (Beck, 1966). There was also mounting concern amongst colonial rulers and local leaders that the village schools were being taken over by local native clergy who were more focused on baptisms and confirmations than on education and literacy (Hanson, 2010; Ssekamwa, 1997).
137 The arrival of Sir Geoffrey Archer in 1922 led to considerable changes in the education system. A government education board was established with a Director of Education appointed.
The primary goal was to establish more schools in neglected regions and designate inspectors to ensure existing schools were meeting the needs of locals (White, 1996; Windel, 2009). They instilled a uniform classification system of the schools and restructured the curricula to include agriculture, industrial training, hygiene, nature study and science (Furley & Watson, 1978). The focus on agriculture was to support the expansion of cotton production to increase profits for the
British Empire (White, 1996). While funding increased by 25% to missionary schools they also constructed colonial schools and trained a select few for colonial administration to cut down administrative costs for the empire (Whitehead, 1981). Unfortunately, while some of the curriculum was relevant, much more was focused on the needs and history of the missionary and colonial powers:
In Geography, the old Africans taught their children about the seasons of their year, about the form of the land where they were, the flora and fauna, and about their lakes and rivers. On the other hand, the new Western teachers talked about the four fantastic European and American seasons of the year which are Spring, Summer, Autumn and Winter. They also taught them the coniferous trees in America, the Canadian plains, the Thames, the Mississippi, the Ganges and the Great Lakes of America. They did not know the Nile River as the second longest river in the world nor did they know Lake Victoria (Nalubaale) as the second largest fresh water lake in the world. (Ssekamwa, 1997, 22)
Whitehead (1981) argues that this heavy emphasis on European civilisation and knowledge was deliberately designed to promote inferiority and inadequacy in the minds of
Africans under colonial rule.
One of the biggest contentions with missionary and colonial education was the language barriers which further impeded locals (Leys, 1941). Initially, all teachings were in English, 138 however, missionary and colonial schools later changed the curriculum to be taught in vernacular until the third grade. The primary argument for this was that they felt students would learn better in their own vernacular; secondly, this would unify Ugandans (Carter, 1967). There was also persistent fear by colonial rulers and missionaries that if English speaking Ugandans grew in numbers they would be proud and therefore more difficult to control (Ssekamwa, 1997). The unfortunate outcome of this was that most children did not remain in school until the third grade and therefore would never learn English, leaving them at a great disadvantage.
Counter to this assertion of British dominance local teachers founded their own ‘private schools’ beginning in 1925 (Furley & Watson, 1978; Windel, 2009). Similar to village schools, they filled the gap where education was failing local needs (similar to the situation today).
English was taught from the first grade and focused on more practical curriculum and less on mathematics, geography, etc. Local teachers were also frustrated with graduates from missionary and colonial schools seeking work with the government or companies owned by the Asians (who despised them) (Ssekamwa, 1997). In interviews conducted with the pioneers of these private schools they explained that they were “annoyed at seeing Ugandan graduates from schools going to look for jobs in the Indian shops, and they said that an education which made a person to seek jobs in the establishment of another person in the presence of so many opportunities for making things, was meant for making Ugandans slaves” (Ssekamwa, 1997, 98).
Colonial powers were not concerned with these schools, which they believed would almost immediately fail due to the huge costs and management required to run them (Furley &
Watson, 1978). However, during the Second World War (1939-45) these schools flourished, for numerous reasons, but primarily because education funding was drastically cut by the empire and redirected to war efforts, and most missionaries returned home to help (Ibingira, 1973).
139 Furthermore, (an estimated) 100,000 Ugandan soldiers returned home from the war with some small savings which many put toward education78 (Killingray, 2010). After the war the rising prices of crops also provided increased income for farmers. Lastly, these schools flourished during this period because Governor John Hall, appointed to Uganda from 1945–50, had little interest in education (Watson & Furley, 1978). He was disappointed in the attitudes of Ugandan children who despised working on the land so much that they saw school simply as the easier option. Ssekamwa (1997, 147) quotes Governor Hall: “Teachers have failed to eradicate the belief that physical labour is socially degrading. Formal primary education makes the youth of
Uganda hate to participate in productive work which requires physical exertion, considering themselves to have automatically joined the ranks of those who order others to work”. During his time as governor little was constructed, improved upon, or funded in education provision (Furley
& Watson, 1978; Windel, 2009).
Fortunately, his successor, Governor Sir Andrew Cohen, was much more enthusiastic about education and believed it necessary for Uganda’s impending independence (Windel,
2009). In 1952 Cohen established a new structure for the education system which allowed more variance in curriculum (including farm schools, rural trade schools, and home craft centres)
(Furley & Watson, 1978; Ssekamwa, 1997). He also expanded many existing schools to allow for increased attendance, improved education quality by increasing scholastic materials in the classroom, and restructured the teacher training colleges which allowed more to attend with increased quality (Windel, 2009). Governor Hall believed that by increasing the education of many Ugandans it would allow them to take up the positions of responsibility when the country gained independence (Furley & Watson, 1978).
78 More than half a million African troops served with British forces between 1939 and 1945; 300,000 of them with the King’s African Rifles from Uganda, Tanzania, Kenya and Malawi (Killingray, 2010). 140 Education after Independence
Immediately after independence the newly elected President Milton Obote emphasized the need to focus on education in order to meet development needs (Mittleman, 1975). Initially, priority was given to secondary education to better develop human resources (Oketch &
Rolleston, 2007). A UNESCO sponsored conference in Addis Ababa in 1961 brought together the leaders of Uganda, Kenya, and Tanzania where they identified ignorance and illiteracy as key issues to be addressed for their newly independent countries, which would be achieved through primary education. “Consequently, access to primary education immediately became synonymous with development and its provision preoccupied the three governments” (Oketch &
Rolleston, 2007, 133). Furthermore, the expansion of education increased access to those who had been previously excluded by colonial and missionary schools. Unfortunately, while this did lift many of the social barriers to education, others were still excluded because they could not afford the fees (Stasavage, 2005). During this time the three governments worked together to establish a more cohesive education system since the only tertiary education institution in the region was the University of East Africa at Makerere and they needed to ensure access for citizens of all three countries79 (Furley & Watson, 1978). Uganda increased enrolment rates by
166%, however, this was not a great achievement compared to Kenya which reached 327% and
Tanzania 523% (Oketch & Rolleston, 2007, 135). Uganda’s progress was short lived (and crippled) by the brutal regimes of Milton Obote and Idi Amin:
The education system suffered the effects of economic decline and political instability during the 1970s and 1980s. The system continued to function, however, with an administrative structure based on regional offices, a national school inspectorate, and centralized, nationwide school examinations. Enrolments and
79 The education structure established remains the same today: seven years of Primary (with students passing the Primary Leaving Examination [PLE]); six years of Secondary (4 lower and 2 upper). 141 expenditures increased steadily during this time reflecting the high priorities Ugandans attach to education, but at all levels, the physical infrastructure necessary for education was lacking, and the quality of education declined. School maintenance standards suffered, teachers fled the country, morale and productivity deteriorated along with real incomes, and many facilities were damaged by warfare and vandalism (Byrnes, 1990).
Any gains in education made during this period were further eroded by Structural
Adjustment Programs (SAPs) implemented by World Bank (WB) and International Monetary
Fund (IMF) in the early 1980s. These economic development strategies mandated the reduction of the role of the state, forcing the market to determine economic activities and policies. For education this meant cost-sharing initiatives and privatisation which placed further burden on poverty stricken parents (Higgins & Rwanyange, 2005). This, however, was not new for
Ugandan parents who throughout the political turmoil of the 1970s and 80s were financially meeting more than 50% of the education burden; this figure rose to nearly 90% of recurrent and capital expenditure for primary education in the 1990s (Oketch &Rolleston, 2007, 144).
The Poster Child of Universal Primary Education (UPE) ...and the Failure to Educate
It was not until President Museveni took power in 1986 that education returned to the forefront of government focus and investment. The Education Policy Review Commission
(EPRC) was established in 1987 and in 1989 the Universal Primary Education recommendation was put forward (Higgins & Rwanyange, 2005). Preparations for UPE began in 1993 which integrated teacher and management development, curriculum reform, redevelopment of instructional materials and new formats for progress reporting (Grogan, 2008).
142 Museveni campaigned for re-election in 1996 on the UPE platform, promising primary education for the first four children of every family (two of which would be girls)80. The framework would institute automatic promotions from year to year of all pupils regardless of achievement and establish national standards of 55 pupils per teacher/per classroom, and one book per pupil (McGee, 2000). Furthermore, the government would commit partial construction costs and parents/households are expected to meet the remaining construction and maintenance costs, as well as school meals (McGee, 2000). Prior to the election the Constituent Assembly of
Uganda had repeatedly rejected the proposal for free primary education (Stasavage, 2005). Lewis
(2005) contends that Museveni was pressured by Stephen Lewis (then the UNAIDS Envoy) and the director of the Red Cross International. Furthermore, he embraced UPE in exchange for the
HIPC Initiatives (Heavily Indebted Poor Countries) funding by the World Bank (Mijumbi, 2001;
Stasavage, 2005).
Upon successful re-election the implementation of UPE began in 1997 and education funding increased dramatically to 26.8% of the 1998/99 national budget, up from 19% in
1995/96 (World Bank, 2007, 19). By 2000 Museveni’s government was so committed to UPE that 66% of the education budget went towards primary education, this allocation was matched by international and multinational agencies (Oketch & Rolleston, 2007, 150).
The majority of the new found education funding was put in to school construction and teacher training (Juuko & Kabonesa, 2007; Uganda MoES, 2001). Little went in to
80 Known as the UPE Capitation Grant: “The GoU pays for the costs of tuition fees and basic school operational costs, at an annual rate of Ush5000 per pupil for classes P1 to P3 and Ush8100 per pupil for classes P4 to P7. These expenditures are in addition to the contribution that GoU already makes in the payment of teachers’ salaries, the provision of instructional materials, the construction of schools facilities and, in some cases, the construction of teachers’ houses” (Penny et al., 2008, 276). 143 curriculum development or infrastructure within the school walls81. There was a secondary focus on primary curriculum implemented between 2000 and 2002 concentrating on the four core subjects (language, mathematics, social studies and science). Penny et al. (2008, 272) argue that this did not pay sufficient attention to listening, speaking, reading, and writing skills – and particularly no transferable skills. One very positive investment in UPE was a massive publicity campaign for girls education, and opposing early marriage which resulted in equal attendance of girls in school (Deininger, 2003; Nashimura et al., 2008).
In 2000 UPE was made available to every child (no longer restricted to four per family);
Primary school enrolment increased from 2.9 million in 1996 to 7.3 million in 2003 (Kisira,
2008). Unfortunately, UPE schools have not been able to absorb the massive influx of students and the strain on teachers and infrastructure. In essence, quality has been sacrificed for quantity.
McGee (2000) points out that there is a vital distinction between the attainment of universal enrolment and the universal provision of education – even more challenging is sustaining it over time. Although every child now has access to the classroom few are receiving an education. A
2010 report released by the Uganda National Examinations Board (UNEB) on the National
Assessment of Progress in Education (NAPE) revealed that “Primary Six pupils were not able to tell time on hour and minutes, read a story and comprehend, and subtract fractions”
(Ahimbisibwe, 2011).
Furthermore, since the UPE policy only subsidizes tuition fees many direct and indirect costs remain such as uniforms (mandatory), school supplies, text books, and examination fees.
This is a cost many parents cannot afford and frequently have to pull their children out of school
81 Easterly (2006) argues that the return on spending on instructional materials in education is up to fourteen times higher than the return on spending on physical facilities, but donors favour the more observable school buildings than textbooks. 144 until they can pay the fees. Deininger (2003) and Nishimura et al. (2008) contend these secondary or private costs of UPE prevent parents from sending their children to school. The estimated cost of these fees per pupil is 41,800 shillings or US$21 per year (Deininger, 2003). In
2009 the total fertility rate for Ugandan woman was 6.3 children, and with an average annual income of US$1,100, this places great strains on families (UNICEF, 2010). Kasente’s (2003, 5) study of gender and education in Uganda revealed that monetary costs were the primary reason for 57.9% of boys and 51.3% of girls to drop out of primary school; the second cause was the child’s perception that they had enough education for 28.2% of boys and 20.9% of girls.
Another outcome has been the dismal passing rates due to high student teacher ratios
(50:1), high student to textbook ratios (3:1), high student to classroom ratios (79:1) and even greater repetition rates – in 2007 fifteen percent of primary students repeated a grade (Uganda
MoES, 2008). A New Vision journalist, Conan Businge, exposed the alarming rates in an April
2010 article with recent findings from UNESCO which found that only 25 students out of every
100 who joined Primary One in 1999 had reached Primary Seven by 2006 – the lowest rate in
East Africa82. Furthermore, he made public that:
In a different study by the Uganda Government, on average at primary school level, half the pupils who enrol in Primary One do not complete Primary Seven in the set time-frame. For instance, records at the education ministry show that only 444,019 pupils sat for the Primary Leaving Examination last year, out of the 890,997 who enrolled in 2003. Thus a total of 446,978 either dropped out or repeated a class (Businge, 2010).
Nakanyike et al. (2003, 42) interviewed children in sixteen Uganda primary schools and found that 59.8% repeated a grade due to poor performance in examinations, 11% due to their parents’ decision, and 6.1% failed to take the examinations. The high rate of 59.8% due to poor
82 New Vision is Uganda’s leading daily newspaper publication. 145 academic performance reflects the poor quality of education. However, in the same study community members tended to blame the children (the victims) believing that rampant absenteeism was the primary cause (12.5% of boys and 18.9% of girls), followed by poor academic performance (boys 12.5%, girls 16.2%), and pupils do not value education (boys 8.3%, girls 16.2%) (Nakanyike et al., 2003, 44).
The World Bank (2007, 22) is quick to point the blame locally, and also on low levels of understanding:
Participation of local leaders and communities in the UPE programme is still limited; which impacts negatively on its sustainability. Enlisting genuine interest, motivation and participation of parents, local leaders and communities requires greater efforts in raising awareness and building local capacities through sensitisation.
This completely arrogant and dismissive attitude of the WB assumes that parents do not want their children receive an education, do not appreciate the value of it. Nakanyike et al.’s
(2003) study exposes that community leaders and parents are very interested in education and concerned with high drop-out rates which have high costs to the community. “Their biggest concern is that school dropouts destabilize communities through delinquent behaviour and early marriage” (3). Mike et al. (2008, 2) explains the greater concern that “these individual-level consequences of primary school dropouts are perilous to national development by undermining national human capital development efforts”. The Ugandan MoES (2001, 18) believes that parents are very interested in their children’s education:
Times have now changed. Schools are going to rely a great deal more on community participation. Parents are more enlightened and are becoming more vocal, demanding a hearing about the methods of teaching and the content their children are learning. Parents are becoming more watchful about how the fees are being spent. They are knocking at the door, seeking audience with school officials. They are asking for ways that they can help improve the quality of Education their children receive. 146
McGee (2000, 102) argues that “in Uganda the general perception is that education quality has fallen not because of drastic contradictory measures, but because of the UPE policy itself and weakness in preparing for and sequencing its implementation”. Nishimura et al.’s
(2008, 173) research of UPE in Uganda argues that part of the problem may be blamed on the incentives put in place by the Ugandan MoES. Every UPE school is provided a capitation grant based on the number of pupils and they argue that under this financing scheme it is more profitable to encourage students to repeat grades, and potentially this incentive is strong enough for schools to worsen internal efficiency. Furthermore, there have been allegations of UPE having ‘ghost pupils’ of both students and teachers in order to secure more grant money.
President Museveni set up a commission in 2009 to investigate these ‘ghost pupils’ and inquire into the efficiency of using enrolment numbers in the capitation grants to school. Finding were expected within six months, however, three years later, at a cost of USh6 billion (CAD$2.6 million), there is yet to be one report produced (Bogere & Kakaire, 2012). Kalinaki (2012) challenges the notion of student subsidies from a different perspective, that UPE took away incentives for students and parents.
While UPE lowered the barrier by eliminating school fees, it did not provide incentives to either smart students, inspired parents or hardworking teachers. Parents who had previously worked hard in their coffee shambas to take their kids to school and give them an advantage had no need to after the entire village kids crowded into local school. Smart kids saw no need to work exceptionally hard after exams and pass marks were ‘dumbed down’ so that all could pass to the next level. And teachers? They got more kids in class without extra pay and found solace and survival in moonlighting.
Kennedy (2000, 202) explains that the failures of UPE are further exacerbated in rural areas:
147 In 1997, for example, out of 211,749 pupils who sat for primary leaving examination, about 166,667 (or 78.7%) passed at least one of the four subjects. The rest failed all four subjects. Of those who failed all four subjects, about 90% were from rural schools.
Kasente’s (2003) case study for the EFA monitoring report revealed the primary reason for not attending was ‘school too far’. Most students, particularly in rural communities, have no access to public transit and must walk to school, often several kilometres, which can be very detrimental to their education. Juuko & Kabonesa’s (2007, 43) study of UPE schools in Mpigi
District, Uganda, revealed the disparities and inequalities students face when they have long distances to travel in order to attend83:
The distance affects them, mostly when it rains. Sometimes they can reach school when they are tired and cannot concentrate. Some if partially weak decide not to go to school because of the distance factor with a feeling that they may not make it to school. Girls on their way to school get disturbed by idle men and boys. So before they finish their journey to the school, they have already been disturbed as some do not reach school and those who do are already exhausted.
Once the school day is over students must then make the long, exhaustive, daily, journey back home and attempt to do homework, as well as chores such as working in the fields, cooking and taking care of siblings. The issue of safety for girls travelling to school is also an ongoing one and can lead to higher rates of girls dropping out (Juuko & Kabonesa, 2007). This distance to travel is not only burdensome on the students but parents too. Communication with teachers and parents’ ability to monitor their children’s progress is very difficult when they have to forego a day of work in order to visit the school. Kasozi (1994) adds to this that subsistence living in
83 In 1989, the Education Policy Commission recommended the location of schools to be within 4km access to students. 148 many rural communities worsens income disparities and makes it increasingly difficult for parents to pay school fees. A parent from Mpigi District explains:
School fees can be a problem because some of us are peasants and when it is not the season of harvesting we fail to raise money for scholastic materials and fees. Moreover in the village they make us pay a lot. So the UPE program is not helping us (Juuko & Kabonesa, 2007, 42).
Finally, the distance, or remoteness, of many rural schools makes it very difficult to secure teachers who do not want to move their families – nor do they want to be that far away from them, especially those with children (Ndangano, 2011).
The Victims of HIV/AIDS: Teachers and Students
The education system has been furthered crippled by the HIV/AIDS pandemic which has taken the lives of thousands of teachers and their families. Uganda has lost an estimated 14,900 teachers to AIDS (Bennell et al., 2002, 99). Globally, it is estimated that it costs more than US$1 billion to train new teachers and account for the loss to education systems. Estimates indicate that a teacher loses about six months of work before they develop full blown AIDS and then experience another 18 months of increased disability before they can no longer work (Gachuhi,
1999).
149 HIV prevalence grows
Teacher deaths rise, teaching Public budget for health and quiality fails, and AIDS and educa on dry up out-of-school yout increases
Illiteracy expands, skilled workforce Economic growth declines shrinks, and human capital deteriorates
Country's ability to compete in the knowledge economy suffers
Figure 21 The Vicious Cycle of HIV/AIDS and Education. (National Academy of Public Administration, 2006, 3) Figure 21 illustrates how the AIDS epidemic perpetuates the cycle of poverty and further cripples education in developing countries. Deininger’s (2003, 296) study of UPE in Uganda revealed that in 1999 only 14.4% of orphans in the country were attending school. A study carried out in regions particularly hard hit revealed that 19 out of 20 students had been absent from school ranging from five weeks to one and a half terms over the span of a year (Gachuhi,
1999). The absenteeism was explained by lack of school fees or caring for a dying parent or caregiver at home. Even if they are able to return to school once their care giver has passed
Grogan’s (2008) research revealed that students who start school after the age of eight have far less chance of completing. Furthermore, the frequency with which they are pulled out of school was directly reflected in their likeliness to repeat a grade or drop out.
150 Hunter’s (1990) study of orphans in Uganda addressed the huge burden placed on grandparents [the majority grandmothers] to raise their grandchildren, often lacking any source of income to feed and clothe them, leaving little-to-no money for school fees. Figure 22 shows a picture of Teresa, an 83 year old grandmother who is raising all 24 of her grandchildren since her five children all died of AIDS84.
Figure 22 Teresa and her youngest grandchildren (Skett, 2005)
A grandfather [mzee in Lugandan] raising his fourteen grandchildren (four of his six sons died of HIV/AIDS related illness) explains the challenges:
The “Mzee” states, “my sons died from AIDS. I have to stay with my grandchildren in this poverty. I nurture them, yet I also often fall sick. I am having a difficult task raising and educating my grandchildren. I cannot cope. There is old age, sickness, feeding, and above all, school. It is a challenge. I have to look for school fees, yet at the same time I look for food” (Kakooza & Kimuna, 2005, 75).
Of even greater concern are the orphans who have lost their entire family and have no one to take care of them. Ntozi & Zirimenya (1999) explain the harsh reality that some extended
84 Not all grandchildren are shown, only the youngest ones who are not able to work/earn an income or attend school. The 24 grandchildren range from one year old to twenty years old. 151 families and care givers cannot handle the challenge of taking in these children and they are forced to take care of themselves. Lloyd (2008) claims that every 14 seconds a child headed household is formed in sub-Saharan Africa. There are thousands of children raising their siblings, none of whom will likely ever attend school. Ghosh & Kalipeni (2004) warn that these orphans will likely lose their inheritance and home, forcing them to migrate to urban centers and become street kids. They will endure malnutrition, face social stigma, and their lack of education will force them into the informal economy – some may even become involved in crime and prostitution (Van Blerk, 2005; Young, 2004).
There are countless factors which have contributed to the disappointments and failures of
UPE and education in Uganda and now there is a re-emerging trend which is capturing the interest of parents, particularly in rural and peri-urban communities.
Low-cost Private Schools
A Ugandan Community School
High above the rift valley in the foothills of the Rwenzori Mountains, lies the village of Nyakabingo. On the top of the hills stands a Catholic church and a small private school called Nyakabingo Infant Modern School. It occupies a half-built set of dusty rooms with-out floors and looks down on a large, well-built, fully-staffed government primary school no more than 400 metres away. The private school was started as a nursery school by the church community. The teachers are all untrained unemployed youth from the village. Gradually the schools added the first and then the second year of primary school. As of 2007, it offered grade 4 and plans to offer the full cycle. Parents pay a fee for their child to attend. The teachers use English in class, even though their command of the language is weak. The pupils can manage a few words of this foreign tongue, but a whole sentence is beyond them. Nonetheless, it is enough to persuade some parents that they are getting a better education than down the road at the government school. The head teacher, a man in his twenties, has a dream that the school will one day be taken on by the government and that he might be taken for training. He could then swap his current meagre and unpredictable income for a civil servant’s salary. (Phillipson, 2008, 8)
152
What has now emerged, with steadily growing numbers, are low-cost private schools
(LCPS) initiated by local community members to fill the gaps left by UPE schools. These schools differ from the traditional notion of a private school in which attendance is very exclusive and tuition exceptionally high (often international schools). LCPSs differ in their ownership, they are not government owned or funded so they are reliant on school fees as their primary source of income. In many cases it is not the lack of UPE schools in their communities but that parents are not seeing the benefit of having their children attend with the high repetition and drop-out rates. Kisira (2008, 137) defines these schools by their relatively affordable fees in relation to their locality (ranging from USh15,000 to USh28,000 a year (CAD$7 to CAD$13)); and that they are usually within 1-2km of a government school.
Figures 23 & 24 show the number of primary schools by ownership in 2007 and 200885:
Primary School by Ownership 2007 5.80% 1.20% 13.80% Government Private Community
79.10% Not Reported
Figure 23 Primary Schools by Ownership 2007 (Uganda Ministry of Education and Sports, 2007, [Annual School Census])
85 It is important to note that the MoES refers to Private Schools in this data which are registered and were not constructed or funded by the government – so this figure will include both the excusive, high tuition fee schools and those low-cost private schools. ‘Not Reported’ are those schools which the government knows are in place but they failed to return their required information – most likely because they are not registered and don’t wish too since they cannot afford it. 153 Primary School by Ownership 2008 10.90% 3.80% Government 11.40% Private Community
73.80% Not Reported
Figure 24 Primary Schools by Ownership 2008 (Uganda Ministry of Education and Sports, 2008, [Annual School Census])
Kisira (2008) argues that the number of private and community schools may be much higher in their numbers the costs of registering a school (required by the government) are beyond the means of many of them. Indeed, this is where we see the soar in schools which were ‘not reported’ from 1.2% in 2007 up to 10.9% in 2008 – this is where the low-cost private and community schools are emerging. The cost of registration may also explain the slight decline in private and community schools. Also important to note is the drop in government schools from
79.1% to 73.8% in just one year.
LCPSs schools have very little start-up funding and often rely on the support (both financial and physical) of community members86. Often they do not have enough money to construct all classrooms initially, or even the necessary materials for permanent classrooms
(Figure 25). A common practice is to build the first few rooms for Nursery and Primary one and then with each new year (as money permits) to construct another classroom for the new students of Primary two, and so on, for the next year. Figure 26 offers pictures of these schools in
86 Parents and community members will help making and laying bricks, cutting down timber for infrastructure and desks, as well as contribute food from their own land to feed teachers and students. 154 Uganda, many do not have windows, or sturdy roofs, and others are simply benches and a chalkboard underneath a tree.
Figure 25 Low-cost private schools in Uganda (Skett, 2005; 2010)
There are a variety of LCPSs and Phillipson (2008) argues that these schools have been set up, and are owned, by individuals for the purpose of making profit; however, this definition also incorporates schools which are founded by communities or run by religious or charitable bodies. Many of the low-cost private schools in Uganda make (subsistence) profits, but many others do not and are unable to pay their rent and teacher’s salaries, and yet still find a way to provide education to hundreds of children in their communities.
155 LCPSs charge [relatively] low fees and parents believe their children will receive a better education since there are fewer students per class, less frequent teacher absenteeism (since many are members of the community), all curriculum is taught in English87, breakfast and lunch are provided (in theory), and parents can have much more involvement in their children’s education
(Phillipson, 2008). By 2003, due to the government’s mass funding of teacher training (in 2000), there was a surplus of teachers which facilitated the growth of these schools (Kisira, 2008). That said, however, often many of the teachers in these schools do not have their full teaching certification, or have a lesser qualification, and teach at the school because they are members of the community and their children attend the school. Figure 26 shows teacher qualifications in
Uganda. Those with less training or certification will start at LCPSs to gain experience in order to apply at government schools where they believe they will have a higher, guaranteed, salary.
Ndagano (2011) reveals that teachers in private schools often are not paid for months at a time but do not question their employers for fear of job loss; furthermore, that teachers in government schools are demanding a 100% salary increment.
87 In 2007 local vernacular was made mandatory for Primary 1 through Primary 3, it was believed this would preserve the traditional culture and allow children to learn other languages more easily (Ahabwe, 2011). This has been met with great resistance – particularly since many teachers are not from the region where they are teaching, textbooks are in English, and many young students find the transition particularly challenging.
156 Teachers by Qualifica on 4% 1% 2% 4% 3% 26% Primary + cert/Dip O' Level O' Level + Cert/Dip A' Level A' Level + Cert/Dip 59% Graduate
Figure 26 Teachers by Qualification (Uganda Ministry of Education, 2008 [School Census])
Providing Something with Nothing
While UPE built the classrooms and filled the seats it failed to provide an education. The following chapter discusses this growing trend of LCPSs with five case studies carried out in
Mukono District, Uganda, in 2010. These schools vary in their ownership (church based, private,
CBO) but they were all started by a local member of the community. Furthermore, these particular schools partner with The Real Uganda (TRU) which provides supplementary income and western volunteers which support these schools. This integrates with the emerging trend of voluntourism and how an unlikely partnership (or dependency) has developed. Phillipson (2008,
9) heeds a warning about these types of schools:
[t]hey may be behaving in a manner similar to an entrepreneur. However, there are important distinctions to make. In most cases they are able to draw on resources (including volunteers) above and beyond those generated from pupil fees. This makes it relatively easy to provide a superior service to government. Often such groups gradually exhaust their resources, their energy or their vision and ask for government to take on the running of their school or provide some partial support.
These schools are seen as superior with the presence of bzungu and their money, and the partnership has led to an unsustainable reliance on this income. However, none of the schools in
157 the case study have asked the government for support. The other concern, which Phillip does not address, is the impact that volunteers have in the schools on the other teachers and in the greater community.
Regardless of the risks, community members and leaders have dedicated their lives, and savings, to provide education for their communities and students they felt were desperately in need. None of these schools receive government aid or grant money and rely solely on the fees paid by parents (sometimes paid in kind) and the donations of current and former volunteers. In addition, these schools face many of the same hurdles as government schools such as lack of interest in education, student and teacher absenteeism, and difficulty in providing the curriculum. They are the growing trend in education provision, not just in Uganda but in many developing countries, and it is essential to understand their role in the Figure 27 Primary school chilldren in Uganda (Skett, 2010) development of education and communities, as well as to learn from them in order to better provide an education for a country so desperately in need
(Figure 27).
This chapter has shown the history of education in Uganda, and how the imposition of western ideologies has not benefitted the large majority of the population. Traditions and practices were lost in these communities. The adoption of western ideologies of education and curriculum has greatly crippled the quality of education, and the impeded many from even attending. LCPSs are providing a locally driven alternative to the western influenced government schools, an alternative which many parents seek out and support.
158
CHAPTER 6: LOW-COST PRIVATE SCHOOLS IN MUKONO DISTRICT:
FOUNDERS, TEACHERS & REALITIES
“Being from the village doesn’t mean you have no potential… the potential is within you” (V. Lutaisire, personal communication, March 3, 2010)
Community members with the principal goal to provide greater access to better quality education founded all the schools in this case study. They believe in the infinite value of education and know it to be the only way forward for their communities. They work in poverty stricken communities, with many single parents and orphans. The government funded UPE schools are far over capacity and children do not receive an adequate or quality education. The stories of how these low-cost private schools came to be are similar, as is the courage of all the founders. However, some have had greater success, particularly through their partnerships with
The Real Uganda (TRU) and the placement of western volunteers in their schools and communities. Others, unfortunately, have difficulty with parents and community members who misconstrue the support of western volunteers. This chapter will breakdown each of the LCPSs in this research and discuss how they operate, work with volunteers and benefit their communities.
These private schools differ in the grades offered, as well as the student body count and number of teachers at each site (Table 3):
159
School Grades Students Teachers Facilities Issues offered Hopeland Nursery – 120 5 5 classrooms (2 non- Do not offer all Junior School Primary 4 permanent primary grades; construction); need permanent latrines; teacher classrooms and housing more teaching materials Hope for Nursery – 375 10 8 classrooms (2 non- Need permanent Africa Primary 7 permanent classroom Children’s construction); construction Village kitchen; medical bay; latrines; teacher housing Nalusse Nursery – 270 10 8 classrooms; Do not own the Success Primary 7 latrines; kitchen; land and renting partial teacher one of the housing classroom blocks
PACE Primary Nursery – 76 4 4 classrooms; latrines Shared Primary 6 classrooms and teachers; theft of doors and window bars; need more outdoor space for students Buikwe Bright Nursery – 87 4 4 classrooms Shared Future Primary 4 classrooms and teachers; no latrines; rented building Grace Nursery – 170 6 6 classrooms; latrines No teachers Orphanage & Primary 7 present during Primary88 both site visits Table 3 Details of the schools in this case study (Skett, 2014)
88 This is a secondary research site 160 1. Hopeland Junior School
This school was the first school
(of two) started by YOFAFO (Youth
Focus Africa Foundation)89 founder and director Valence Lutaisire. His goal is reasonable: “Kids coming from the bush and getting something [education] the Figure 28 Students play in the yard of Hopeland Junior School (Skett, 2010) kids in Kampala get; to have the same level of teaching, learning, and scoring as the top schools in the capital city” (V. Lutaisire, personal communication, March 3, 2010).
The school is reached by a very narrow dirt path, overrun by banana trees, in the heart of the village; YOFAFO owns the land title (Figure 28). There are two other primary schools in the village – both government owned – one is very desolate and secluded, and the other overcrowded and run down.
Figure 29 The teachers of Hopeland Primary School and their (younger) children (Skett, 2010)
89 This NGO will be discussed in full in the next chapter 161 I asked teachers and parents why they choose to send their children to Hopeland where they have to pay fees, instead of UPE schools. They all answered that the government schools are ‘terrible’. Repeatedly they explain that the government schools are overcrowded, teachers never show up and their children often get sick (attributed to the lack of latrines and the sheer number of children crammed into each classroom)90. Student-teacher ratios at Hopeland are relatively low (24:1) and school fees are USh8,000 (CAD$4) per term (USh24,000 for the school year (CAD$12)).
YOFAFO pays the five teachers’ salaries with school fees; however, many students are often unable to pay so there are insufficient funds91. Interestingly, the teachers never mentioned this, most likely because it allows them to work in their community but also keep their younger children with them (Figure 29). In addition, all the teachers are either from Kitoola (or district) and feel a connection to the children, parents and guardians92. There is very little staff turnover at this school, which arguably contributes greatly to their success. They know every student, and their parents, and care for all of them as if they were their own.
90 There is a permanent latrine on site at Hopeland Junior School. 91 The teachers’ salaries are USh70,000 – 80,000/month (CAD$35 – CAD$40) depending on how long they’ve been at the school and their level of training, and they do not get paid during the school holiday/summer months of December and January. They also have on-site housing for the teachers during the school semester. 92 One day during my research I noticed one of their students would not walk on her toes, upon closer look I realized her toes were riddled with jiggers – a parasite that burrows under the nail beds and lay larvae. It is very painful and easily avoidable, simply by keeping feet clean and protected. I spoke with Stella and Prossy and they told me she lived with her grandmother who was very old and going blind so she wasn’t able to properly take care of her and provide for her. I asked what she needed to help clear up the situation and they gave me a list of (cheap) medical supplies that would clean and then clear it up. They simply did not have the means to purchase the supplies or even to go into town to pick them up. I brought in the supplies and they took care of her, by the next week her toes were almost completely healed – just in time for a pair of shoes I picked up for her at the market. What I found most remarkable about the situation was that they didn’t want to make a big situation out of it and embarrass her or draw attention to the situation – they handled it with such love and humility, it was heartwarming. 162 The Teachers of Hopeland Junior School
These women never really took a break for themselves; they were always with their students, even during class breaks – which meant interviews were often carried out with children jumping all over us. The stories of the teachers are summarized below.
1. Prossy Nabakooza (Headmistress)
Personal Information Prossy is 27 years old with three children (two boys aged 11 and 9, and a 2 year old girl). She grew up in Kitoola and feels very close ties to the community and the school. Her husband works several hours away – as a means to secure income for their family. She currently lives in the teacher housing at the school. Education Ziliconi Teachers Training College (Lugazi Campus). She attended for three years and received her Nursery Teaching Certificate. Prior Teaching She taught at both government schools in Kitoola: Central Experience Kitoola Primary (2002-04) and Kitoola Primary School (2004- 05). Current Teaching She is the Headmistress and Nursery teacher. Position Why they came to She rarely received pay from either government schools so when Hopeland Junior Valence opened Hopeland Primary School she immediately School applied for a position. She was also a member of YOFAFO at the time. Why they want to be She loves teaching, and being with the children. Furthermore, I a teacher believe her commitment to her community and YOFAFO fuelled her passion for her work. She has known Valence since they were children. Comments When asked about school fees she noted: “Parents don’t want their kids to look too ‘smart’ [i.e. nice shoes (or any shoes)] as well as nice clothing because then the school would think they had money and expect them to pay more school fees” (P. Nabakooza, personal communications, April 8, 2010)
163 Picture: Prossy teaching numbers to her Nursery class. Below: with her daughter (Skett, 2010)
2. Stella Nabachwa
Personal Information Stella is 24 years old and has a one year old son, she is not married. She was raised in Mukono with her father. She stays in the teacher housing at the school during the week but travels back to Mukono Town on weekends to stay with her sister. Education Saint Noah Teachers College, a 2 year certificate in Primary Education. Prior Teaching Kibiri Modern Primary School in Kampala (government school), Experience she taught primary 1 and 2 for 2 terms in 2004. Current Teaching Teaches Primary 1 and 2 at Hopeland Junior School. Position Why they came to She was brought to the school by Valence; she left her resume at Hopeland Junior St. Peters School in Lugazi where the headmaster passed it on to School Valence. She did not like living in Kampala and wanted to be close to her family; this way she could also live with them which would greatly ease her costs as a single mother. Why they want to be Stella laughed when I asked her this question, she then said
164 a teacher because it’s what she wanted to do, and she needed a job. Comments “We need shoes for students, textbooks (for each pupil because they use the teachers textbooks to read), drawing materials93 (slates), reading books, jigsaws”.
“It is hard to find money, we work hard” (S. Nabachwa, personal communication, April 8, 2010) Picture: Prossy with her class (as her son sleeps on her shoulder). Below with her son (Skett, 2010)
3. Scovia Nanuhenge
Personal Information Scovia is 20 years old; she is single and has no children. She grew up in Buikwe. Education Mukono YMCA where she completed her training in P1-P4 teaching of all subjects. Prior Teaching This is her first teaching experience. Experience Current Teaching Teaches Nursery. Position Why they came to Her father is friends with Valence and he contacted him to help Hopeland Junior his daughter find a job. School Why they want to be N/A a teacher Comments “We need learning materials, teaching materials (particularly
93 The nursery children practiced their artistic skills on the cement floor of their classroom, they use charcoal pieces from previous fires to draw on the cement, which is genius and resourceful! 165 English learning aids), and we need permanent classrooms for the ones that are still temporary”. (S. Nanuhenge, personal communication, March 30, 2010) Picture: Scovia with her students in their non-permanent classroom (Skett, 2010)
4. Anna Nalubwama
Personal Information Anna is 26 years old, she is married, and has two girls aged 6 and 2 years old. Her husband works in Najjimbe. Education Ziliconi Teachers Training College (Lugazi Campus). She attended for three years and received her Nursery Teaching Certificate. Prior Teaching First teaching job. Experience Current Teaching Nursery & baby class Position Why they came to Prossy sought her out at the teachers college (where she had also Hopeland Junior attended) and asked her to come to Hopeland Junior School. School Why they want to be She wants to work for her children and parents. a teacher Comments “We need permanent classrooms” (A. Nalubwama, personal communication, March 6, 2010) Picture: Anna (top left) with Baby class (Skett, 2010)
166 Observations
Although there is an obvious need for textbooks, lesson books, pens, art supplies, desks and chairs (as evidenced in the pictures), this school provides a very strong, structured education for its students. The teachers take immense pride in their jobs, and the school, evidenced by how hard they all work in class. I observed teachers in their classrooms several times a week, and do not feel they ‘put on a show’ while I was there. The students are incredibly bright and passionate about (and desperate for) their own education94. None of the teachers mentioned that they need better pay or work conditions, rather all their needs are focused on the students and the school95.
Throughout the research period there was one British volunteer [Lyn Relph] at the school for three weeks; I accompanied her twice to observe her participation. She spent most of her time with Prossy and Anna in the Nursery and Baby class to help the children color, read and write numbers. Her limited time did not allow her to fully immerse herself in teaching, but the young children loved having her there and Prossy and Anna were grateful for the help (there were about
50 children between the two classes96). Since their partnership with TRU the school has hosted ten volunteers (who stayed from two weeks to six months).
94 My experience from being in Uganda (both in 2005 and 2010) was that children believe in the value of their education – often more so than some parents – and want it more than anything else in life. Even for those who don’t have a permanent home, or access to safe water, school is their number one priority. Even when I found children working during the day they said they were doing it so they could go back to school. [At the school where I volunteered in 2005] teachers were often absent and their students would hang out the classroom door begging the volunteers as they walked by to come into their classroom and teach them. “Please Madam, come to our classroom, we wish to learn” was what I heard on an almost daily basis. I would often think about as a child how school seemed like more of a punishment than an opportunity and we would find any excuse to get out of it. When we speak of ‘first world problems’ this is often the one I feel most guilty about. 95 All the teachers also commented on my Dictaphone when I first tried to carry out interviews, that I had such ‘fancy things’ and it made me increasingly aware of how lucky we are, and how little these woman have to work with. I quickly stopped using my Dictaphone and took interview notes by hand. 96 These children were as young as two years old, their mothers needed to work so their youngest would accompany older siblings to the school. Many of these were not yet ‘potty trained’ and would wet themselves in class, or often cry or upset easily because they were such a young age. However, one of my favorite moments was Prossy leading all the children in singing and dancing to a nursery rhyme called “Mother Goose” [unfortunately I cannot provide the video in this written document]! 167 I wandered the village to get a sense of the community and realized the poverty of the majority. Several residents are elderly and have little land to grow food. Many of the houses are constructed of mud walls; a few are constructed of concrete with metal roofs, and only a few have electricity. Few speak English so I did not have many conversations; there were in fact very few people around to speak with – something very unusual for a Ugandan community. Most men leave the community in search of work in larger urban centers, many women work in the surrounding fields – and the elders stay in their homes, too weak to come out. There is also the sad reality that this community has a large number of orphans with few relatives to take care of them.
Valence, and the teachers, repeatedly stress their desire for the school to grow (at the time of fieldwork) which only offers [up to] Primary 4. For this reason there are currently no passing rates of the Primary Leaving Exam (PLE). Valence has big dreams and high hopes: “I have seen the power of it… the vision – sometimes I talk like I already have the money, I get ahead of myself!” (V. Lutaisire, personal communication, March 3, 2010). Within the next three to four years this school will proudly boast primary graduates. What I found very interesting, as well as puzzling, is that YOFAFO’s second school, The Hope for Africa Children’s School, offers
Primary 7 even though it was started two years after Hopeland Junior School97.
97 I believe it is because they have had more volunteers at Hope for Africa Children’s Village which has secured more donations to build the school. Furthermore, money withheld (US$15,000) by a former American volunteer from the Peace Corps is explained in the next chapter – money which was intended for further construction of Hopeland Junior School. 168
2. Hope for Africa Children’s Village
Valence started this [second] primary school, under the umbrella and funding of
YOFAFO, in 200798. He was given eight acres of land by a community elder or “Elsie” (who owned the rights to it); he has also been offered an adjacent piece of land to start a secondary Figure 31 Entrance of the school (Skett, 2010) school when he is ready – something that Valence is very excited about. This school is much larger than Hopeland Junior School, in both land and classrooms. There is also more staff including a headmaster, ten teachers, and a cook; and 375 students from Nursery to Primary 799.
This school is very remote and provides the only education for several kilometres in each direction. This large piece of land allows students more space to run freely (with plans to build a soccer pitch) and plenty of room for the Figure 30 Parents Day (Skett, 2010)
98 This school is also referred to as the Najja Children’s Village on the YOFAFO website (YOFAFO, 2012) 99 In 2013 their student body has grown to 450. 169 school to grow (Figure 30)100. A dormitory for the Primary 7 students is under construction as well as another block of classrooms101.
This school maintains a high prominence in the region, not only because Valence is the director, but because there are often many bzungu (up to 20 annually) at the school although, at the time of research, there were no volunteers at this school102. A visit on Parents Day (Figure
31), where parents would view the students’ work and grades, meet with their teachers and see their progress, was interesting to observe103. During my three hours at the school I spoke with about 10 parents and 4 grandparents104. One man I spoke with had three children enrolled, and was so proud that his children were at this school. I got the impression that their home was a fair distance away but he saw the value for his children to commute – he informed me (with a very proud smile on his face) that all three of his children were in the ‘top ten’ of their respective classes (Figure 32 shows the postings).
Figure 32 Students' standings are posted for Parents Day (Skett, 2010)
100 It is important to note that many low-cost private, or NGO, schools set up on whatever small plots of land they can afford or are given to them. Often they are not easily accessible by road and offer little space beyond the classrooms. 101 Valence explained to me that Primary 7 is so demanding on students and in order to ensure their successful passing of the Primary Leaving Exam (PLE) the students did much better when they did not have to return home for chores and could continue their studies in to the evening. He also said this kept students much more focused. 102 Bzungu is the plural of Mzungu. 103 During this day the headmaster was set up in the middle of the courtyard for parents to pay the school fees for the next semester; I believe this may have been the reason there was not a strong presence of parents – many did not have the money to pay the fees that day 104 Many did not speak English so it was not easy to speak with them. 170
During school visits there was not as much time with the teachers in their classrooms as with other sites (primarily because it took so long to travel there and the rainy season kept me away for several weeks). Headmaster Benon does a great job to keep the teachers motivated and the students on track with the curriculum (although they do have the highest student-teacher ratio of the sites (38:1)).
Benon alluded to the major difficulties the school faces. The greatest reason was overcoming parent’s perceptions about their children’s education and attendance105.
Students are not around for a while and then all of a sudden they re-appear… especially those in the lower classes because the P5, P6, P7’s they all know they have to be in school. But these young ones where you have the parents who decide, they tell you, when you ask ‘where have you been?’ – they tell you mom has been gone somewhere so I was just at home. You know, they always have excuses which some things you have nothing to do about, because that is the attitude. But our goal is to make school more enjoyable to them so that they become very active. (B. Mwesigwa, personal communication, March 16, 2010)
Benon went on to explain that many parents do not have education beyond P3 and fail to appreciate its value. They were raised in a generation when girls marry early and children should stay home to help with the harvest; if it rains they are also “conditioned” to stay home. He revealed that children are sometimes kept home to help prepare food when relatives visit or if the neighbors have a party they stay back to help106. In order to overcome this they host the parents
105 This may also be another reason for the low attendance on Parents Day. It was also difficult to see the children who awaited their parents anxiously (wanting to show them how well they were doing) and seeing their hearts break when they never arrived. Others also expressed disappointment that their parents simply could not come due to work, distance or both. 106 I had the privilege of being a bride’s maid for my house mother’s sister’s wedding, nearly 400 people from their village showed up and the women and children had been preparing food for three days to feed them all. 171 at the school as often as possible, and communicate to them that the more their child is absent the more difficulty they will have passing their exams.
The Teachers of Hope for Africa Children’s Village
Since the school is disciplined in their schedule, I travelled there on Saturdays with the hope of catching as many teachers as possible. I spoke with five since the rest had travelled home to be with their families for the weekend107.
1. Tusuubira Benon Mwesigwa (a.k.a. Benon) – Headmaster
Personal Information He is 27 years old and plans to marry in a few months. His fiancé lives in Kampala and he is hoping to find a way that he can continue to work at the school once they are married. Born in Rwanda (his father was Rwandan) and stayed there for the first years of his childhood then moved to Masaka, Uganda with his mother (who is Ugandan). Education Masaka Teachers College and hoping to complete his education degree at Makerere University (time and finances permitting) Prior Teaching Taught at an International School in Uganda from 2007 to 2010 Experience Current Teaching Headmaster Position Why they came to Met Valence through a friend and he signed him to a one year Hope for Africa contract as headmaster, although this first year has passed and he Children’s Village has stayed on Why they want to be The love of teaching and helping children a teacher Comments “It’s only marriage that can take me away from here – but I’m trying to convince her [his fiancé] to let me stay!” (B. Mwesigwa, personal communication, March 16, 2010)
107 Many of the teachers were often looking to see where Benon was throughout our interviews which were conducted outside (while lightly raining) – Benon determined the location. 172 Picture: Benon stands outside his office (Skett, 2010)
2. Woka Achileo Kiwanuka
Personal Information He is 24 years old and single. Education Kapchorwa Primary Teachers College Prior Teaching Mbale Primary School (government school) Experience Current Teaching P5 Science, P4 Science & Math; P3 Mathematics Position Why they came to His mom lives in the area so he came looking for job; he now Hope for Africa has a contract to stay here. “Here they’re teaching children Children’s Village better, it has become so hard to teach at government schools” Why they want to be “I had the spirit of teaching and wanted to give education like I a teacher had” Comments He explained to me that people are more serious at private schools where they have to pay fees. “Here they know why they come to school. They work hard and pay school fees. Government schools are full so no one cares”. (W. Kiwanuka, personal communication, April 3, 2010)
He also noted that the notoriety of the school in the community meant that more and more parents were bringing their children here and they were starting to run out of room.
3. Esther Nabulya
Personal Information She is 29 years old and has a 3 year old daughter; she was raised in Kisowera, Mukono District Education Mukono YMCA 2 year Nursery Certificate
173 Prior Teaching Cranes Prepatory in Mukono, a private school which she left Experience because they were not paying her Current Teaching Nursery Position Why they came to Just started this term, was referred to Valence and Benon Hopeland Junior through a friend who put them in touch School Why they want to be Felt it was her best chance to get a job a teacher Comments “Teachers get little money which interferes with teachers to carry out their job. There are enough schools” (E. Nabulva, personal communication, April 3, 2010) Picture: Nursery Class dancing for their guest (me) (Skett, 2010)
4. Annette Mirembe Personal Information She is 26 years old, married with no children (her husband Moses is a builder). She is from Kyindi in Central Uganda. Education Nagalam Islamic Teachers College with Primary Teaching Certificate (2004) Prior Teaching N/A Experience Current Teaching This is her first teaching job, she has taught baby class for three Position years Why they came to Valence brought her here through friends Hope for Africa Children’s Village Why they want to be N/A a teacher Comments “There are not enough textbooks and not enough classes” (A. Mirembe, personal communication, April 3, 2010). She also noted that some schools don’t pay.
174 5. Agnes Tibesigwa
Personal Information She is 22 years old and single. She is from Bugiri District. Education St. Paul Teachers College Kayunga, received her Primary Teaching Certificate Prior Teaching N/A Experience Current Teaching P5 & P4: Social Sciences and English Position Why they came to N/A Hope for Africa Children’s Village Why they want to be She wanted a job so came here to apply last May a teacher Comments She seemed very timid to speak with me and did not wish to say anything ill about the school, she would simple say “yes, it is good”.
6. Annette Nekesa
Personal Information She is 26 years old and has a 4 year old daughter. She is from Lwangosia Village, Bugiri District. Education Bishop Wally’s Teachers College Tganga Prior Teaching She was teaching at the school in her village for two years Experience previous Current Teaching P1 & P2: Science, Math and Social Studies Position Why they came to The school where she taught in her village did not pay her Hope for Africa Children’s Village Why they want to be Loves children and wanted a good job a teacher Comments “I want to go somewhere where they pay more” (A. Nekesa, personal communication, April 3, 2010)
Observations
This school is amazing, with a beautiful and spacious venue (although so far removed from any key transportation routes or towns). The students are very respectful, and the school is
175 organized and disciplined; there are signs posted all over the grounds to encourage and remind students of their potential but also of their responsibilities (Figure 33).
Figure 33 Signs posted on the school grounds (Skett, 2010)
The teachers are dedicated to their jobs, but [as I observed] not overly passionate about teaching – as I had found with the teachers at Hopeland Junior School. I believe that for many being in such a remote community and far from their families is difficult. Valence (Lutaisire,
2010) tries to ensure, however, that all teachers share his vision: “what I’ve done here is to look at the teacher to embrace my vision really and be committed to the cause”. Benon also believes this to be true, and explains “how we are ready to grow together. Most of them, if not all, are ready to build this school” (B. Mwesigwa, personal communication, March 16, 2010).
176 I believe that the growing prominence of this school in the community puts tremendous pressure on Valence and Benon, as well as the teachers, to ensure quality of education.
Competing with four government schools in the greater area, Hope for Africa Children’s Village had tremendous success with their first P7 students who sat the PLE in 2007: all five students passed in top standing. They had higher passing rates (and standings) than any other school in the district (Lutaisire, 2010). The following year their student body jumped from 200 to 377.
“We now have a community hype!” (B. Mwesigwa, personal communication, March 16,
2010).
There is tremendous pressure on teachers from the parents, as Benon explains. When their children do poorly on exams, they immediately blame teachers, especially when the parents have paid their fees. They believe there is a correlation between paying fees and passing exams – never fully appreciating that it is time spent in classrooms which ensures a student’s success. It is important to note that Benon is not strict with enforcing fees from students:
Sometimes we are caught between the two, we need the child in school but the parents do not have the money…. So we always try to reinforce because if we don’t there is that problem of sustainability. So we try to make the school fee at the level where the parent really can afford – sometimes you may even let them pay in kind. We compromise because we really want to understand their problems. (B. Mwesigwa, personal communication, March 16, 2010)
They have also encountered difficulty with students who transferred from government schools, many of whom are unable to speak or read English. Often the students are moved to a lower class so they can catch up; this applies predominantly to students in P4 or higher classes, since the younger ones started at the school from Nursery108.
108 The founder and director of PACE Primary also noted this to be a huge problem as well when she started her school. 177 Valence has secured substantial international funding for this school and this may also contribute to the pressure to show results – through both construction and student passing rates.
The GVN Foundation (Global Volunteer Network) funded the construction of the floor of the first block of classrooms. Many former volunteers continue to fundraise and support this school financially once they return home – which accounts for almost US$10,000 since 2007109.
In addition, many previous volunteers sponsor children who attend the school. Valence, who has also secured funding from US aid agencies and US NGOs (beyond the US$10,000 already cited), plans to construct a library, administration building, larger kindergarten class, dining hall, computer center and to put in electricity; he has a long term goal to support 1200 students through sponsorship.
3. Nalusse Success Primary School
Figure 34 Students and Staff of Nalusse Success Primary School (Skett, 2010)
109 Heavy metal doors with locks and window bars were necessary as theft of desks, chairs and books were common in all the school sites. In one instance PACE Primary School installed full metal locking doors on the their classrooms (through volunteer donations) and within a week the doors themselves had been stolen (the thieves loosen the surrounding cement of the door frame) so they then had to hire a night guard to ensure their new security doors were not stolen. 178
Nansubuga Josephine opened the school in 1993 after she retired from the Ministry of
Education [she was a teacher for 15 years and school inspector for 21 years]. Located in Mukono
Town, she started the school because she saw the need, but also to finance her retirement
(Figures 34 & 35).
Nansubuga reinforces “we create job makers not job seekers” (J. Nansubuga, March 5,
2010). Students learn to think critically, beyond memorization of the curriculum, they learn to find their own paths to success, not simply to take a job to make money – not to be dependent on others for their income. Teachers strongly believe their students (including their children) receive a much better education then they would at a government school, and that they learn “invaluable skills to make them better citizens” (M. Hasahya, April 4, 2010). Nansubuga (personal communication, March 5, 2010) focuses on girls’ education in order to stop “babies raising babies”; she also stresses that “men abandon children if they are too young to understand or they do not get enough education” which makes education a priority for all children in Uganda.
I spent many hours with Nansubuga in her office where we would talk about the school, and education in Uganda. When she started the school
UPE was not yet offered in Uganda and enrolment was higher prior to its introduction in 1997. Many children were sent to UPE schools but soon returned Figure 35 Nansubuga marks students' when their parents realized they did not receive an work while she takes morning tea at her desk (Skett, 2010) adequate education; she believes that UPE schools are “only ok for bright students” and that those who need more attention and guidance are better
179 suited at smaller, private schools (J. Nansubuga, personal communication, March 8, 2010).
Competition between neighboring private schools is fierce and she has to compete to retain students and their school fees in order to pay her teachers. Two decades ago the competition was minimal; however, over the years many private schools were opened by others like her (who see the income potential). To be more competitive Nansubuga partnered with TRU in 2005 when enrolment rates dropped and she struggled to pay teachers’ salaries and rent110. The volunteer placement fees are a source of income and the presence of bzungu generates interest with parents.
Nansubuga oversees the finances as well as teachers’ duties and examinations; she would often mark students’ work in her office and explained “the teachers work so hard the least I can do is ease their burden and help them with the marking…otherwise it won’t get done” (J.
Nansubuga, personal communication, March 8, 2010). By my second visit she had me marking students’ work while we sat in her office and talked.
I was witness to visits from parents who came to pay students fees, or plea for an extension
(Figure 36). Nansubuga is one of the most compassionate people I have met, she believes in the value of education, the value of her teachers and especially the value of the education for the Figure 36 Nalusse Success school term children. She often overlooks parents paying fees fees (Skett, 2010) late or sometimes not at all; she refers to it as a “pay when you can system” (J. Nansubuga, personal communication, March 19, 2010). However, on a school visit on April 6th, 2010 I
110 TRU’s volunteer housing is located less than 200m from the school so Nansubuga would have been familiar with them as soon they opened their doors and started operations. 180 watched her send home 40 students who had not paid their school fees. Her reason was valid: term exams were in one week and she needed to get students to pay before they could sit the exams – otherwise they would not pay at all. However, she hated to send the children home at a time when they should be in class to prepare. While education is her number one priority, at the end of the day she has to generate income to pay her teachers, her rent and maintain the school.
The hot lunch program is a source of pride; started in 2007, they have posho and beans, or rice and beans111 for students and staff (Figure 37). For many children this is their only meal each day. Throughout my research in Uganda in 2010 (and my volunteer work in 2005) I would often see children asleep at their desk by the middle of the afternoon and realize it was because they had not eaten – an idea so foreign and incomprehensible to me it took a while to realize that was the cause. The teachers of Nalusse pointed out that private schools (such as theirs) have longer days, classes run till 5:30pm (compared to 3:30pm in UPE schools); children as young as five years old have nine hour school days. This may also be why this school boasts such high
PLE passing rates, which were above 90% in 2010 (J. Nansubuga, personal communication,
March 8, 2010).
The first year the lunch program was funded by a volunteer at the cost of US$4,000. It was then funded through Kakembo, an NGO founded in 2008 by a Canadian, Jennifer Renzulli after she volunteered at the school that same year112. This program continues today through the financial support of the GVN Foundation (Global Volunteer Network) and their ‘Eat So They
Can’ annual campaign113.
111 However, the global rise in the cost of rice meant that the school had not purchased rice at all that year 112 This is a prime example of volunteers that continue to contribute financially, and create awareness in their home countries, after their return from volunteering abroad. 113 Founder of GVN Colin Salisbury worked with Courtney Montague to found the GVN Foundation with the goal of providing a platform for GVN volunteers and supporters to fundraise for GVN projects. The ‘Eat So They Can’ 181
The supply of beans and cooking materials School Cook
The children eat their lunch Students line up for their lunch
Figure 37 Nalusse hot lunch program (Skett, 2010)
campaign began in 2007 and goes towards supporting nutrition projects run by GVN projects. The concept is for anyone to host a dinner or fundraiser where all proceeds go the projects selected by the foundation for each year. To date they have raised over US50,000 for their various projects around the world (Eat So They Can, 2013). 182 The Teachers of Nalusse Success Primary School
Teachers’ salaries differ based on their responsibilities and qualifications; the total cost to the school is USh1.5 million/month (CAD$750). Nansubuga continually tries to secure ‘good standard’ teachers but this is difficult for several reasons. She cannot pay the same salaries as teachers are ‘promised’ in government schools; there are also several schools in the area she must compete with. “Teachers leave and don’t tell till that day then you have to teach their class
– then you have to find another teacher”…. “they [competing schools] ask teachers to tell other teachers about the new position” (J. Nansubuga, personal communication, April 6, 2010). Since
2006 the Ugandan government no longer offers free teachers college due to a saturation of teachers; but now in the aftermath there is a shortage of teachers, which gives teachers the upper hand to barter for greater wages. The problem is, as Nansubuga (personal communication, April
6, 2010) argues, “the quality of the teachers has declined, as has their qualifications”. Once teachers have a few years’ experience and gain additional training they leave in search of higher pay.
Two focus groups were carried out at the school, one each with female and male teachers
– as designated by Nansubuga114. The woman are all local, and their children attend the school; however, almost all the male teachers are younger, from northern Uganda115 and their families remain back home116. The women all agree that there are better prospects for staff and students at
LCPSs (such as theirs): a better student-teacher ratio (average 27:1), a lunch program, teacher accommodations, and latrines. They also argue that UPE schools often do not pay and lack
114 Admittedly, I would not have thought to split the group in two, and definitely not based on gender, but it proved a very interesting learning experience. 115 The northern regions of Uganda are still in recovery after the LRA ravaged the region for two decades so there is a large supply of teachers with no work opportunities. 116 Nansubuga helps to cover costs when they travel home, if there is a family emergency or need, to ensure the teachers will return to work. She must also provide housing for these teachers. 183 supplies. The male teachers, on the other hand, said they would move to a UPE school if there were positions available, and contend that the salary is much higher and upon retirement they would continue to earn a pension. The men find it difficult to be so far away from family and friends, and also encounter language barriers since their mother tongue is not Lugandan (their first language is Luo, Nkole or Tooro). This makes it difficult to understand students when they refuse to speak English in class and revert to local dialect.
Finally, the two groups differ in their desire to teach: the woman love to work with children and to help shape their futures; the men all unanimously admit they became teachers because the college was free [and laugh when they realize they had the same motivations]. That said, they all welcomed me in to their classrooms, where I saw how engaged they are with their students and passionate about teaching.
1. Milly Hasaya
Personal Information She is 37 years old, she has a thirteen year old daughter and lost a daughter several years ago. Education Nursery Teacher Diploma from Mbale Teachers College Prior Teaching Teaching in Kampala at Mana International School Experience Current Teaching 10 years as Nursery teacher Position Why they came to Originally from Mbale, she moved to Mukono Town because it Nalusse Success was easier to get a nursery job there than in the village. Primary School Why they want to be Loves children and teaching a teacher Comments “I left Mbale cause most village schools are government and they don’t pay” (M. Hasaya, personal communication, April 9, 2010)
184 2. Esther Ssali
Personal Information She is 44 years old and has two daughters, aged 16 and 2 years old Education YWCA Nursery Teaching College in Kampala Prior Teaching Wakiso district nursery teacher Experience Current Teaching 17 years teaching Nursery at Nalusse Position Why they came to Came to school for work and has been here ever since; she also Nalusse Success stays at the school which makes her happy Primary School Why they want to be a teacher Comments “In Uganda men have many women, and it is the women who care about their chidren – they are forced to put them in government schools” – this was very interesting because she spoke of government schools as such a dire consequence. As a parent she strongly believed in private schools as being the better option, adding: “P7 performance is an indicator of a good school”. (E. Ssali, personal communication, April 9, 2010)
3. Mary Ndagire
Personal Information She is 33 years old with three children, two girls aged 4 and 9, and a boy aged 6 years old. Education YMCA Commercial College Mukono; certificate for Infant Teacher Prior Teaching Seeta Parents Primary School Experience Current Teaching P1 and P2 Position Why they came to Her father lives in Seeta so she wanted a job near him; she also Nalusse Success stays at the school Primary School Why they want to be Make money for her family a teacher Comments “Parents know – but the issue is money” (M. Ndagire, personal communication, April 9, 2010). This would contradict what Benon said about their lack of understanding the value of education
185 4. Christine Nalubega
Personal Information She is 20 years old and single Education Busiwbizi Core Primary Teachers College; Certificate in Primary Teaching and still in school Prior Teaching N/A Experience Current Teaching First teaching job, just started teaching P3 the first term of this Position year Why they came to Parents work in Mukono so she stays with them Nalusse Success Primary School Why they want to be N/A a teacher Comments N/A
5. Hamis Odony
Personal Information 25 years old and single; From Kumi District (5 hours away) Education Primary Teaching Certificate from St. Alucious Teachers College Prior Teaching N/A Experience Current Teaching P5 – English, Social Science, Science, Agriculture Position Why they came to Friends with another teacher here who recruited her Hopeland Junior School Why they want to be Money a teacher Comments “We enjoy having the volunteers here, it is a relief for us when they teach subjects. In fact, the students cry when they leave” (H. Odony, personal communication, April 9, 2010). I have experienced this myself when I finished my volunteer work in 2005, however, it was not just the students who were crying – it was me too, something which I also witnessed with many volunteers when they said their final goodbye’s to their students.
186 6. Daniel O. Amoni
Personal Information Thirty years old, married with 3 children (ages 11 years, 3 years, 7 months); his family is in Lira District (Northern Uganda) Education Primary Teaching Certificate from Gulu Teachers College Prior Teaching Taught in other schools in Mukono District for 3 years prior Experience Current Teaching P7 & P6 – English Position Why they came to Job opportunity Hopeland Junior School Why they want to be Provide for his family; Also, because teachers college is free in a teacher Uganda Comments “It is expensive to be here [so far from his family] but there are more teaching opportunities here”… “It was hard not speaking Lugandan, we were forced to learn from students and friends” (D. Amoni, personal communication, April 9, 2010). In Uganda it is MoES requires P1-P3 to be taught in local dialect; for Nalusse this means Lugandan, but most of the male teachers were from northern Uganda and did not speak Lugandan at all.
7. Alexl Oplo
Personal Information Twenty four years old, a one year son back home in Kumi District (five hours away) Education Primary Teaching Certificate from St. Alucious Teachers College Prior Teaching N/A Experience Current Teaching P4 – Science, math, English Position P7 – Science Why they came to He came with Hamis, they were friends and had gone to teachers Hopeland Junior college together School Why they want to be N/A a teacher Comments “Parents interest in their children’s education is about 80-95%, they especially want their children to learn language”. [English] He also added: “Parents sometimes see sponsor kids in the school and want to take advantage of this” (A. Oplo, personal communication, April 9, 2010). This was a recurring issue at all of the schools, when parents see volunteers and learn that they are sponsoring orphans they will try to deceive the school that their children are orphans. It is important to note that in Uganda
187 a child is often considered an ‘orphan’ if they have lost one parent, especially the father. Sometimes women will tell the school the child’s father is dead in order for them to be considered for sponsorship.
8. Jaspher Anyanga
Personal Information Twenty eight years old and married with two children (a 6 year old girl and a 6 month old boy); his family remains in Lira in northern Uganda Education Primary Teaching Certificate from Bishop Willis Teachers College in Inganga Prior Teaching N/A Experience Current Teaching P4 - Agriculture Position P5 – Math P6 – Science, Social Science Why they came to Teaching opportunity Hopeland Junior School Why they want to be To provide for his family; and teachers college was free in a teacher Uganda Comments “I would work in a government school if I could – it has better pay and after retirement you continue to get money” (J. Anyanga, personal communication, April 9, 2010). This was a comment that all the male teachers agreed with, although none of them had worked in government schools before, or really taught anywhere before. I found it interesting since a few teachers at my other study sites had commented how badly the pay and conditions were at government schools.
9. John Musana
Personal Information Single and twenty six years old Education Primary Teaching Certificate from Kabwangasi Teachers College in Katakwi District (eastern Uganda) Prior Teaching Taught in Katakwi District for 2 years Experience Current Teaching P3 – English, math Position P5 – Religious education P6 & P7 – Math Why they came to Teaching opportunities
188 Hopeland Junior School Why they want to be His father was a teacher a teacher Comments “I really enjoy teaching”… “I enjoy having the volunteers here, I enjoy their company, they are friendly” (J. Musana, personal communication, April 9, 2010)
Observations
In twenty years the school has grown from one classroom block to a full primary school with teachers’ living quarters, a kitchen and a latrine117. However, Nansubuga does not own the land on which it is built, and continues to rent the initial classroom block. When I asked if she could/would purchase the land, she explained that as long as volunteers are at the school the landlord will never give her a fair price. I made the mistake to ask her this right after the landlord collected the rent and she quickly quieted me because she did not want him to know that she is even in a position to purchase, for fear of rent increase or worse118. There is concern that even though it is a fully constructed school there is no protection from losing the land at any time – either by dramatic rent increases or repossession of the land119. However, at this time there is no imminent threat and the school is well run; it has financial support for the lunch program, many students in need are sponsored, and they have return volunteers.
There is concern that P7 students do not sit their PLE exams at the school (to save money they do not fully register the school with the government) so the students travel to a
117 Nansubuga also owns land just outside of Mukono where she grows food for the teachers. 118 Current rent is USh90,000/term (CAD$40) which Nansubuga pays in portions throughout the semester. 119 In fact, the thought had crossed my mind that the land owner could remove Nansubuga and re-open the school for himself with the necessary infrastructure, staff and student body already in place. 189 registered school in order to do so120. However, were they to do so, it would give greater credibility and recognition to the school.
Finally, for the well-oiled machine that the school is, Nansubuga is 86 years old and it is yet to be determined who will take over the school when she is too tired. She has children, a daughter who is a teacher and lives in Kampala but she has a family of her own. I asked Leslie
(L. Weighill, personal communication, April 14, 2010) (director of TRU) about this and she also has no real suggestions, although she did concede that Nansubuga is “one tough woman who’s not going anywhere any time soon”. I believe this statement to be true, she is so passionate about her school, the students, the teachers and the community – I am sure when the time comes for her to take a break she will have a solid plan in place… “It is a community school because it is paid for by the parents” (J. Nansubuga, personal communication, March 8, 2010). So perhaps she will ask one of them, or one of the senior teachers, to take her place.
4. PACE Primary School
Figure 38 PACE Primary School (Skett, 2010)
120 Students currently sit their PLE at Nabuti Primary School in Mukono District. 190
Betty started her school in 2007 under the umbrella of her NGO, PACE (Passionate
Children & Elderly Center). The first year there were 27 students in nursery to P3; by 2010 they had 76 students in Nursery to P6 with four teachers121. School fees are USh15,000/semester
(CAD$7) – although the majority are unable to pay this.
This school is still in its infancy and focuses on the neediest children in the community – primarily orphans and children in dire poverty122 (Figure 38).
“I set out to identify which children were the ones staying home; we critically looked at those children who were very needy… I wanted to catch them before they started to do labor and turned to drinking, or become street children, before they become bad citizens” (E. Kasumba, personal communication, February 25, 2010).
Betty (Figure 39) sought the help of local council man Thomas Walusimbi, a community leader of twenty years; she contacted him to secure the assistance of other local leaders, and permission to ‘move around’ the community. Mr.
Walusimbi (personal communication, March 22, Figure 39 Betty Kasumba (Kakembo, 2010) identifies the five primary challenges in his 2013)
121 They offered P7 the following year to a small group of eligible students. 122 I have many great memories of my time at this school, two in particular stand out in my mind: the first is when a volunteer brought skipping ropes to the school and all the girls piled out in front of the classrooms to jump together… and then Betty ‘jumped’ in to show them how she did it! She had so much fun and it was obvious that all the young girls at that school look up to Betty. The second was a very rainy afternoon that we got trapped in the P6 classroom – the rain came down so hard I thought the roof was about to crack open. A little girl from the P1 class ran in because the rain scared her, she piled on to my lap, curled in and fell asleep – all without saying a word to me. She held on to me so tight the entire 45 minutes it rained. When I went to see Betty later that day she knew exactly who it was and explained that she and her older sister (also at the school) lost their mother to AIDS last year and their father was trying to provide for them but he too was struggling. I still remember what that little girl’s breath felt like on my arm, and I think it gave me an even greater understanding for the heartache these children battle on a daily basis. 191 community:
1. Unemployment of parents 2. Illiterate parents – who don’t care if their children go to school; as well, their mentality is that they are ‘surviving’ so their children will too 3. Income generation in the homes 4. Drunkenness, irresponsibility, and laziness 5. Single parenthood (including widows/orphans, family problems, poor parents)
He also warns of the dangers that youth encounter: “young girls are idle and get pregnant, young boys are stealing and smoking marijuana” (T. Walusimbi, personal communication,
March 22, 2010). With these overwhelming challenges the two work together to educate parents and the community, and to select the children most in need of help and education. One seminar they held had 150 attendees, their primary goal was to allow parents to appreciate the value of education; they also addressed the concerns/misconceptions of bzungu money (since they planned to partner with TRU).
Betty explained that some parents pull their children out of her school once they learn to read and write at a level that would allow them to attend government schools (which some believe to be of better quality)123. But, once they realize their children actually fare worse they bring their children back to PACE. Betty is less inclined to allow them back into her school because their knowledge and skills have declined dramatically, but “you take them back because you’re caring about the child” (E. Kasumba, March 2, 2010).
Classroom observation of the P3 class on April 7th, 2010, a young boy was unable to count numbers on the board, Susan [his teacher] explained that he was ‘challenged in the head’, later when I asked Betty about him she commented that he didn’t even have a uniform (which perplexed me) and that his parents had wanted to put him in a higher grade. Undoubtedly, he
123 This supports Nansubuga’s argument that government schools are only for ‘very bright children’. 192 transferred from another school (likely government) and struggled to keep up with his
classmates. However, I was surprised the boy did not get more one-on-one instruction and
attention since classroom sizes at PACE are so intimate with a student/teacher ratio of 19/1 –
although this number is distorted by the large size of the nursery class (35), compared to P6
which has only four students. The other issue is that a few grades share a classroom (separated
only by a chalkboard); another class is outside on the grass (seen in the teachers’ pictures below).
Mr. Walusimbi explained that there were five primary and four secondary schools in the
community (all private; two LCPSs); there were no government schools on [their] side of the
highway (the community is split by the Kampala-Jinja Highway). These schools are promised a
per capita grant from the government but none had received anything to date and struggle to
survive (T. Walusimbi, personal communication, March 22, 2010). One other major hurdle,
which both Betty and Susan pointed out, was that because of UPE all parents think that all
schools are free, or at least they should be (E, Kasumba, personal communication, February 25,
2010; S. Nabakooza, personal communication, April 6, 2010).
Figure 40 Constructed pig pen behind building (left); newly born piglets keep warm (right) (Skett, 2010)
193 Betty has made tremendous strides with the growth of her school; she purchased the land, constructed a permanent classroom block, and secured funding to construct a house for herself, and the teachers, on site. All of this through volunteer donations and fundraising. That said, since the majority of students are orphans this school must find other ways to maintain operations124;
Betty is intent on being self-sufficient through income generation projects. She constructed a pig pen at the back of the school; they had one sow and five newly born piglets125 (Figure 40). Betty hopes to distribute some of the pigs to mothers and grandmothers in the community as a potential source of income.
The teachers of PACE Primary School
The school has little in the way of income to pay teachers so it is an ongoing monthly struggle for Betty; the approximate cost is USh500,000/month (CAD$225) to pay all of them.
For a brief period she secured teachers income from DOMA ($500/month)126; however, at the time of the research this had not been paid in several months. There has also been a high rate of teacher turnover since the school opened.
1. Susan Nabakooza
Personal Twenty five years old with two young children (4 year old daughter, 2 year Information old son) Education Primary Teaching Certificate from Gamba Teachers College
124 There are some parents who are able to pay small school fees when possible. 125Unfortunately, due to a heavy rainy season (and perhaps lack of knowledge on how to care for the piglets) four of them died after two months. We took the last piglet back to Betty’s house where she was able to better care for it; this is an ongoing income-generating project for the school. She also has several other ideas for generating income such as carrying out repairs for electrical appliances. 126 DOMA was an American NGO which Betty could never remember what its full name was. 194 Prior Mutyana Primary for two years; Namiryango Boys Primary for one year Teaching Experience Current P2 & P3 – Social science, science (present) Teaching P4 & P5 (first year at PACE) Position Why they A friend who was already teaching there recruited (she had since left) came to PACE Primary Why they “For the love of God and my Country” want to be a teacher Comments “This school is different, but it is still coming up, but it needs more funds”. She acknowledges that she received a better salary at previous schools, but it was clear that she believes in what Betty is doing and what they are trying to provide for these children. She makes clear that at government schools “teachers there are encouraged because they receive salary” – hinting that there are months when Betty does not have the funds to pay their salary. Susan also said it would be much better if there was housing for the teachers, it would take off stress of living costs.
She explained that they need more money for the students as well, to provide them with breakfast, “you cannot teach them when they are hungry”. Finally, she acknowledged that children received a much more intimate and focused education at PACE. [This interesting since it was noted earlier that she had a student who could not count numbers and yet he did not receive any special attention]. (S. Nabakooza, personal communication, April 6, 2010). Picture: Susan with her P2 & P3 classes (shared room) (Skett, 2010)
195 2. Ahmed Kasumba (a.k.a. Medi)
Personal Information Twenty years old, grew up in Kyengera, Wakiso District (he is Betty’s nephew) Education Taking a course at a local training college in which a local teacher offers tips on teaching Prior Teaching Internship’ for one semester at Rena Light Primary School in Experience Kayabwe Current Teaching P4, P5, P6 – English, social studies Position Why they came to To help his Aunt PACE Primary Why they want to be Loves kids, and “there were no other jobs” a teacher Comments Medi was very good with his students; he would often give them a little tap on the head if they were not paying attention. He repeatedly expressed his desire to go to teachers college. Although all the lessons were in English, he would often explain concepts and instructions in Lugandan so the students could better understand. When asked about volunteers at the school he listed them all by name and had descriptions and home countries of all of them. His face lit up when he spoke about them and how they helped him with his teaching skills. He also explained why their school is better than government schools: “here they enjoy themselves and they have freedom – here they are kids”. (A. Kasumba, personal communication, March 10, 2010)
3. Amuza Kiirya
Personal Information Thirty two years old Education Primary Teaching Certificate from Keliedro Teachers College in Kalo District Prior Teaching Gwafu Infant School & Good Hope Primary School Experience Current Teaching P3, P4, P5 & P6 – Math, assisting with Geography Position Why they came to N/A PACE Primary Why they want to be Love of teaching a teacher Comments He waited for me to carry out this interview, even though he was
196 done for the day – he was very keen to speak with me. He believes in the value of these low cost private schools in Uganda and explains: “Private is better so it’s ok there’s no government schools. In private schools you don’t promote failure, in government schools you promote everything”… “they should focus on government-aided schools not government schools”. (A. Kiirya, personal communication, March 10, 2010).
He went on to explain the country-wide concerns of education including: lack of teachers, work payments, overcrowded classrooms, poor facilities for teachers. Picture: Kiirya with his P5 geography class. They are short on classrooms so weather permitting they teach certain classes outside (Skett, 2010)
4. Juliet Nalwoga
Personal Information Twenty three years old, married with three children (7 years old, 5 years old, 2 years old), her husband is a local business man. She grew up in Seeta Education Certificate & Diploma from YMCA Kampala Nursery Prior Teaching Mutyana Primary School (4 years) Experience Current Teaching Nursery class Position Why they came to From the community so it is close to home PACE Primary Why they want to be Easy to get a job and enjoys being a teacher a teacher Comments When I asked her if she wanted to stay teaching at PACE she just laughed, but offered no answer (it was only her first term at the school). She acknowledged that many parents do not have the means to send their children to school. (J. Nalwoga, personal communication, March 10, 2010)
197
Observations
This school is different than the other research sites, predominantly because it focuses on orphans and is much smaller than the first three schools; for this reason there is little involvement from parents. As well, Betty is [a bit] of an ‘outsider’ since she is not originally from the area, but saw the need in this community and believes she can help127. Furthermore, Betty has a solid background in the NGO community rather than in education; which may be why she incorporates several initiatives under the single ‘umbrella’ of the school. This NGO experience allows her to develop a strong partnership with TRU and former volunteers to secure on-going donations. In fact, it was the first two volunteers at her school in 2007 that raised the money for her to buy the land. GVN paid for the construction of the first four classrooms and a former volunteer raised funds to add doors and windows128. TRU supported PACE as their recipient for the Eat So They Can campaign run through GVN which contributed to the construction of the house for Betty and her teachers. Betty knows how to secure money, and has built this school up relatively fast – perhaps more focused on the physical infrastructure than the education taking place inside. That said, Betty knows every single one of her students, better than she seems to know the teachers at the school (she could never remember the name of the nursery teacher). She is truly passionate about the children of this community. They will soon have P7 students and those exam results will be an indication of the quality of that education.
127 I say this only because the founders of the other schools were very well known in their communities, when asked what I was doing in their community I would only have to say I was working with Valence or Paul and they would know immediately – there was not the same familiarity with Betty. 128 A few nights after the doors were installed someone attempted to steal them (prying the metal frames out of the cement and bricks; so Betty hired a night watchmen to guard the doors intended to keep the desks and materials inside safe. 198 5. Buikwe Bright Future Primary School
Journal exert from a volunteer teaching at Buikwe Bright Future Primary School (A. McInnes, personal communication, March 31, 2010):
On the way to school, the “path” (poorly labeled so at the best of times) was very slippery and many parts were completely covered in muddy puddles. I saw the bare feet of school children imprinted in the dirt and mud from their morning trek to school (I often arrived a few hours later than the kids, and stayed only until lunch at 1:00). On the way to school, I saw a cow snap the pole that tied her to the ground in her quest for grass. Once at the school, I saw the cow walk past us, searching for food, dragging her wooden pole behind her. I was the only one in the school distracted by this sight. Then I saw a naked three year old playing with a knife blade (no handle). I was the only one distracted by this sight. Aisha’s baby is bored and fussing. She starts screaming and crying. I am the only one distracted by this. Some students did not come to class today because of the rain. Aisha said that they come on motorbikes and cannot make it in the rain. Roads are too muddy. One of my students is unable to complete his homework because he has no paper. He tries to write in the margins but it is difficult to teach him long division this way. I decided to buy books for each of the students (I didn’t want to single him out). 8 small notebooks were 2400 shillings total. The next day, when I gave the books to the students, they looked as if it was Christmas.
This school is the smallest (of the research sites) and most in need of support – from the community, and financially (Figure 41).
The school lacks enough money to buy land where we can build classrooms. Lack of enough qualified teachers because we don’t have any money to pay them. Lack of food to feed children at school because pupils cannot learn very well when they are hungry. The school lacks medical care whereby sometimes pupils become sick and we don’t have medicine. [School Headmaster] (E. Isabirye, personal communication, April 1, 2010)
199 Run by local Pastor, Paul Mulamira
(Figure 42), they opened the doors in 2002 with
community funds129. They rent the building from
a local businessman and offer Nursery to P4130.
There are 87 students and four teachers (one of
whom is also the headmaster); this school
Figure 41 Buikwe Bright Future Primary struggles with shared classrooms and teachers – School (Skett, 2010) the student/teacher ratio is only 22/1 but two of them must teach two grades at the same time.
There are two government schools in the area, which “are not bad, they are just overcrowded” explains Paul (P. Mulamira, personal communication, March 30, 2010).
Pastor Paul runs the school under the umbrella of his registered CBO Buikwe Village Care Project (BVC),
“because I believe in the community, I want to give back to them and see it develop” (P. Mulamira, personal Figure 42 Pastor Paul Mulamira communication, March 30, 2010). He consulted with the with his wife, nieces and nephews whom he cares for as well (Skett, elders of the seven villages131 in their community to work 2010)
129 For all the community members I met and spoke with in Buikwe they were all members of Paul’s parish (with the exception of a few who worked in the surrounding shops and stands). 130 I argue that the fact that the school had been open for eight years and was still only offering up to P4 is indicative of this schools struggle to prosper and grow. Furthermore, with no PLE rates it is difficult to determine the quality of education the students receive at this school. 131 Paul refers to the surrounding communities as ‘villages’, which is common practice in Uganda – many of these communities are separated by vast sugar cane fields or hills, so people distinguish them as their own village, even if they are all part of the greater district. 200 together, as well as determine community development projects (next chapter). Paul offers an honest answer as to why he partnered with TRU in 2009132:
Financially there is little contribution. They offer their support and labor which encourages the community to want to continue to help others as well as the chance that the Mzungu may be there again next week133…. It helps the children to learn about another culture, to learn how to understand accents; it encourages them to study hard and want to come to school. It also helps to encourage the teachers – who are the real volunteers, they do not get paid much, maybe about USh 80,000 [CAD$35] when the MoES has established a base minimum of USh 230,000 [CAD$100] a month. So these teachers are even greater volunteers than those who come from abroad. (P. Mulamira, personal communication, March 30, 2010)
The idea that the teachers are the true volunteers is an eye-opener; their passion for these children and their community – they earn so little and yet are so committed to their jobs.
Teachers around the world are underpaid, but at least those in western countries are paid – I question if they would come to work if they were not paid on a regular basis, or underpaid on their promised salary.
Paul’s honesty that volunteers’ greatest value is the interest they generate offers a valuable insight. This was affirmed by a parent of the school, Phebe, with three children [of seven] who attend Buikwe Bright Future134. She told me that students “learn love” from volunteers, “they show them how to love, they give them attention, they give them hugs…. these
132 During the fieldwork this site had the greatest number of volunteers, 3, which is why there are more volunteer perspectives of this school than the previous sites. 133 The reference to seeing a mzungu again next week was more specific to the community development projects which are carried out in a different village each day of the week, so those community members would have to wait seven days till the projects were taking place in their village again. 134 Because there are so many orphans at this school, and many others have family living far away in one of the villages it was difficult to speak with most of them. In fact, I never once saw a parent at the school, and the interview I did carry out she was a member of Paul’s church and he had ‘hand-selected’ her to come and speak with me. When I did participate in the community development projects (with the hopes of meeting some parents of the school) most were older Jaja’s or their children were too old to be in primary school, and unfortunately were not attending school at all (another issue for another thesis). 201 are not things they always learn in Uganda” (J. Nakibuule, April 10, 2010). Her face lit up as she spoke and expressed her gratitude for western volunteers and how much her children love to have them at their school; she never once spoke about the money they bring. A volunteer at the school described students’ reactions to her as “very curious, very excited, very welcoming. Some seemed shy of me, others were really interested in touching and smelling me” (A. McInnes, personal communication, March 29, 2010)135.
The Teachers of Buikwe Bright Future Primary School
1. Eric Isabirye
Personal Information Thirty two years old, single. Raised in Buieyogerer Education O levels from Buieyogerer Secondary School Prior Teaching N/A Experience Current Teaching Headmaster and P2 Position Why they came to He helped start the school to help orphans in the area PACE Primary Why they want to be His father died when he was 6 and he couldn’t study “so I a teacher wanted to start a school for orphans like me”, to have the opportunities that he didn’t have Comments When asked the biggest hurdle to education for his country he explained “In Uganda you find the biggest number of children are orphans, street children, and homeless… poverty also makes education in Uganda hard because other parents can’t afford to buy necessaries to their children”. This is the reason why these LCPSs exist in Uganda (and other developing countries).
He wants to go to school for further study once he gets qualified teachers to teach at the school and once he can afford to go. He
135 My experience volunteering in Uganda in 2005 was the same; those brave enough would poke and pinch me, almost to see if I was real, and I lost count of how many fingers were shoved in my face out of curiosity. One day, during this fieldwork, when I was at YOFAFO playing in the yard with all the students I fell to the ground, suddenly there was about 50 students piling up on top of me, poking me, grabbing my face, giggling…. I couldn’t get up, there were too many! Suddenly I heard another volunteer call from the classroom “Mzungu down, Mzungu down!!” and all the teachers laughed and came running to help me up. It was a great moment! 202 intends to stay at the school once he is a qualified teacher.
Finally, when asked how he felt about western volunteers in his school he told me: “they are needed to help in satisfying our needs and create friendship. We feel good because your teachings has encouraged us and even our children to learn more good things from the volunteers. Volunteers impact our community by teaching our children. By providing some needs to the orphans and the needy children who live in our community” (E. Isabirye, personal communication, April 1, 2010). Picture: Eric helps with the community development projects after school hours. Here he constructs an ‘outdoor kitchen’ with the help of community members and volunteers from TRU (Skett, 2010)
2. Aisha
Personal Information Married, raised in Jinja Education N/A Prior Teaching N/A Experience Current Teaching P3 & P4 (for a combined total of 8 students – in the same Position classroom) Why they came to She moved to the community to marry her husband PACE Primary Why they want to be N/A a teacher Comments She does not yet have full primary teaching certification and takes classes on weekends and holidays (personal communications, March 31, 2010).
203 Picture: Aisha with her son (by her feet) and her students (Skett, 2010)
3. Sylvia
Personal Information Single Education N/A Prior Teaching N/A Experience Current Teaching Nursery class (baby and top class) Position Why they came to N/A PACE Primary Why they want to be N/A a teacher Comments There were huge language barriers, she spoke little-to-no English so the interview was difficult; furthermore, there was rarely time to speak (personal communication, March 31, 2010).
4. Sarah
Personal Information N/A Education Primary teaching certificate Prior Teaching N/A Experience Current Teaching P1 Position Why they came to N/A PACE Primary Why they want to be N/A a teacher Comments There were huge language barriers, she spoke little-to-no English so the interview was difficult; furthermore, there was rarely time to speak (personal communication, March 31, 2010).
204 Observations
This school, with small classrooms, always kept teachers busy. Mainly because they were accommodating multiple classes so teachers had double duties in their lesson plans. There is also great concern that only two of the four teachers have their primary teaching certificate, and three of them do not speak English (other than a few broken sentences). Eric stressed that none of the teachers can afford to take the courses and complete their certification (Isabirye, 2010). Since the teachers are not certified they do not receive the ‘standard’ pay; they receive USh20,000/month
(CAD$9)136. Admittedly, the matter of their pay was one of great confusion, one day they would say they got paid every month, other instances they would contradict themselves. A volunteer at the school gave Eric US$100 for the school; he chose to dispense the money equally between the teachers since they had not been paid in a few months (A. McInnes, personal communication,
April 4, 2010).
At the time of the research concerns arose amongst volunteers at Paul’s house who were also teaching at the school; all three were short stays of only a few weeks (one returned home early to Canada for medical reasons). However, all three expressed concerns that their placement fees were not appropriately shared with the school, since teachers told them they were not paid and the students had no supplies at all – not even paper to write on. Volunteers commented that
Paul and his family had a new living room set in their home (which is provided by the church)137.
TRU asked Paul to provide a breakdown of how volunteer placement fees are used and dispersed
136 This is what Eric told me they were paid; but in an interview with Paul he said teachers received Ush80,000. 137 Paul explained that the furniture was a gift from a former volunteer who stayed with him last minute, and since it was only for a week, Paul did not ask him for any money. It is my experience that volunteers always tend to react when hosts have anything new, be it a dress for the wife, toys for the children, furniture, etc. Often, they forget that these hosts also have the right to provide for themselves, especially when they provide for so many in the community. There is an assumption that every single penny should go the school, or project, and forget that the ones run these projects deserve to earn an income (which is often very little) for the work that they do; and in this case, a gift. 205 so they could appease the volunteers, as well as their own concerns. The document put forward did not ease TRU’s concerns and they terminated their partnership with Paul and BVC.
Following this, members of his parish, and headmaster Eric, began to question how the money was spent and they too parted ways with Paul. A few months later Paul was forced to shut the doors forever at the Buikwe Bright Future Primary School. The school, which he had started in
2002 and did not partner with TRU until 2009, shut their doors in 2010.
6. Grace Primary School and Orphanage
This school was not a primary research site
(Figure 43), however, I visited the school twice when
I learned the plight of Liz Mukiibi, the school director. Regina Mukiibi (her sister) started the school in 1996, born and raised in Nakifuma (where the school is located).
Given the land by her mother (when her father passed away), she returned to Figure 43 The P5 class and front office of the school (Skett, 2010) her community where there was a dire need for education138. She quit her teaching job in Kampala but had little money to start up the school so she relied on community members to make bricks and help with the
138 Her mother also donated two acres of land to grow food for the school. The surplus funds from this were used to support the daily operations and maintenance of the school. 206 construction; teachers also constructed their own living quarters and parents donated food from their land.
Unfortunately, as Regina realized her dream in 2000, she also succumbed to AIDS and passed away. Her sister Liz (also a school teacher) moved from Kampala to take over the school.
The woman who lived next to the school was convinced that because of Regina’s AIDS the school was cursed and her death was a bad omen. The neighbor began to practice witchcraft in the school, and even their mother began to think that the school was cursed. Liz finally contacted their community Elsie [elder] who worked with the community; and the neighbor was eventually
(forcibly) removed, and a positive spotlight on the school returned. Unfortunately, between 2000 and 2006 there were three severe droughts in the region and poverty plagued the community even worse. Parents contributed little in the way of school fees or food donations to the school.
With no source of income and little community contribution Liz partnered with the NGO
Building the Village (BTV) in 2007 that allowed her to finish construction on their final classroom block. That same year she partnered with TRU and hosted three volunteers over the next three years. That was all it took, three mzungu volunteers, to change the school. “Wherever they see white, they think money” (E. Mikiibi, personal communication, March 9, 2010). As soon as the community, and parents, saw Liz with bzungu they assumed that she and her school were wealthy. This had two outcomes: it elevated the status of the school so more parents sent their children; but they no longer offered donations or paid school fees.
Now, Liz has more students and no income to support them. She continues to explain to parents that volunteers are “not walking bank machines”, and with teachers she pleads “we do not have to expect them to come with money, it was good to have as many friends as possible”
(E. Mibiiki, personal communication, March 9, 2010). She explained to parents how volunteer
207 money is spent, and in particular, tries to make them understand that often it is the volunteer who determines how their money is spent – not her. She told me she would trade all the donated desks to pay the teachers’ salaries. It is a common oversight of many volunteers, you can build a great classroom but if there is no teacher standing at the front there is no learning taking place139.
There have been no volunteers since 2009. On both visits to the school there were little-or-no teachers on site, which is understandable since Liz has no source of income to pay their salaries, although she told me there were six teachers and one cook.
Despite all the hurdles and hardships she does not turn students away; on one visit she had found a way to provide a porridge lunch for the children
(Figure 44). There are 170 students at this school, 42 of whom are ‘sponsored children’ meaning they are unable to pay school fees or contribute in any way Figure 44 The school cook helps students to serve up porridge for lunch (Skett, 2010) (although this seems to be most of the students). She also has eight orphans who live at the school, she stays with the girls and the boys are in a room next door. Although the school clearly struggles, in 2009 they had six of their P7 students pass in the second tier of the PLE.
139 In 2005 I visited a school where the majority of the classrooms were chalkboards under a tree for shade, while this is by no means an ideal situation – there was a teacher for every grade, using teaching guide books and students were very engaged in the material being learnt. Betty had expressed this concern to me too – what she wanted to do most with donation money was pay her teachers – but this was often frowned on by volunteers who wanted to see tangible results with their money. 208 The schools and their partnerships
The partnerships of these low-cost private schools with western volunteer organizations can have both positive and negative outcomes for the host schools and community members. For both YOFAFO schools, and PACE it has meant rapid growth and continued success; however, for Buikwe Bright Future it may have played a role in its demise- as it did for Grace Primary
School & Orphanage. For schools like Nalusse Success it allows them to provide lunches for their students but no long term security.
Furthermore, the global economic recession of 2008/09 had huge impacts on all these sites – the first things that people cut out of their budget when faced with economic hardships are vacations and donations. These are two major sources of income for these schools, or at least a core component – this is not a sustainable income or relationship. The following chapter considers the experience from the side of the communities and the western volunteers, their participation and their experiences.
209
CHAPTER 7: LOCAL NGO/CBO PARTICIPATION AND WESTERN VOLUNTEERS
IN HOST COMMUNITIES
At the core of the research is The Real Uganda (TRU), which provides volunteers for their partner projects140. They partner with more than twenty NGO/CBOs in Uganda; the three in this research are Buikwe Village Care (BVC), Passionate Children and Elderly Care Center
(PACE), and Youth Focus Africa Foundation (YOFAFO)141. Ugandan hosts and western volunteers have varying experiences in this exchange – both positive and negative – and at its core is TRU to ensure all parties benefit from the partnerships. This chapter offers the voices the
NGO founders and their volunteers, as well as members of the community’s. The benefits and the concerns of this partnership, and the presence of western volunteers, will be discussed.
The Real Uganda (TRU)
I don’t think this [voluntourism] is a phase or a fad in any way… [the] long term goal: I don’t want to be a get ‘em in, get ‘em out – I don’t want to be the McDonalds of volunteer placements. I know what’s expected of me and I have confidence in doing what I’m doing [TRU Founder]. (L. Weighill, personal communication, April 12, 2010)
Former GVN volunteer, Leslie Weighill (Figure 45), founded TRU in January 2005142.
After her placement in Ghana she decided to stay in Africa but needed to find a source of
140 Nalusse Success Primary is not an NGO, but a primary school operated independently; two of the primary schools in this research (Hopeland Junior School & Hope for Africa Children’s Village) are run by the same NGO, YOFAFO. 141 There were no volunteers at PACE during the research period so there are no volunteer interviews from that project. Furthermore, because the majority of the students are orphans there were no parent interviews carried out at this site. 142 A legally registered NGO in Uganda. 210 income143; with a bachelor’s degree in Geography from the University of Regina she figured her best option was to travel to Kampala where many expats lived and worked:
So I went where all the Mzungus hang out and started to chat them up cause I figured that was how I’d get a job…. And they were all angry and drunken, and hated this place – and they were all making so much money, more than they’d ever make in Canada. And I thought, I can’t be these people, and I came back to Mukono after two weeks. I didn’t want a job I hated so I came back to the drawing board. (L. Weighill, personal communication, April 12, 2010)
At the same time, GVN terminated their Ugandan partnership with the African Child
Foundation (ACF) because the director was
corrupt144. Leslie, and TRU, was an ideal new
partnership for GVN to place volunteers back in
Uganda. She believes GVN likes the idea of a
‘foreigner’ on the ground to help with volunteer
placement and to coordinate the projects (L. Figure 45 Katie Wilkes (left) and Leslie Weighill (right) at the guesthouse in Weighill, personal communication, April 12, Mukono (Wilkes, 2010) 2010).
143 She first volunteered in Ghana with GVN and then decided to volunteer again for another, more long term project in Uganda (not through GVN). The second experience was not a good one, however, she fell in love with Mukono and decided she wanted to stay there long term. 144 I was a volunteer with ACF when their corruption was discovered, I then worked with a GVN staff member (who was volunteering with ACF at the time as well) to document the embezzlement of child sponsorship money. Leslie and I joke how funny it is that we just missed each other in 2005 and yet came together in 2010. 211 The Volunteer Placement Process
The volunteer placement process and partnership starts with GVN145; interested volunteers search their website for information on their partnerships with local NGOs in developing countries. Once they have found either a country or specific project which suits their interest, they apply online to GVN. Figure 46 shows the placement process:
The Global Volunter Network is a global website where interested volunteers begin their jouney. They are an umbrella NGO which GVN partners with local NGOs in devleoping countries arond the world
TRU is the only partner NGO in Uganda that GVN works with. TRU Volunteers can then choose which projects suites them best of the partnerships that TRU has with local NGO/CBOs
YOFAFO BVC PACE Nalusse Once the applica on process is complete and the volunteer has been approved by TRU they are then placed in their desired projects (if space and me Village Buikwe PACE permits) Projects Bright Primary Future School The Hope for Primary African Hopleand Micro- School Children's Junior finance Founda on School
Figure 46 Volunteer placement process in Uganda (Skett, 2014)146
Volunteer fees are determined based on the specific project and duration of the placement. Costs include accommodation, airport pick-up, meals, ground support, project donation, and 24 hour access to the GVN hotline; it does not include airfares, shots, visas, daily
145 GVN is a New Zealand based NGO that placed 16,000 volunteers in 21 projects in the last decade. They focus on local initiatives and building up community capacity, believing in ‘local solutions to local problems’. 146 There are other projects which volunteers can be placed; these are just a few that TRU offers. 212 transportation, or any other purchases. However, volunteers do not have to go through GVN to volunteer with TRU; they can book directly through the TRU (online) and the costs drop dramatically (Table 4)147 (GVN, 2013; TRU, 2013):
Table 4 Project costs of volunteering in Uganda (Skett, 2014) Global Volunteer Network The Real Uganda
• 2 weeks - US $1597 • 2 weeks - US $500 • 4 weeks - US $1997 • 4 weeks - US $800 • 6 weeks - US $2297 • 6 weeks - US $1100 • 8 weeks - US $2597 • 8 weeks - US $1400
TRU Operations
TRU provides funds and skills for grassroots efforts and organization in the south central and western parts of Uganda. Leslie (L. Weighill, personal communication, April 12, 2010) explains the inception of her NGO and consultation with community hosts:
When I was first volunteering here – doing nothing – other locals would come into the office and meet me, and they ALL asked me to help them. I would go see their projects; they all wanted me to fund them. And you can’t fundraise locally, like approaching MTN [Africa’s largest cellular communication company], you might get a one-off donation but it’s not sustainable. If you’re getting 2 volunteers every month you’re getting US$700 every month. You can budget, you can pay rent, you can do s*#t with that. So my whole thing is I don’t care about the community, I care about the programs that are already working... They had to have been running for 5 – 7 years, and I don’t care what you do. You tell me what your people are doing and I will help you with cash so you can do it – that would be my role. So they talked to their community, and they bring me to the community and do their whole ‘dog & pony show’ and the whole village comes up.
147 TRU requires a non-refundable deposit of US$150, which is applied to the balance of your program fee (which is due in total one month prior to arrival at the project). As well, if volunteers do not go through GVN they do not have access to the 24 hour hotline. 213 The ‘dog and pony show’ is what brings community members out, by seeing a mzungu involved in the project or school there is an assumption that money will soon follow – as will opportunities for the community. It is very much a status symbol to have a partnership or friendship with a mzungu.
TRU places about 120 volunteers a year in Uganda and “aim[s] to build the capacities of local organizations and raise awareness around the world about the successes and challenges of life in Uganda”148 (TRU, 2013). TRU partners with local organizations (NGO/CBOs) who lack money and skills to grow themselves; through the placement of western volunteers in their projects they offer finances, business skills, and new approaches and perspectives. Leslie repeatedly stresses this is a partnership, and both parties sign a contract and agree to this at the onset. “It’s a partnership, if these people didn’t have their projects I wouldn’t have a job” (L.
Weighill, personal communication, April 12, 2010).
Leslie takes pride in TRU operations: “our offices, staff, and projects are located in
Uganda. 100% of your funds stay in Uganda” (TRU, 2013). She maintains a skeleton staff so that maximum money can be put in to the projects. TRU offers volunteers an opportunity to immerse themselves in Ugandan life: they stay with project directors in their homes and eat
Ugandan food, live in a Ugandan village and work with locals149. When asked if they differ from the commercial, large-scale, volunteer organizations (such as i-to-i, and Cross Cultural
Solutions) Lee (Koelzer, personal communication, April 26, 2010) answered:
Oh God yes! Our people have to talk to locals!... you’re gonna experience the real Uganda – you’re not getting chartered around and taken care of, on a nice little pretend holiday where you pretend to help people – taking pictures of little black kids for
148 It is important to note that the count of 120 volunteers a year was prior to the economic recession of 2008. 149 There is one exception to village accommodation, which is for projects based in, and around Mukono Town where volunteers stay in the TRU guesthouse. 214 when you get home. You live with Ugandans, you work with Ugandans, you eat local food. We throw you in a village in the middle of nowhere and you s*#t in a hole [laughing].
This was a huge selling feature for a TRU volunteer:
I like the idea of it [her project] being in the village, I liked the idea of living with people and being able to see life as I think people should see it in Africa; you know, where the people are just so friendly and they’re just so kind. They’re doing the best that they can and everybody works together. I really liked the idea of not being in a major city [BVC volunteer]. (K. Wilkes, personal communication, February 23, 2010)
Day-to-day operations
Leslie continues to reinforce TRU is a not-for profit: “we take a huge chunk of the admin fee but I don’t pay that to me at the end of the year, it’s not a profit-sharing or dividend thing, it’s a ‘ok well now we can put this towards volunteering housing at project X, or we can buy a bicycle for this project, or a boda-boda for this project’” (L. Weighill, personal communication,
April 12, 2010). Leslie receives a set salary for shelter,
food and basic needs, as well as a little for savings.
Leslie works with Lee Koelzer (Figure 47), an
American who was one of the first volunteers with
TRU and decided to stay on150. Her title is Program
Figure 47 Lee (right) visits with a woman Officer, her primary duty is to ‘problem solve’ from one of her projects (Skett, 2010) and help new volunteers overcome cultural barriers; most of these volunteers lack cultural sensitivity:
We’re guests in this country; we’re guests that no one asked to come here! So it’s up to us to conform ourselves to how, you
150 Lee had also previously volunteered with GVN in Ghana for a (very corrupt) local NGO. 215 know, Ugandan culture is. And it can be frustrating at times because pretty much everything western culture does is more efficient – but it’s not culturally ok. (L. Koezler, personal communication, April 26, 2010)
Lee receives $100 per incoming volunteer per month (for the first three months of their placement); with the understanding that if no volunteers come in she gets nothing. It is rare (prior to the economic recession of 2008/09) to have no volunteers, but in those few instances Leslie said she paid Lee $400 for those months when there were none. Most often the months when there are no volunteers coincide with Ugandan school holidays (December – January; May –
June) because there are no teaching opportunities. Unfortunately, these are often the months when volunteers are able to take holiday time. TRU sought other placements that would interest volunteers when teaching was not available151. They successfully partnered with 5 – 6 other projects that offer volunteer opportunities in orphanages, farming projects and community development.
Leslie divulged that volunteers often feel she and Lee should work for free and sometimes judge her for taking an income. This overlooks the obvious that both these women need to earn an income to live, and save for their futures. Furthermore, their incomes are nothing compared to what most expats make who work for NGOs in Kampala. Leslie (Weighill, Personal communication, April 12, 2010) believes in transparency and accountability with all parties involved with TRU, and in return she must contend with several opinions on how to run her
NGO – a business or a charity:
I pool my volunteers and we like to talk about it (how their money is spent) – and all the volunteers that are like business oriented or have done that kind of degree are like you should be doing it
151 The majority of their volunteers are 18-21 year old American college girls so their ideal times to volunteer would be during their semester breaks of May – August and December. 216 [running TRU like a business for profit], you’re an idiot for not. But everybody else, which is like 80% of the volunteers who think that Lee and I should work for free, and are all social work majors are like: no, you cannot do that with our money.
It is a challenge to save volunteers money for bigger projects such as volunteer accommodation at project sites; volunteers want to see how their money is spent, with tangible results, and accommodation for future volunteers does not bode well. However, these are often the same volunteers who complain about accommodations at their project sites152. Lee (Koezler, personal communication, April 26, 2010) also criticized volunteers for thinking project founders and workers should work for nothing, “they think paying someone US$25/month is totally enough – and it’s not!”. One of the biggest contentions amongst volunteers surrounds the issue of money – their money –many are hypocritical, they all drive cars, all have furniture in their homes and more than one outfit in their closet.
Volunteers of TRU
Lee acknowledges that the majority of their volunteers are ‘Rad’ (a word both her and
Leslie use zealously) but there are a few who are unable to adapt and enjoy their experience. In particular, those who come for only a short period never fully immerse themselves in their projects because they try to ‘see Africa’ in a month. Volunteers hope to go on safari, trek gorillas, and raft the Nile rapids at Jinja, which leaves little time spent at their projects. She posited that 3-4 months is an ideal volunteer placement, which allows them to both immerse themselves in their projects but also to experience what Uganda has to offer.
152 Although the optimal situation is for a volunteer to be hosted in the family home of the project director this can be challenging when there are multiple volunteers at one time, as well some projects the directors may be staying in very small accommodations such as dorms on site. 217 Volunteers who struggle the most are those who are unable to take care of themselves, to even pick up after themselves; they have trouble taking initiative at the host project or really become involved. “I don’t want to say they’re worthless, but they’re a lot more high maintenance, and they tend to crash and burn a lot more than people that have had to earn their own money to get their plane tickets, and pay their program fees – they appreciate the experience so much more” (L. Koezler, personal communication, April 26, 2010). She also added that volunteers who come directly through TRU are not as successful (as GVN volunteers) because they are frugal with their money and become obsessed with how every penny is spent.
Based on past experiences they no longer take volunteers for more than three months for several reasons: Uganda only issues 3 month visas so they need to apply for an extension once in the country (of which there is no guarantee); there is also concern that volunteers tend to burn out after about four or five months. At home volunteers would seek a promotion or greater responsibility after six months of work; however, volunteers have no opportunity for ‘promotion’ within the organization. Lee (Koezler, personal communication, April 26, 2010) explains that at the five month mark volunteers seek more responsibility, or complete control, in their host projects and it does not end well for them: “what they try to do just crashes and burns because they’re trying to do it in the western fashion”. There is also the greater issue that even if a volunteer makes changes or creates their own role in the project what will happen when they leave a month or two later? And when it is not an internal initiative of the project and, its founders, it is unlikely to be maintained.
Lee contends that 10% of their volunteers are amazingly fantastic, 80% are fantastic
(described as anticlimactic, but good at their jobs, non-intrusive), and 10% are unsuccessful. She provides an example of an amazingly fantastic volunteer: an 18 year old girl from Japan who left
218 the guest house every morning at 6am to teach at 7am, she worked with the teachers all day long, and stayed till class was over at 5pm. On weekends she travelled to the teachers’ home villages to meet their families and immerse herself in the Ugandan experience – as opposed to weekends spent partying at backpacker hostels. This is compared to an unsuccessful volunteer whom Lee describes as ‘abusive and disrespectful of local cultures’. The first example was a volunteer at a secondary school who taught the children that God does not exist, that it is a crutch for weak people. “We have had other volunteers who are incredibly sexually active at their volunteer placement… it’s brutal because it sets a bad precedent at that placement for every future volunteer, they’re pretty much seen as prostitutes” (L. Koezler, personal communication, April
26, 2010). There are also volunteers who have never been away from home, and spend an hour every day on the phone crying to their parents. Finally, she said they tend to get a surprising amount of these types of volunteers:
People that say they want to come and see Africa, people that say they want to come and save all the Africans, crash and burn because they’re idiots. They don’t actually know anything about Africa, they want people to love them and worship them. We do get a surprising number of those people, they want to be seen as a savior – a big crash and burn. (L. Koezler, personal communication, April 26, 2010)
219 Some volunteers become frustrated with
Ugandan ways, and are unable to adjust – and accept – the cultural practices and traditions. One volunteer, Frannie (Figure 48), found it particularly difficult to overcome the gender discrimination she encountered. Her project directors would often Figure 48 Frannie (from the Great speak down to her, or exclude her from discussions, Lakes Region of the USA) with a young boy in Buikwe (Skett, 2010) because of her gender. She described the first time she gave an HIV/AIDS seminar in the village with her project, MACRO, and all the women sat on the floor while the men all had chairs. She immediately raised her contempt for the situation; they acquiesced and changed the seating arrangements. “There was kind of a breakdown between how I would do things at home – which would be simple – and navigating how to do them here”
(F. Steinlage, personal communication, April 17, 2010). Two young Canadian volunteers placed at another project also encountered sexual discrimination by the directors and were even excluded from certain events. “It was shocking for us…. I came here to be involved – I don’t want to miss out on anything” (E. Adams, personal communication, April 18, 2010). They told
Lee about the situation and found her to be dismissive, “she just brushed it off” (C. Patrice, personal communication, April 18, 2010). Volunteers often fail to understand that they are guests of these projects, and while they have paid for their placements it does not grant them unlimited access to their organization and its operations. Frannie was also frustrated with the lack of professionalism, by both Leslie and Lee at TRU, as well as her project directors. However, she conceded that she comes from a very professional job back home and needed to adapt.
220 Volunteer experiences with TRU
All volunteers of TRU during the research period were happy with their overall integration process, and into their host projects and communities. They felt strong support from
Leslie and directors, it exceeded their expectations (E. Adams; C. Patrice; L. Relph; K. Wilkes; personal communications, 2010). Almost all the volunteers recounted horror stories experienced by their friends when they volunteered abroad with other organizations, they were thrown into unknown situations and left to fend for themselves.
A few volunteers commented that their exit interviews with TRU were rushed, and often held in an open setting. Many suggested they be carried out a few days after their placement was over so they had time to ‘digest’ their experience, and do so via email when they returned home
(however, it is likely that many would not follow through with this). Finally, a few volunteers found Leslie and Lee to be a little unprofessional when they discussed issues of former volunteers (such as difficulties in their projects or inappropriate behavior); many worried about what would be said of them once they had completed their placement. It is likely my presence triggered some of these discussions, Leslie and Lee were helping me to better understand many of the issues they encounter, and the challenges they have faced over the first five years.
Furthermore, there were three former TRU volunteers who had returned to Uganda (for other reasons) and their stories and experiences may also have influenced Leslie and Lee to speak of previous incidents153.
153 One volunteer had returned to carry out her Masters research and wished to stayed at the guest house during this time; one had returned to carry out Masters research in Northern Uganda but also wished to stay at the guest house for a few days to visit with Leslie; the third is the founder of Kakembo who had returned to offer donation money and follow up on a child sponsorship program she had started in Toronto. The fact that all three had returned and wished to stay with TRU shows their connection to, and belief in, the NGO and its director. 221 One of the greatest obstacles of my research, and at the same time the most enlightening, was the lack of volunteers at the time of fieldwork. Some sites had no volunteers over the four- month period (only two of five); fortunately, I was able to interview some placed at other TRU projects. But the fact that many of the schools had no volunteers meant that they also had little, to no, funds154. Leslie admits this is an oversight she did not foresee. In 2008 TRU earned a total of US$158,000; in 2009 with the global recession this dropped to US$92,000 – a loss of
US$64,000 (L. Weighill, personal communication, April 12, 2010).
When I started this I thought it would be a great way for people to get money all the time… and now the world fell apart – and oh s*%#t! And a lot of people [project founders and directors] didn’t understand it and asked for money and I would show them my [volunteer] schedule. Everyone gets it now and we’ve all pulled together. (Weighill, 2010)
This reveals the lack of sustainability of low-cost private schools, and NGO/CBOs, relying on volunteers as a source of income. Furthermore, it shows the difficulty TRU has to sustain efforts; in 2012 they had to downsize their guesthouse accommodations to a smaller space (still in Mukono Town). However, the impacts of these partnerships go beyond the financial, there are other benefits, and concerns, that can arise.
154 It is important to note that some sites still had funding coming in from previous volunteers or the GVN foundation. 222 Youth for Africa Foundation (YOFAFO)
Figure 49 Valence Lutaisire is the founder and director of YOFAFO in Uganda (YOFAFO, 2013)
To say that Valence Lutaisire, founder of Youth Focus Africa Foundation (YOFAFO), is one of the most inspiring human beings I have ever met would be a gross understatement (Figure
49). Born in Rwanda, he moved to Uganda with his parents when he was very young, to the community of Kitoola. Valence lost his father at the age of nine and his mother when he was fourteen; an orphan, he was sponsored through a western NGO. His face expressed such appreciation as he disclosed this part of his life and I truly believe this is what motivated him to partner with The Real Uganda in 2007 and his appreciation for western partnerships – of which he has many. “I wouldn’t have been able to help these kids if somebody hadn’t come and held me up… I wouldn’t be what I am today; I wouldn’t be talking to you on behalf of 350 children”
(V. Lutaisire, personal communication, March 3, 2010).
Through his sponsorship he completed primary and secondary school, and continued on to Makerere University in Kampala where he graduated with a Bachelor’s Degree in
Development Studies; he is the only university graduate from his village, but vows not to be the
223 last. He could have easily taken a job in government or with an NGO and yet he believes his duty
(and his passion) is to work in Kitoola and use his education to help his community overcome
extreme poverty and to prosper.
YOFAFO’s philosophy is grounded in the concept of participatory development. Solutions to problems involving poverty are possible only if those affected by it, drive it. Concerned outsiders can help, by mobilizing resources, advising, networking, and providing resources. Ultimately, however, the community possesses the knowledge and motivations that are necessary to solve their own problems (V. Lutaisire, personal communication, March 3, 2010).
Figure 50 The women of YOFAFO make paper beads (left) and they are collected and accounted to each maker; they are then sold overseas (right) (Skett, 2010)
He started YOFAFO in 2005 with the Women’s Empowerment Group who make beads
and clothing, which they sell abroad (Figure 50)155. Aside from their two primary schools,
YOFAFO also offers HIV/AIDS counseling and microfinance for community members. Valence
decided to only work in three villages so they can keep their focus and achieve all their goals (V.
Lutaisire, personal communication, March 3, 2010).
155 Figure 50 shows some of the women of YOFAFO and the building that was constructed with the money raised by the overseas sales of their jewelry and clothing; it is used as a meeting place for YOFAFO as well as the nursery classroom for Hopeland Junior School. 224 Valence runs YOFAFO with the support and partnership of his wife Doreen Lutaisire (Figure 51), who is the assistant director. Doreen also has a Bachelor’s Degree in
Development Studies from Makerere University – which is where they met; they married in 2007 and have two young Figure 51 Doreen Lutaisire (YOFAFO, children, Jo and Beth. 2013)
The microfinance project is based in Bulumaji, with a population of 2,300; nearly a third has HIV/AIDS. The microfinance program supports 125 people with loans which range from
US$50 – US$150, with a portfolio of (approximately) US$10,000. The loan is made to one woman, with five women who sign as guarantors156. The majority of women use the money to buy livestock or seeds, a sewing machine, used clothing (to fashion into new items for their children or to sell to others). They use the profits to pay school fees, make repairs or additions to their homes, or put away as savings. There is a 99% return rate on the loans and many are repeat borrowers. A YOFAFO volunteer explains this to be community development:
It’s putting money back in to the village. The women work a lot more than the men. There’s not a lot of men around. And the women are focused on their children and their education. So they can go to school properly and find themselves and come back to their community. So it works in a circle. (L. Relph, personal communication, March 9, 2010)
156 With their increased success of the project, many men, upon seeing the women do so well, asked YOFAFO if they too could apply for microfinance. Valence and Doreen agreed immediately. 225 It is important to note that much of the community development that happens from
YOFAFO comes from community members, in particular the women:
YOFAFO’s belief in their leader…
An American volunteer with the Peace Corp was working with YOFAFO and the woman’s group. She had agreed to sell the woman’s jewelry (paper rolled bead necklaces and bracelets) – amounting to a huge US$15,000. However, upon her return with the money she refused to give it to Valence [even though he was the director of YOFAFO], and argued that the women who made them should receive the money directly. Valence challenged her, and eventually she involved the country director of the Peace Corp. It was decided that the women of YOFAFO would take a vote as to how the money was to be distributed: 1. they would split the money evenly (and directly) to all women who made the jewelry; 2. half the money would go directly to YOFAFO and the rest to be split evenly amongst the women; 3. all the money would go to YOFAFO as planned for Valence to determine which projects to distribute the money. There were approximately fifty women who voted, and much to the humiliation of the volunteer, they voted unanimously for all money to go to YOFAFO as originally planned. The money was used to construct the four classrooms for Hopeland Junior School in Kitoola.
Volunteers of YOFAFO
Valence shows tremendous respect and appreciation for his volunteers, remembers all their names and how their donation money is spent. Lynn, the only volunteer of YOFAFO during the research period, loved her time at the microfinance project and was truly inspired by the women working together. Yet, she felt her presence had a greater impact at the school (Hopeland
Junior School) (L. Relph, personal communication, March 9, 2010):
Just to help out, more than anything, to see how it’s done. And I think western people being here is really nice for them, I think they like all the love we give them…. It’s just sad, usually it’s the kids that end up looking after the other kids. The loving bit, and giving a cuddle and holdings hands… is quite important for the kids.
Volunteers also have an opportunity to help with construction in the communities. Many help build classrooms, teacher housing and medical centers at both the schools. They help locals 226 construct new houses, build mud walls and thatch roofs to provide shelter and security for those most in need. A volunteer shares his story [online blog] (Luke, May 21, 2010)157:
The past couple of days have been spent building a new house for an elderly gentleman in Kitoola, Valence’s home village. This incredible man was abandoned by his family some years back and was adopted by the locals… We have jumped in with the local community and began building his new home…. Loziyo’s eyes are covered by cataracts, his toes are rotted away, and his little finger is missing on one of his hands, yet his is so looking forward to moving into his new home…. This is the first experience on this trip that has made me walk away and cry.
As a housewarming gift David bought Loziyo a mattress to replace the old one he had slept on for years. They joked that now that he has a house he can look for a wife, at the ripe young age of 84 years old; Loziyo jokes that he wants a mzungu wife (Luke, May 26, 2010).
This volunteer’s experience is one of deeper comprehension and understanding of poverty, as well the abundance and consumption of “westerners” (Luke, May 19, 2010).
YOFAFO receives several donations from former volunteers and at the time of the research one from Canada had raised funds to help with the construction of a new classroom block at Hope for Africa Children’s Village; it provided new doors, window bars, and shutters.
She flew to Uganda to personally give Valence the money158.
157 This volunteer arrived immediately after I left Uganda. 158 She is the founder of Kakembo and also gave donations to PACE and Nalusse Success Primary School. Furthermore, she was there to organize the sponsorship of some children at another TRU project, on behalf of her co-workers in Canada. 227 Buikwe Village Care (BVC)
Figure 52 Children and community volunteers of Buikwe Village Care (Village Support Network Uganda, 2013)
Pastor Paul Mulamira founded Buikwe Village Care (BVC) in 2007 with the main goal to bring local people together to help one another159. This is achieved through the provision of free primary education and the mobilization of villagers to help the elderly and disabled members in their own community.
Chronic under development in Uganda is a problem not easily solved, remote rural living, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, a subsistence economy, loss of hope and lack of services that help to keep many orphaned children, and their extended families, dependent upon hand-outs, malnourished, and un-educated. BVC wishes to ease these conditions by bringing villagers together, using local resources to provide knowledge and infrastructure that will build better lives. (P. Mulamira, personal communication, March 30, 2010)
Community development initiatives are organized through BVC and carried out in the seven villages weekly (a different one each day) (Figure 52). Paul believes that when bzungu volunteers participate in these projects it generates tremendous interest; locals will come out just to see bzungu work and the chance to meet them. Most often it is women who volunteer; on
159 Originally this charity was registered in Uganda under the name of Village Care Buikwe Uganda. 228 occasion there are a couple of men there, usually Eric (headmaster of the school) and Paul. This
is reflective of the number of widows in this community; they are also most in need of these
provisions and assistance. “But together we can give hope to both widows and orphans who are
hopeless due to the loss of their beloved ones because of HIV/AIDS” (P. Mulamira, personal
communication, March 30, 2010).
Volunteers of BVC
Paul repeatedly stresses the idea of ‘friendship’ with western volunteers – not their
financial contribution. “You need to have ideas and a passion before you have the money –
because if you have those you will find a way to make those happen even without money” (P.
Mulamira, personal communication, March 30, 2010). He sees the long-term value of these
relationships, across the miles and throughout the years. A volunteer explains her apprehension
and how Paul handled it:
“The first day was really tough. I had to talk to Paul about my concerns in volunteering at the school. My entry in Paul’s visitor book sums up my experience and perceptions of volunteering” (McInnes, 2010):
I came here with reservations, on the request of a friend I am visiting in Uganda. I worried that, having no teaching qualifications and very little teaching experience, I would be disrupting children’s educations. When I was teaching children who couldn’t understand my accent or even my language, I had to talk to Paul about my reservations. I feel so lucky to have stayed with such a warm and welcoming family. I felt so comfortable expressing my concerns to Paul and then so inspired after he told me of the benefits of western volunteers in Ugandan schools. He explained that my “time, funds and energy” are all very important in helping, inspiring and motivating the Buikwe community and I am so glad to have had the opportunity to share them with such deserving and inspiring people. Thank you, Paul, for great conversation and for telling me so much about your work and your community plans. I wish you the best of luck in your future endeavors and I promise to spread the word about BVC and hope to return someday.
229 BVC had the greatest number of volunteers (4) during the research period; Leslie explained that it was because they offer multiple volunteer opportunities: they teach in the morning and get their hands dirty in the afternoon with the village projects160 (Figure 53). This makes BVC a very marketable volunteer opportunity – volunteers have no ‘idle time’.
Community projects include roof repairs, kitchen construction & plate stands (to dry dishes), pit latrines and laying new floors when they become eroded161.
160 It was 90% women who helped with the construction. Often the hostess would serve fruit for all the volunteers (see woman cutting papaya in pictures). Anne and Frannie (volunteers) are pictured here. I worked on the construction of a kitchen (bottom right picture) and broke a bone in my hand when I hit a hit a nail while ‘slapping’ on the mud. There was no electricity or water to ‘put ice on it’ and to go to the hospital in Kampala would have taken about 4 hours. The bone chip remains ‘floating’ in my right hand to this day. I chose not to mention it to anyone when it happened, all the women were working so hard and I knew the Jaja (grandmother) whose home we were at would have felt bad for me and that was the last thing I wanted. It was a very humbling experience. 161 Kitchens are often built separate to the house because most cook over an open fire and the smoke is dangerous; many of the floors are built up of mud so they erode over time and have to be re-leveled. 230
Figure 53 Projects carried out in the community by BVC (Skett, 2010)
One volunteer describes her experience in the community:
The first time we went I really wanted to push the mud with my feet like the women were doing but they wouldn’t let me; and the second time I just begged them to let me do it. The women do most of the work in the villages, I mean, the men kind of came, but they more stood around; it was the old women, they’re using hoes, they’re crazy!... [another project] I was trying to build a plate stand and I didn’t know how to measure everything, I didn’t know how to use a machete, I’ve clearly never used a machete before, why would I?... I got taught how to do everything and it built my confidence, you just have to do it the one time (K. Wilkes, February 23, 2010).
However, as bzungu dwindled in numbers so did local volunteers, by the end of the research period these projects were carried out only a few times a week – as opposed to the original seven promised (L. Weighill, personal communication, April 12, 2010).
There was some animosity from the volunteers, a few expressed concern that they did not receive full meals (served only bread for dinner), and that Paul had purchased new furniture recently – while the teachers at the school tell them they are not paid, and haven’t been in months.
I’m a little disappointed I must say, with BVC itself and Paul, I feel as though… I question his intentions sometimes. I really thought Paul was for the community, everything looked good on paper and he knew the language to sell it. But I’m really starting to question his intentions with getting more donations, sending more 231 donations. I have become quite uncomfortable with Paul and his pressure… It makes me feel like what I’ve done here, coming here, spending my money to come here, sharing their stories back home – is not appreciated. I need to do more for them once I get home. (J. Smith, personal communication, March 17, 2010)
Anne explains that Paul constantly asked her to tell everyone about BVC when she gets home, for them check out the website so he can get more donations and child sponsorships. He also asked her to sell beads and jewelry (that local women had made) back home in Canada; then hinted he wants to find a sponsor so he can go to Canada. One volunteer commented to me that his wife, Rose, ‘tosses around money’ when they go to the market. Leslie asked Paul to show her his financial records of volunteer placement fees so she could see how the money is spent (she suggests this to all projects to keep track of their finances). She was concerned that some of his costs, such as administration, were as high as US$900, which Leslie could not fathom how it could be so high, it is more than TRU’s administration costs for a year162. Lee (Koezler, personal communication, April 26, 2010) offered some insight as to the idea of ‘corruption’ within NGOs
– particularly with volunteer money:
Paul using 100% of that money for the volunteers was complete bullsh*#t – 100%. But the money, whatever it’s being used for is going in to that community. It’s going where it needs to go, it’s just taking a roundabout way of getting there. He’s a huge community leader, he has a church and he has his projects- and if you’re going to divert some of the money and it does go to the church to hold a seminar, or event, or whatever, it’s building morale in the community, its bringing people together.
Unfortunately, shortly after this research TRU ended their partnership with BVC due to issues of transparency with volunteer money, volunteer accommodations, and turmoil between
Paul and Eric. I received communication from Leslie with an explanation:
162 Part of Paul’s budget had USh65,000/month (CAD$25) for stationary; it was never explained what the stationary was used for, however, it was never used for the school. 232 Just writing briefly to let you know that we might have broken Paul…. Sounds like lots has been going on between Paul and the school and the community groups. Either he’s holding out on them or they’re all convinced the bazungu are handing him thousands of dollars (I’m thinking the latter) but Kim [current volunteer at project] is freaking out…. I knew this would happen. I’ve seen it so many times before. Community members, teachers, house girls, etc. try to sabotage the leader in order to try and get their cut. He’ll have to rein them in. Or stop holding out on them… (L. Weighill, personal communication, June 22, 2010)
Again, this reinforces the idea that with bzungu comes money; unless addressed from the onset of the partnership then rumors and greed will prevail. Paul (Mulamira, personal communication, September 26, 2010) told me his side of the story:
I do take amount of time or months without getting any volunteer and yet I have no foreign support at the moment and during that course of time there is much expenses that requires me to run BVC projects and yet some of the resources I do use comes from my small church contributions which is meant to support my family needs as well as church work in the first place. But because helping the community through BVC is my vision, what I do is to divide the limited resources from the church to run BVC work. And because it is very small I find myself going into debts which I have to pay when I get a chance to host a funding volunteer.
Again, there is the idea that those who run these projects should not earn an income, they should carry out their work for free and somehow sustain themselves. In this case, however, it was actually Eric who had become suspicious of Paul and decided he wanted to part ways and open his own school – for profit163. In a communication to me on August 8th, 2010 Eric wrote:
First of all, voluntary work is good and I like it [responding to my question as to why he refused the volunteers to the school after I left]. But for me I stopped working with B.V.C. because the leader [Paul] is not faithful on the side of the money which would have been used at [the] school he just use it to do his own things. I
163 Eric approached the members of the church council directly (without Paul) and told them he wanted to run the school for a profit. When they rejected his idea he then decided to pursue former volunteers and ask them for money, he also contacted me. His budget (attached in the email) was so over the top that it included a bus driver and a gate keeper – there was little budgeting for actual scholastic needs, it was more about the ‘show’ of it all. 233 started the school purposely to help orphans and needy children but Paul does not care about it for him is after money. (E. Isabirye, personal communication, August 10, 2010)
It is possible to address issues of corruption, or just simple misunderstandings if they’re addressed right away (L. Weighill, personal communication, June 24, 2010). Unfortunately, in this instance the volunteers kept their concerns quiet for too long, and as Leslie often commented, it’s too hard to get the truth [from Ugandan’s] when bzungu are around. Leslie pulled the volunteers out of BVC and placed them in other TRU projects for the remainder of their time in Uganda. Unable to get the truth, at the end of the day her volunteers are her top priority, to ensure their experience was a good one and that they are taken care of in their placement. The truth is they got to experience ‘the real Uganda’, this is not an uncommon situation when you partner bzungu with local NGO/CBOs. Conversely, this also led to ideas of corruption within her NGO:
A major issue coming out of this as all the vols [volunteers] have been gossiping about it is corruption in NGOs. A healthy conversation, but I think they’re starting to look at Lee and I. I was told about 6 times the other day what a nice car I drive (I finally had to say it was the same 15 year old car I picked them up from the airport in and they didn’t seem that impressed with it then) and I keep getting comments on how much weight Lee has gained and how she parties and drinks…. It’s hard not to get my back up about that. Each and every one of them drive cars back home164. (L. Weighill, personal communication, June 24, 2010)
Leslie said she would partner with Paul, and BVC, again once they are able to show their numbers and accommodate volunteers to her satisfaction. She explained that Paul would need to share more of his money, regain the trust of his people or get new people – which Valence was
164 Leslie bought her (used) car with the money she made from the sale of her house back in Canada, when she decided she was moving to Uganda permanently. As well, during the research period I ‘house sat’ for Leslie while she returned to Canada for three weeks to visit her mother, she lives in a complex right next to Lee. I spent many evenings with Lee relaxing, watching old DVD’s (when we had electricity) – there was never consumption of alcohol any of these nights. The volunteers who commented that Lee was ‘partying’ were the same ones who would beg her to take them with her to Kampala on the weekends to have fun in the city. 234 forced to do in the early days of
YOFAFO165 (L. Weighill, personal communication, June 24, 2010).
Paul rallied his church members and they began to build up
BVC again, they continued their community projects and opened a new Figure 54 Hamilton Buikwe Nursery and primary school. Eric kept the school Primary School (P. Mulamira, personal communication, January 4, 2011) building they had been renting; he argued that it had been his from the beginning and that BVC had tried to ‘grab’ it from him. In
February 2011, BVC opened the doors to their new school Hamilton Buikwe Nursery and
Primary (Figure 54)166. Initial enrollment was 130 students with three teachers, offering nursery to P3. The community raised the money to renovate the classrooms and construct a pit latrine, without western donations. Paul hopes to one day have electricity at the school and computers so students can learn to use them from an early age. However, he continues to communicate with me, and former volunteers, to secure donations.
He also regained the trust and confidence of surrounding community members; nine communities started farm projects to support those most in need, and as a source of income for the school167. They started a micro finance program to help support each other with the hopes to one day have their own bank in Buikwe. After she met with all seven board members of BVC at
165 In all of my meetings with Valence he never mentioned this. 166 At this time BVC also changed their name to Village Support Network Uganda (VSN), all the members of the executive board agreed this name matched with their vision and their growth (Mulamira, 2011). 167 The community started a project growing mushrooms which received recognition from the district and they received USh2 million (CAD$900) to continue with their project. 235 the TRU guesthouse in November 2010, Leslie agreed to place volunteers in Paul’s project by
March 2011.
We’re working with BVC again, and it’s going brilliantly. Paul has become a better leader and having gone through the sabotage thing… we had a huge meeting (in January) at the guesthouse with all the leaders of the community groups (and an independent translator) so everyone understands fully our program. And the church council opened a humble school. We’ve had 3 vollies so far in 2011 and they’ve all LOVED it! (L. Weighill, personal communication, October 19, 2011)
Paul took Leslie’s advice seriously and informs community members how bzungu money is spent, how they need to work together and with volunteers – it’s not just about their money.
Paul expressed great sorrow that he had lost the trust of his parish, community and former volunteers whom he considers friends. His passion allows him to carry on and continue to pursue his dreams for his community.
The vision was and still is, mobilize and sensitize communities/villages, making them work as or in groups using their local resources to meet some of their needs. And also to provide an opportunity to the international volunteers to join local community groups, for purpose of visiting, see, learning and working with communities as a sign of love to the hurting world… Because to me friendship, relationship and magnitude of the work and the vision is more important than money in the first place. If we do the opposite then it is sad. (P. Mulamira, personal communication, January 4, 2011)
Volunteer experiences in their projects and communities
At the end of their experiences, volunteers had a new understanding of poverty, what it truly means and how to really help, and what that help looks like. All homebound volunteers stressed that they wanted to tell people (back home) what Uganda was really like – nothing like those ‘pornography of poverty’ (Hoy, 1998) infomercials for large charities.
236 People only see the suffering in Africa and how sad people are and how unhappy they are. Ugandans are very happy people, music is part of their life, they’re very welcoming people, and they like to meet people and have a good time and enjoy themselves. Like I said, the way that they are doing things, it’s not wrong at all; it’s just the way that they do things here. A lot of people think that they [Africans] need to do things the western way, so being able to go home and say no they do it this way and it works for them. They just need resources and support and help and that’s all they need. They don’t need their lives to be completely adjusted – they aren’t the west. (K. Wilkes, personal communication, February 23, 2010)
In fact, one volunteer felt that volunteers’ are not needed in these communities; that
Africa – and Africans – do not ‘need saving’:
I don’t feel that they really needed me. Going into my education [bachelors of International Development] it was sort of ‘save Africa’ – and coming here – they don’t need it. They need support but I feel like I can do that from home. I feel like they’ve already gotten a handle on it. It’s totally African initiated and it kinda made me feel like, you know, maybe western countries need to step back and let them help themselves for a while. I feel like maybe not as much needs to been done, as I thought168. (J. Smith, personal communication, March 17, 2010)
All the volunteers interviewed were welcomed into their host communities, and felt everyone enjoyed having them there.
The women smiled at me, welcomed me and thanked me for coming. They also offered me some cassava to eat, which I declined. They spoke to me a bit in Luganda, asking how I was. They smiled a lot and posed for pictures and laughed while looking at them. They asked me to take photos of the man who was working on the roof. Everyone was thankful that I was there and Paul was glad I got to see the project that my money was helping to donate. (A. McInnes, personal communication, March 31, 2010)
168 After her time in Uganda Anne changed both her major and her University. Originally at the University of Ottawa studying International Development and Globalization, she then transferred to the University of Waterloo to complete Bachelors in Environment and Research. 237 Lynn visited another volunteer at a BVC project and said she felt immediately welcome.
At the YOFAFO microfinance project she knew they trusted her because they would have her balance the finance sheet at the end of the day. However, at times some volunteers also felt they were ‘on display’ and seen as a source of income:
I was asked to borrow money a few times [by people in her project] so that made me a little uncomfortable. There was always the unspoken assumption that I’m gonna raise money when I go back home to America… there’s obviously the belief that Mzungu’s are all loaded. It’s unfortunate it’s that way, but it is what it is. (F. Steinlage, personal communication, April 17, 2010)
Many volunteers repeatedly explained to project staff and community members that they had no more money, that their placement fees included a project donation. Many volunteers live on very tight budgets while in Uganda, as little as CAD$10/week to cover transportation costs, bottled water, toiletries, etc169. As Lee explained, volunteers with bigger budgets use the tour groups and those who come through TRU often have limited income at their disposal.
Other volunteers appreciate the attention; some volunteers refer to it as ‘celebrity status’ when they are in the village, they revel in the attention and are excited to speak with community members:
I’ve never been so popular! [Lynn exclaims] They’re very, very happy to see me there and lots of smiles and lots of questions…. Most people are thankful for you being there, even if it’s just for a laugh! (L. Relph, personal communication, March 9, 2010).
Others shied away and felt that everyone saw them only as ‘walking bank machines’.
And while some would take the time to speak with locals, others had no patience for the
Ugandan custom in which you greet everyone as you pass them; and before a conversation formal greeting is expected.
169 However, many Ugandans earn less than this in a week. 238 When volunteers interfere…
A few volunteers failed to understand the needs of their host community, or to appreciate
Ugandan efforts. Matthew Byelich, a former US army sergeant volunteered for a short period at
Nalusse Success Primary School (after his tour of duty in Iraq). He then decided to start a school of his own in Uganda. In an interview for Bucks Local News (January 25, 2011) he explained:
“I saw an obvious problem,” Byelich said, “that needed a solution,” he added. “The education system was poor because there were no tests, quizzes or homework; the school had no books or learning materials; and the teachers were not being effective.” … “Teachers will just write what is in the text on to the blackboard,” he said, “and expect all the students to copy it down…grasp the information.” He also said that there is not standard grading evaluation system in place. Students are only required to score a 20 percent or higher on a government mandated, end-of-the-year final in order to pass and move on to the next grade level. (Williams, 2011)
This is false. After nearly two decades Nalusse Success Primary School continues to excel, they have enough teachers for every class, P7 students’ pass their PLE’s in the highest standings, and they offer a hot lunch program. The school has textbooks, quizzes and tests – (as mentioned in chapter 6) Nansubuga spends hours every day marking students’ assignments.
Byelich founded the Byelich Foundation, a 501(c)(3) non-profit organization, to raise
US$36,000 to build a school in the Teso Region of the Siroti District, Uganda. His website uses pictures of students at Nalusse Success Primary School – in the pictures the children are happy and playing in the courtyard and at their desks (with both textbooks and notebooks in front of them). In his interview with Bucks Local News, Byelich outlined his plan to employ 11 staff
(nine teachers, one director, and a headmaster); his primary goal is to motivate teachers in order to motivate students, he also wants grades updated on a daily basis. Furthermore, he will structure it like the American school system, as well as the Korean school system (where he is currently a teacher); Byelich argues that the American school system is a great one which pushes 239 the brightest students and helps those who struggle170 (Williams, 2011). Leslie (Weighill, personal communication, March 27 & 29, 2013) offered her insights:
It is impossible and disrespectful and stupid… If the problems of [the] Ugandan education system were THAT easy to solve, I’m sure some other mzungu would have thought to open a school. Oh yeah, they have. Tons of them. And the problems still exist!
She also warns that he will be ‘robbed blind’ by locals, especially when he’s not there; he has also hired former TRU volunteers to oversee the project in his absence171. Leslie was informed that he plans to steal teachers from Nalusse Success Primary School, the same ones that he criticized. Byelich recruited Jesse Emuge, the assistant headmaster, to help him with the logistics and get the school up and running – which has yet to come to fruition two years later172.
When volunteers are inspired…
A volunteer highlighted how impressed she was by her peers at TRU, not just those at the projects she was working with (Figure 55) (L. Relph, personal communication, March 9, 2010):
I think what’s impressed me more is the other volunteers. They’re all super intelligent, seriously…. Considering the background I’m from [high school graduate]. When I was younger [now 48 years old] I was never inclined really. I never went that far – but all these girls are really impressive – the stuff they’ve done and the stuff they want to do… I think it’s great!
170 The U.S. education system has dropped ten spots in both high school and college graduation rates in the last three decades (Council on Foreign Relations, 2013). Strauss (2013) explains that the top 10% of American children do receive some of the best education in the world, however, the rest are not so fortunate since public schools are funded based on their local property taxes. America’s education gap is reflective of the widening socioeconomic gaps in the country. It will be interesting to see how Byelich addresses this school, in order to offer such a high caliber of education he will have to charge high school fees – and yet he is targeting those living in poverty? Perhaps he should have partnered with Eric. 171 During the research period all local participants told me that when mzungu donated money for construction, or a water tank, etc. that they never let the vendors know it was being financed by mzungu because their prices would triple! 172 Jesse approached me on several occasions with both sexual advances and requests for money. 240 All project directors and teachers said the volunteers inspired their children in ways that their money could never do. Volunteers remind children that there are people who care about them – all around the world. It also opens their eyes to a world they never knew about.
However, the majority of volunteers all pointed out that they, in fact, were the ones who learned the most from visiting Uganda, and their host projects. “I think it’s important not to come here to ‘change Africa’, I think you change more than they do” (E. Adams, personal communication, April 18, 2010). And, rather, going home Figure 55 TRU volunteers: [from left] Emma, Lynn & Carly (Skett, to teach others of what they had learned: “It’s cool to 2010) come here and learn about it then go home and talk to everyone about what you’ve learned” (C.
Patrice, personal communication, April 18, 2010).
All revealed they had a new understanding of needs vs. wants; as well as a greater appreciation of what is of true value in their lives: family and friends…. all around the world, especially in Uganda. When volunteers finish their time with TRU they are encouraged to ‘sign the wall’ in the guesthouse (Table 5), some are heartfelt, some are funny, all are honest:
241 Table 5 Volunteers 'sign the wall' at the TRU guesthouse (Skett, 2010)
242 Community attitudes towards western volunteers
It is difficult to discern how many told the truth about their thoughts of western volunteers in their communities. Leslie and Lee both acknowledge that Ugandans are very welcoming and respectful people and would not want to make anyone feel uncomfortable, nor to disrespect their efforts, so they would not tell you otherwise (L. Koezler & L. Weighill, personal communication, April, 2010). It cannot be overlooked that if volunteers are seen as a source of income it would be foolish to ‘bite the hand that feeds you’. “They are needed to help in satisfying our needs and create friendship” (E. Isabirye, personal communication, April 1, 2010).
In all of my discussions with locals they never expressed negative attitudes towards western visitors in their communities. That said, one volunteer experienced some negative attention her first time at a BVC community construction project:
At the beginning we went to one village and the women were totally hesitant towards me, and Katie [another volunteer at BVC]. Katie told me it was because they thought we were just there to sleep with their men…. That’s what Katie was saying, I had no idea cause it was my first week…. And they were not impressed with us at all… ‘we can do this without you’ kinda thing. But now, I guess I’ve worked with them a couple times then they are like ‘oh, come try this’…. (J. Smith, personal communication, March 17, 2010)
Katie had already left Uganda when this interview was carried out so her source of information was not identified. However, it is possible that this is what Lee referred to when volunteers are ‘overtly sexual’ in their projects and their behavior condemns future volunteers to judgment. Anne also acknowledged that once she learned some Lugandan and was able to greet community members in their mother tongue she felt welcome.
243
Teachers and parents love of volunteers
Teachers and parents love western volunteers teaching their children173. “I love the way they excite our children” (B. Tusuubira, personal communication, March 16, 2010). Benon, headmaster of Hope for Africa Children’s Village, explained that the volunteers (even if they’re not able to be there for a long time) change the feel of the classroom. He conveyed the excitement of children and teachers, it encourages them: “they help to relieve us and teach us to be creative in our teaching, we share ideas” [PACE Teacher] (S. Nabakooza, personal communication, April 6, 2010). Observation of the few volunteers that were in classrooms is that teachers are often a translator between the volunteer and students – particularly the younger classes (baby, nursery, P1, P2)174. One volunteer also conceded that “there are teachers in the classroom all day who can do the job that I’m doing, all I really brought to the school was supplies” (J. Smith, personal communication, March 17, 2010). This is a poignant observation; all the teachers have some form of teacher training and certification – whereas none of the volunteers have any teaching experience or qualifications175.
Parents loved the idea of bzungu teaching their children, and assume they receive a better education when they are present (L. Mikiibi, personal communication, March 9, 2010; B,
Tusuubira, personal communication, March 16, 2010). A parent with three children attending
Buikwe Bright Future Primary School explains that her kids ran home with excitement the first time they had a mzungu teacher, but couldn’t remember her ‘mzungu name’. “It is encouraging
173 The majority are also parents, many of the children attending these same schools with volunteers. 174 I took a few days to teach in the classrooms as well and encountered the same issue, especially at PACE and Buikwe Bright Future Primary. 175 There are a few qualified teachers who come to volunteer; however, Leslie explained they often become frustrated because both the teaching and learning styles are different than what they are familiar with. 244 them and they [volunteers] love them so much” (P. Nakibuule, personal communication, April
23, 2010). She laughed as she told me how excited they are when they speak English at home
(but their parents’ first language is Lugandan and neither finished primary school so they speak very little). E. Tubuusira (2010) also noted that the children’s excitement for the mzungu keeps them interested in school and parents see this as a constructive and positive relationship.
Miriam, the leader of the Buikwe community projects (one of the seven villages under the umbrella of BVC), explained that when Bzungu work at their projects it brings people out, hopefully to help, usually just to watch them work. Furthermore, their reaction is “That one there
[Paul] works with mzungu so he’s rich now, rich! (She laughs) Rich! Rich! Rich!” (M.
Nakiwala, personal communication, April 21, 2010). A parent of Buikwe Bright Future Primary
School laughed when asked if she thought Paul was rich, “ugh huh, yes!” (P. Nakibuule, personal communication, April 23, 2010).
Once parents and community members meet the bzungu in their children’s schools, and their communities, they open up and begin to better understand that they are not simply there for money but rather to learn about them and help their community. “They love the mzungu, we love that you come to see us. They love the mzungu’s for their love” (P. Nakibuule, personal communication, April 23, 2010). That said, Benon (Headmaster of Hope for Africa Children’s
Village) continues to communicate with parents that relying on bzungu for money is not sustainable:
We always explain it to them, they can come and appreciate them…. It’s not something you can always rely on and we have to stand on our own. They know that if we get any help (from bzungu) it is for the school. (B. Tusuubira, personal communication, March 16, 2010)
245 The Real Uganda: today
It is a constant balancing act for Leslie to meet the needs of both volunteers and host projects. The economic crisis of 2008/09 had repercussions for the three years that followed.
TRU’s volunteer numbers continued to decline (down to one volunteer a month at times), with several months where they had no volunteers at all; they also had cancellation rates as high as
80% in certain months. TRU had to change their programs and now offer two week placements and ten day tours (build something for five days then go on safari), which Leslie acknowledges completely goes against her goals for the NGO. However, she is also a realist and to maintain her organization, as well as her partners’, she had to adapt to consumers’ needs:
Yes, totally against our original objectives but it brings in people. There is a whole world of willing volunteers who simply don’t have a month to give! And you can’t eat your principles! I’ll likely drop the 2 week vollie placements in the future, but the 10 day tour thing is really fun and quite a benefit to a responsible project. (L. Weighill, personal communication, September 25, 2012)
As well, many people do not have the finances to come to Uganda but are keen to give money to TRU (particularly previous volunteers); they have started to do their own fundraisers to help support their partners. Leslie acknowledged that GVN was particularly hard hit, and still struggles, in the wake of the economic crisis so she may also work with Plan My Gap Year, who plan to place volunteers in Africa in 2013 (L. Weighill, personal communication, September 25,
2012).
Lee Koezler left TRU in early 2013 to pursue work with Grass Roots Uganda, her own
NGO which helps local NGOs and projects sustain their efforts, primarily through grant applications and fundraising. Leslie does not intend to fill her position, but rather incorporate
Lee’s duties in to her daily routine.
246 At the end of the day, western volunteers can cause great tension and distrust in host communities. They can also shine a spotlight on the tremendous efforts of local community leaders, as well as provide a great source of income to finance their projects and fulfill their dreams. But when there are no volunteers there are none of these things.
247
CHAPTER 8: BRINGING IT ALL TOGETHER: THE REALITIES OF LOW-COST PRIVATE SCHOOLS AND PARTNERSHIPS WITH WESTERN VOLUNTEER ORGANIZATIONS
Basic education is a fundamental human right and a component of wellbeing. Education is also a key determinant of the lifestyle and status an individual enjoys in a society. Studies have consistently shown that educational attainment has a strong effect on the behavior and attitude of individuals. In general, the higher the level of education an individual has attained, the more knowledgeable they are about the need and use of available facilities in their communities. (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2010, 14).
This research focuses on a single volunteer organization and five of its partner projects with the overarching goal to understand how this partnership impacts these schools, projects, and the education they provide in their communities. This chapter will evaluate the three objectives set forth in the methodology and will discuss the realities of these partnerships. Finally, it will discuss the ways in which this partnership can be mutually beneficial for host communities and voluntourists.
The study sites all share the same goal: to provide a quality education to the most needy community children. But beyond the academics students also learn basic skills in hygiene, health, cooking and food safety, as well as social skills to work with others, gain confidence and as Betty Kasumba believes – to become good citizens.
In addition, the founders and directors of the LCPSs in this case study have reached out to the parents, to teach them the value of educating their children. This is essential since one in every four Ugandans, aged six and over has never been to school; roughly 30% of the population aged 13 or older have never completed primary school. It is a huge hurdle to overcome, to convince parents about the value of education when they have received little, if any, themselves.
However, it may also be a driving force to give their children an opportunity they never had. The 248 research reveals both the positive and detrimental consequences of these partnerships and the impacts on host communities, and western volunteers. Three research objectives were explored:
1. Determine the access to UPE and quality of education provided by NGOs and community members
2. Explore complexities and tensions within education provision in Mukono District, Uganda
3. Explore the interface between community development, local NGO participation and western volunteers
The research examines these objectives through both sides of the partnership between the volunteer organization, The Real Uganda (TRU), and low-cost private schools in Mukono
District, Uganda. TRU differs from commercial volunteer organizations because it is a registered
NGO, not a business, and therefore the goals for host projects and communities are different.
TRU “aim[s] to build the capacities of local organizations and raise awareness around the world about the successes and challenges of life in Uganda” (The Real Uganda, 2013). Moreover, TRU is a locally based initiative, not a tour company. In essence, Leslie Weighill (founder and director of TRU) is an entrepreneur who seeks mutually beneficial placements of western volunteers to help build up locally established projects in Uganda.
This research provides a critical bridge to divergent literatures on the voluntourism industry and on LCPSs. It further addresses the gaps of impacts of voluntourists on host communities. These objectives are examined within the framework of pro-poor tourism. For schools that partner with western volunteers, what are the educational, social and financial impacts on schools? Is there community participation and are these partnerships beneficial to host communities?
249 Objective One: Determine the access to UPE and quality of education provided by NGOs and community members
The research examines the struggles of the Ugandan government, parents and community leaders to provide education (both UPE and private)
It examines the day-to-day operations of the schools, teacher qualifications and PLE passing rates of the schools in this case study
It demonstrates the passion and determination of all the community members who founded the schools
The challenges to provide UPE
President Museveni made Universal Primary Education (UPE) available in 1997 to provide free primary education to four children for every family in Uganda176. And even though the country is often heralded as the poster child for UPE, the reality is that the government struggles to make this a reality. A failing economy, rampant government corruption, lack of parental commitment, and the sheer size of 15 million school age-going children are at the core of this failed undertaking. Only 25 out of every 100 students who joined P1 in 1999 had reached
P7 by 2006; in 2007 there was a grade repetition rate of 15% and in 2009, more than 400,000 students had either dropped out or repeated a grade (Uganda MoES, 2008; Businge, 2010).
UNICEF (2014a) reports that only 32% of students completed primary school from 2008 –
2011177. Furthermore, the Uganda National Education Board (UNEB) (2011) national assessment
176 It is now all children, no longer limited to four per family. 177 Interestingly, the same report released by UNICEF (2014) showed that survey data had results of 72% having completed primary school between 2007 and 2011 – compared to the administrative data (provided by UNESCO) which showed only 32%. There are several possibilities for this discrepancy, but the most likely and plausible answer is that parents completed the household survey and out of pride may have lied that their children had completed primary school. Furthermore, the administrative data collected by UNESCO would use PLE results and many students may not have completed these if they could not afford it or they school was not registered and did not offer it. 250 of the progress of UPE in 2010 revealed that P6 students are not able to tell time, read a story, or subtract fractions. These are skills that children should know by P2 and P3, the failure to do so reflects the poor quality of education. The 2013 Millennium Development Goals Report for
Uganda (Table 6) (UNDP, 2013) reveals the slow progress and even declining educational indicators for Uganda between 2002 and 2010:
Indicator 2002 2006 2010
Net enrolment ratio 86% 84% 83% in primary education Gross primary 49% 48% 54% completion rate On-time completion 11% 6% 5% rate Table 6 Slow progress of MDG#2 in Uganda (UNDP, 2013)
In particular, these statistics show that even though they have (marginally) increased in eight years, the disappointing primary completion rates were still only 54% for 2010.
Furthermore, on-time completion rates dropped from 11% down to 5% in that same eight year span. This resonates with issues described by all teachers and parents, that their children struggle at UPE schools; they compete with far too many students than acceptable (with classroom sizes up to 120) and repeat one or more grades.
When the government terminated the UPE Capitation Grant (a subsidy of USh5000-
8100/pupil [CAD$2-$3.50]) after only six years of UPE, the schools (and their students) suffered even more. Construction came to a halt and teachers’ salaries froze while their workload tripled with the increase of students in their classrooms. The Uganda National Teachers’ Union
(UNATU) repeatedly criticizes the government’s unwillingness to make funds available to improve the quality of education (Education International, 2013).
251 The rural – urban divide remains evident with the Uganda National Household Survey
Report 2009/10 (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2014) which identifies that 18% of urban residents are more likely to have attained higher education levels compared to only 3% of their rural counterparts. This shows the lack of availability of secondary education, and a lack of means for parents to send their children away for secondary school. A second key concern of this report is that the proportion of females with no formal education is 24% - more than double compared with 10% of males. Finally, the overall number of children aged 6-24 who have never attended school is 10% which is approximately 1.5 million178. The development implications of these trends is staggering.
The reality remains that the Ugandan government does not have the financial or human resources to fulfill UPE and is reliant on western aid money to subsidize their education system.
Political controversies such as the ‘ghost students’ (chapter 5) continue to plague the government, along with their failure to produce a single document to address these allegations after a three year investigation at a cost of Ush6 billion (US$2.4 million) (Bogere & Kakaire,
2012). There is little faith in the government’s ability to provide education, and yet the prevailing ideology remains that it should still be free.
178 However, this number may in fact be higher. The Uganda Bureau of Statistics (2013) revealed that children (18 years of age and younger) account for 58% of population, and youths (aged 18-30 years) account for another 20%; the total proportion of children and youth in Uganda is, in fact, three quarters of the population. 252 The schools in this research
Table 7 Similarities & differences of research sites (Skett, 2014) Site Similarities Site Differences
Goals and Dreams: Level of education provided:
- Provide education for children most in - Some only provide up to P4 (Buikwe need in their community (orphans and those Bright Future Primary School, Hopeland whose parent(s) cannot afford the school Junior School & PACE Primary School)179 fees) - Others up to P7 (Hope for Africa - Provide a better education than what is Children’s Village & Nalusse Success available at (surrounding) UPE schools Primary School). (lower student/teacher ratios, higher test o Hope for Africa Children’s Village scores, teachers present) had the highest standings of PLE passing rates in Mukono District in - For that education to be not only a tool but their first year open (2007) and have an opportunity to their students’ future maintained that standing – with successes. Provide other skills and 100% passing rates knowledge beyond the academic (hygiene & o Nalusse Success Primary School health, food & nutrition, career counselling) maintains 90% passing rates since 2002
- Some are not registered and do not meet national requirements (Buikwe Bright Future Primary School and PACE Primary School)
Partnership with TRU and western Community Support: volunteers at their schools: - All YOFAFO projects have the support of - These partnerships finance classroom their communities and local participation construction, provide desks, books and (in some schools) a lunch program - PACE and Nalusse Success Primary School have passive communities180 - Additional financial support from former volunteers (child sponsorships and school - Buikwe Bright Future Primary School and fees, construction, teachers’ salaries, Grace Primary School & Orphanage both classroom supplies) lost community support with the presence of bzungu at their schools and homes - All have struggled to overcome preconceptions of bzungu in their schools, homes and projects (that they are all rich, that they are going to save their schools)
- Many address internal strife due to 253 suspicions of corruption (Buikwe Bright Future Primary School, Grace Primary School & Orphanage, Hopeland Junior School, Hope for Africa Children’s Village)
Struggle to pay and retain teachers: NGO Operations:
- All sites have monthly struggles to pay - YOFAFO, BUIKWE & PACE operate their teachers their schools under the umbrella of their NGO which provides more potential sources - Many have high teacher turnover (with the of income and community participation exception of both YOFAFO schools) - Nalusse Success Primary School operates - The majority of the teachers have only on their own and has no other source of basic/partial teachers’ college certificates; income or community participation for many this is their first teaching job
The following section discusses the quality of education provided at these LCPSs, incorporating the information provided in Table 7.
A quality education
A quality education involves trained and experienced teachers, reasonable student/teacher ratios, availability of in class materials, permanent and safe facilities, and skill related lessons beyond those in the national curriculum – such as health, nutrition, hygiene, agriculture, and social skills. As stated in chapter 5, the majority of teachers in Uganda (59%) have their O’level
+ teaching certificate/diploma. The level of teacher qualification speaks volumes about the quality of a school and their provision of competent education. Table 8 details teacher qualification for each of the case study schools:
Teachers with Teachers with Student/Teacher School O’level & certificate O’Level & ratio /diploma (n) certificate/diploma (%) Buikwe Bright Future Primary One 25% 22:1 School Hope for Africa Children’s Six 100% 38:1 Village Hopeland
254 Junior School Five 100% 24:1
Nalusse Success Primary School Nine 100% 27:1
PACE Primary School Three 75% 19:1
Table 8 Teacher qualifications of research sites (Skett, 2014)
All of the teachers at Hopeland Junior School, Hope for Africa Children’s Village, and
Nalusse Success Primary School have their O’level + primary teaching certificate. At Hope for
Africa Children’s Village the Headmaster, Benon, is also completing his Education degree at
Makerere University181. The student/teacher ratios in these schools provides teachers crucial time and attention for their students, and allows them to follow through with those who are struggling or need greater attention. Classroom observation of these three schools revealed ongoing teacher presence, interest and ability. It was hardest to interview the teachers at these schools because they were so dedicated to their students and their learning; they worked tirelessly and always welcomed me into their classes.
The commitment of the teachers, and their competent levels of certification, appears to directly impact Hope for Africa Children’s Village and Nalusse Success Primary School’s very high passing rates of the PLE exam. These two schools surpass the success rates of UPE schools.
Both had more than 80% of their students in 1st grade (top 10%) of their PLE exams in 2009. The total number of students in Mukono District in 1st grade the same year was 10.3% (Lirri, 2010).
For the 2008 school year it was reported that 261 of the 384 schools in Mukono District had no pupil pass in the 1st grade (Nabiruma, 2009).
Hopeland Junior School did not offer P7 at the time of research. However, observation revealed these students were doing well in their classes and passing their exams at each grade.
255 This is also true of Pace Primary School; at the time of research they had six students in P6 and planned to offer P7 for them the next school year. One would worry about whether these students will pass the PLE in high standings when the time comes, based on observations that at Hope for
Africa Children’s Village and Nalusse Success Primary schools their P7 students study extra hours in preparation for the exam. Valence insists on construction of a P7 dormitory so students can stay on school grounds day and night, and would not be distracted by responsibilities at home182. Nansubuga also explained that her P7 students (at Nalusse Success Primary School) had intense studies as well and would often stay in during their break to study.
This was not the case at PACE Primary (although they are P6 students) but they share a classroom with P5 and there are no plans for future classroom construction, which would provide independent space for them. Three of the four teachers at PACE Primary School have their teaching certificate/diploma yet there is a very high rate of turnover, primarily due to inconsistent pay. Observation would also suggest that Betty does not show tremendous confidence, or interest, in her teachers – often forgetting their names. Of interest, however, is that the one P6 teacher without a certificate/diploma, Medi, is the most engaged and passionate with his students.
The lack of teacher qualifications and experience at Buikwe Bright Future is of great concern for the quality of education offered at the school. As explained in chapter 6, two of the four teachers did not speak English, struggling to have a conversation or answer questions. This is concerning since the entire curriculum is taught in English and their failure to instruct in it does not foster a strong learning environment. Other obstacles include multiple grades sharing the same room (and a very small one), sharing the same blackboard, and the same teacher (with her one year old child sitting on the ground in front of her, often crying). Teacher turnover rate
256 was the highest of all study sites. Classroom observation revealed teachers often did not follow any curriculum; in fact, on many occasions the teacher was absent and the eldest student of the class would lead the lesson. He or she would point to pictures and words on the classroom wall
(written on pieces of paper and taped up) and the other students would repeat them. There was little in the way of learning taking place in this school, and after seven years of operation they still only offered Nursery to P4. There was little discussion as to where students would go after
P4 – whether to a UPE school or another LCPS in the community. Paul had worthy goals but they were not being effectively realized; there was little education and learning taking place at
Buikwe Bright Future Primary School.
Passion & determination at the local level
The passion and determination of the founders of these schools was evident throughout the research. They were committed to start these schools, to ensure the daily operations are maintained, and to their hopes and goals for the futures of their students. Their schools are just the means, or gateway, to allow the children of their communities an opportunity to survive, to aspire to a life of quality and opportunity.
Valence Lutaisire, an orphan and sponsor child who completed his Bachelor’s degree from Makerere University, he was the first University graduate from his village of Kitoola but vowed not to be the last. Since he started YOFAFO in 2005 they built two primary schools, a micro finance project, HIV/AIDS counselling, and a Women’s Empowerment Group - serving three villages with a combined population of over 5,000 people. His community has such confidence in him, and his work, that they offer land for the schools, help with construction, and volunteer their time at the Microfinance and Women’s Empowerment Projects183. The story
257 ‘YOFAFO’s belief in their leader…’ (Chapter 7) shows the unconditional trust and faith the community women have in Valence and the education he provides for their children.
Nansubuga Josephine, a teacher and school inspector for 36 years, saw the need for more education in Mukono Town before UPE was available; in 1993 she started Nalusse Success
Primary School. The introduction of UPE in 1997 created competition for her school; fortunately, the majority of her students returned when their parents realized that UPE schools struggled, as did their children. Her passion, and belief, in her students is unwavering and she has high expectations of them: “we create job makers not job seekers”. Furthermore, her determination to offer students a hot lunch program shows her deep understanding for the more immediate issues her students endure – beyond the academics.
Betty Kasumba started PACE Primary School for orphans in a community she had only visited a few times for her work with another NGO. Seeta is not her familial community, but her passion to help local orphans led her to retire from her career and focus her efforts (financially, physically and emotionally) on this school. Local councilman Thomas Walusimbi shares her passion for this community, and its people, and they work together tirelessly to inform residents of their intentions, to seek out children most in need, and to secure land and construct a school.
Volunteers saw her passion and helped her to buy the land, to construct the classrooms and build a house for her and the teachers at the school. It is clear that Betty’s career with NGOs makes her adept at sourcing funding from donors. She understands their expectations and knows how to appease them and show results. She may not remember the names of her teachers, but she knows every student and their story. Without her school, most (if not all) of these children would not attend school, but this is contrasted with the questionable quality of education.
258 Although Paul Mulamira faced serious challenges and accusations of corruption by his teachers and volunteers, his passion and belief in education allowed him to rise above the fallout with TRU and the closure of the school. He rebuilt the relationship with his parish, and the community; he then opened another school and renewed his partnership with TRU. Although
Buikwe Bright Future was a very simple school, and struggled to provide an adequate education for their students (due to lack of qualified teachers), at the time the children were in school – rather than at home, in the fields, or the streets.
Finally, although Grace Primary School and Orphanage is not a primary research site it provides valuable insight into the struggles to build a school, maintain it, and have western volunteers on site. Liz had to overcome the stigma of her sister dying of AIDS, the witch living down the road who sabotaged the school on a regular basis “because it was cursed”, consecutive years of severe drought in the region, and finally to overcome the idea that she is rich since bzungu volunteers were at her school. And on top of all this she deals with all the other hurdles that Valence, Nansubuga, Betty and Paul deal with – that their communities are poverty stricken, there is little money or interest for children to attend school. Yet, she continues to find a way to provide an education (and small porridge lunch) for all 170 students at the school; and cares for eight orphans whom she lives with on site.
There is no doubt that if these schools were not there these children would have few options or opportunities. It is also clear that these schools grew and flourished from the passion, determination and will of their founders who sacrificed so much to provide education for these children, and yet none of them see it as such. They never once refer to it as a burden, but rather an opportunity. Their passion never wavers; they are always excited when they speak of future
259 plans and goals for their schools. Their passion undoubtedly inspires western volunteers, but of even greater impact, it inspires the children at their schools.
Objective Two: Explore complexities and tensions within education provision in Mukono District, Uganda
Interviews expose community leaders’, Elsie’s, teachers’ & parents’ distain and disappointment with UPE schools and the education they provide
The research illustrates the need for these schools
The struggles of the communities in these study sites reveal the need for the partnership between western volunteer organization and local education provision
Disappointment in UPE
Mukono District was chosen for this case study with good reason: it has the second highest number of primary grade repeaters in the country, second only to the northern region which was been ravaged by the war with the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) for twenty years and are now rebuilding their communities. In addition to this, the AIDS highway runs through this district and it has the highest prevalence rates of HIV/AIDS in country – with more than
50,000 primary school-aged orphans, thousands of students and hundreds of teachers infected with the virus – it is undeniable that education provision is desperately needed. More than half of the schools in the district are privately owned which shows a lack of government support – or interest.
260 Disappointment, doubt, and disdain of UPE schools in the district were a daily discussion topic during the research. Parents pull their children out of UPE schools because their children fail and become sick due to too many children in the classrooms, not enough teachers, lack of latrines and no lunch provision. Parents repeatedly stress that teachers were perpetually absent at
UPE schools, which correlates to recurring articles in the local newspapers and media that teachers do not receive their full salaries and demand wage increases. A situation which continues three years after the research:
It’s encapsulated in the pages of a local newspaper. On the front page is a big story about pupils taking national exams and how significant it will be for their future. It shows a country that really values education, where children will walk for miles under the equatorial sun to study…. Open the next page and there’s a threat of strike action by teachers still waiting for last month’s pay cheques. (Coughlan, 2014a)
Teachers interviewed, who had previously worked at UPE schools, stated this was the case; which is ironic since those who have never worked at UPE schools expressed desire to do so because they believe they will earn a higher, steady pay, as well as retirement provisions
[Nalusse Success Primary School Teachers’ focus groups; Hopeland Junior School & Pace
Primary School teacher interviews]. It is a universal truth that the grass always appears greener on the other side of the fence, too often based on rumor and speculation. The teachers in these study sites want to work at UPE schools in spite of the constant media reports of teacher strikes due to lack of pay, poor work conditions, and ‘deletion’ from payroll when they voice concerns.
A September 18th, 2013, article from Education International describes the ongoing predicament
– after another teachers strike:
This is not the first time Ugandan teachers have had to resort to industrial action to secure proper funding for education and a living wage for teachers. The government abolished school fees to meet the goal of universal primary education but then failed to fund schools. As a result, class sizes are commonly over 100 pupils, the primary school completion rate is only 25 per cent, and teaching 261 conditions are poor. Teachers’ low pay has been worsened by sharp inflation that now stands at over 21 per cent. Inflation of food prices is actually around 43 per cent. Teachers’ pay in Uganda is exceptionally low, and the entry of salary is insufficient for a single persons’ basic subsistence. There are continuous issues or non-payment of wages, with UGX9 billion (€2.6million) outstanding.
The teachers from Buikwe Bright Future and PACE Primary Schools who did not have their Primary Teaching Certificates never expressed interest to teach at UPE schools; they likely knew they would never qualify for the job. However, they all expressed interest in going to another school ‘with better pay’. Many young and under-qualified teachers use smaller LCPSs as their training for better jobs – since they often get paid very little it can be construed as an internship. However, this is very destructive for schools such as Buikwe Bright Future (or any
LCPS) since teachers will often leave in the middle of a school semester which greatly disrupts the students in their academics; they are usually replaced by a teacher of equal or lesser skill and experience.
The real costs
Betty, Benon, and Nansubuga explain the difficulties when parents pull their children out of their schools with the intent to place them in ‘free’ UPE schools, and then return them within months when they realize their children’s education has regressed. Furthermore, parents who enroll their children in these LCPSs for the first time believe their children are far more advanced, when in reality administrators are forced to hold these students back one or two grades because they struggle to keep up with their classmates. This displeases parents because they assume that the payment of school fees ensures a passing grade; and if they say their child completed P5 at a UPE school they assume they will, naturally, start P6 at their new school – even if they cannot read. Nansubuga insists that UPE schools are only for “really bright” students
262 because they can learn by themselves and are not burdened by the overcrowded classrooms and high student/teacher ratios. The lower student/teacher ratios at the LCPSs in this research contribute to the quality of education.
There are two major disconnects which occur. The first is that parents’ think school – whether UPE or private – is free. It is difficult to overcome this mentality since they must first convince parents of the value of their children going to school, and of education – for which they need to pay the fees. However, as stated for every school in this study, the directors/headmaster- mistresses often overlook school fees when parents have no money [and when they are orphans]
– so it is fair for parents to presume it is ‘free’. Prossy, the Headmistress of Hopeland Junior
School explains that parents often dress their children ‘down’ (ripped clothing, no shoes) in order to give the appearance of greater poverty to try to reduce or eliminate school fees.
The second disconnect is the assumption that parents’ only obligation is to pay school fees, and that their responsibility ends there. Parents fail to understand that children must be in class every day; sporadic and repeated absenteeism hinders students’ performances in their exams. Furthermore, children need to continue their studies at home at the end of the school day.
These are non-tangible costs that parents do not understand; their children need to give their time at school, which may mean less time to help the family earn an income. However, how do you overcome the attitudes of parents, many of whom lack enough education to help their children with schoolwork. These parents also work long hours to feed and clothe their families. In addition to all of this, traditional cooking practices require children’s help. Too often we take for granted the availability of quick and easy meals – there is no understanding for the hours needed each day to collect water, to collect wood for cooking, to prepare foods – which do not come pre-
263 packaged and cannot be cooked in an instant. The pressure on children (and parents) in Uganda is immense, particularly in poverty stricken communities.
The Uganda National Household Survey Report 2009/2010 released a report revealing other reasons for children not attending school:
Table 9 Reasons for not attending school for persons aged 6-12 years by sex (%) (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2014)
There are several interesting statistics in Table 9, in particular the notion of school being too expensive has decreased from 7.9% to 5.1%; as well, this cost was less of a concern with girls. However, the need for children to stay home to help decreased from 9.6 to 4.7% which shows that values, as well as the mindset of parents may be slowly changing. There is no explanation as to why the 2009/10 survey omitted ‘Indifference to education’ but rather included
‘Parent did not want’ and ‘Not willing to attend’. Clearly, the government felt the need to better differentiate the reason the child was not in school. Not wanting to be in class’ was rarely (if
264 ever) encountered during the research. As noted repeatedly, children [literally] beg for an education, for a teacher in their classroom, to learn something new, to show you their knowledge. This was not just at schools, but when speaking with village children in the villages, or living on the streets of Kampala, they all said they wanted to go to school – but didn’t have the money. Finally, it is curious that ‘Other reasons’ has had the greatest increase for not being in school and yet there is no further explanation of details. Some possibilities could take account of war, disease, and early pregnancies – perhaps too taboo to include in the survey. However, details of other reasons would greatly increase understanding of the issues in order to address them for the future.
Without these schools where would students go?
A totally consistent theme was that if these LCPSs were not available most current students would struggle desperately in UPE schools. The reality is that many more students would not be in school at all, a great majority are orphans or their families face extreme poverty.
Nearly all of the students at PACE Primary School are orphans; Betty sought them out because they had no one to care for them and they were not in school. Hopeland Junior School is a community so hard stricken by HIV/AIDS, the majority of students are raised by grandparents, extended family members, or neighbours. Furthermore, the two UPE schools in their community of Kitoola have huge student/teacher ratios and no latrines as is the case for Buikwe Bright
Future Primary School. Hope for Africa Children’s Village is in the very remote community of
Bugiri where the nearest UPE schools would take over an hour to reach by foot or alternatively a boda boda ride which few, if any, could afford. The only exception to this is Nalusse Success
Primary School which has competing low-cost private schools within walking distance for
265 students. However, it is unclear how many of those competing schools are willing to waive school fees as Nansubuga does for those most in need.
UPE schools do not reach out to parents in this way – in fact, parents posited repeatedly that they pull their children out of UPE schools because they do not learn, or gain anything from being there and not one of them said the school tried to stop them. This is where these low-cost private schools have an impact at the community level. Parents begin to see the change in their children, as they learn to read and write, as they begin to take pride in their successes at school, as they develop social skills through work and play with other children throughout the day.
These gains are not easily measured quantitatively but are definitely observed qualitatively.
Parents choose to send their children to these schools, some because of the presence of bzungu, others because of superior education to UPE schools. They know that their children will not compete with as many students in the class and are taught the same national allocated curriculum; and ‘slowly by slowly’ [as Ugandan’s say], parents have begun to see their children’s education as an investment. As stated in chapter 2, both the World Bank and the
MoES acknowledge the dire need for greater community involvement and sensitization for its success; these schools, and their founders, are making this a reality.
The number of private schools in Uganda has increased dramatically in the last five years from 13.5 to 32.1 in rural areas, and 18.9 to 38.1 overall in Uganda between 2005/06 – 2009/10
(Table 10).
266
Table 10 Availability for education facilities within communities by residence (%) (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2014)
The central region, which includes Mukono District, has the second highest number of private primary schools second only to the capital, Kampala (Table 11). The growing number of these private schools provides a rationale for the importance of investigating how these LCPSs are impacting the regional educational landscape.
Table 11 Availability of facilities within communities by region (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2014)
267 These LCPSs are increasing in numbers rapidly, in particular their growth in rural areas warrants much greater attention since this where education provision is in dire need.
Need for Partnership
There is a clear demand for improved education and [at this time] it is obvious that the
Ugandan government does not have the means to render this a reality. In fact, the MoES has stressed the need for increased partnership between community schools, parents and government to increase access and quality of education. McLoughlin’s (2013) review of the literature of
LCPSs in developing countries repeatedly reinforces that government should be the predominant financial partner. In Uganda, the issue is that community leaders and parents have no faith that the government will live up to their end of the arrangement. Thomas Walusimbi (2010), a local councilman in Seeta, explained that of the five private primary schools in his area none have received their promised government grants and all these schools continue to struggle.
Phillipson (2008) warns that low-cost private schools exhaust both their resources and motivation after (usually) about five years, and are often forced to close their doors. In addition,
Lewin (2007) stresses limits to the growth of private schooling in low-income developing countries. He argues that demographic and cost factors – including high ratios of income-earning adults to dependent school-age children, income distribution heavily skewed towards the wealthy and a general scarcity of domestic capital – constrain the expansion of unsubsidized private schools that are otherwise reliant on fee collection from lower-income households. (McLoughlin, 2013)
In this case study, LCPSs found a partnership source of income to turn education into a reality. This research examines the challenges and positive aspects of an alternative model to government partnerships.
268 These schools encounter many of the same challenges that UPE schools experience. The most prevalent is to pay teachers a fair, competitive, monthly wage. In this research, the monthly teachers’ salaries ranged from USh20,000 to USh80,000/month (CAD$9-$35), compared to
Ush300,000/month (CAD$135)184 at UPE schools (Businge & Lule, 2012). By comparison, this is a significantly reduced salary but it is still an enormous burden without financial support from the government, and given that many of their students’ are unable to pay the [minimal] school fees (ranging from Ush8,000 - 69,000/term (CAD$3.50-$30) [Hopeland Junior School – Nalusse
Success Primary School respectively]). When students are unable to pay school fees there is no income to maintain the day to day operations of the school, as well as for materials such as scribblers and library books, desks, learning materials, kitchen supplies and lunches for students and staff. Provision of on-site teachers housing is also expected, particularly since many are away from their homes and their families.
There is also the cost of registering a school which forces them to then increase fees. Liz
Mukiibi told us that school inspectors expect bribes to ensure school registration, and if bzungu are present, the expected bribe escalates. However, if these schools do not register, their students cannot sit the PLE’s on site and must do so at another school for a fee (this is the case for
Nalusse Success Primary School).
Partnership contributions
Valence partnered with TRU in 2007, shortly after he began YOFAFO, and this greatly contributed to how quickly Hopeland Junior School and Hope for Africa Children’s Village were built. This partnership provides funds for building materials, doors, windows, desks, latrines, a kitchen, a dormitory for P7 students, and a medical room. Volunteers pay a placement fee (to
269 their host project) which covers food and accommodation and a small contribution for the host project. It is important to note, however, that not all the construction of YOFAFO was through the partnership with TRU. YOFAFO’s women’s empowerment group has made tremendous efforts by making beads and jewellery which were sold overseas; the proceeds (US$15,000) built the nursery/baby classroom at Hopeland Junior School, as well as supplies for the school.
Valence has not limited his western partnership to TRU, he partners with VSO and a few other US based NGOs which fundraise abroad for ongoing projects. Valence also receives donations from former volunteers of TRU. During the research period a former Canadian volunteer returned briefly to Uganda to give Valence (approximately) US$3,000. YOFAFO also has a child sponsorship program (approximately 80 children); most of the sponsors are former volunteers or their family/friends who wanted to contribute after learning about the organization and its efforts. A monthly sponsorship of US$30 provides education, counselling and career guidance, educational materials, school uniforms, medical care, and meals (for breakfast and lunch).
Betty has experienced tremendous growth of her vision for PACE; after only three years of partnership with TRU she purchased land and constructed four classrooms, a permanent latrine, a pig pen, and began construction of a house on-site for her and the teachers and/or volunteers185. There is no way that Betty could achieve so much in three years, particularly since the majority of her students are orphans and pay little, if any, school fees.
Before partnership…
Buikwe Bright Future and Nalusse Success Primary Schools’ were built several years before their partnership with TRU. Nansubuga began Nalusse Success Primary in 1993, four
270 years before the introduction of UPE; parents eventually realised that the low school fees (for those who can afford them) were not more than secondary costs of UPE schools. Nansubuga partnered with TRU in 2005 when the competition from other private schools threatened her business and she struggled to pay teachers’ salaries and rent. Her partnership with TRU was vital to maintain operation costs and generate hype with the presence of bzungu, which parents believe equates to a higher level of education. This partnership allows Nansubuga to maintain operations as well as offer the attractive hot lunch program. The volunteer placement fees she receives from TRU contributes to teachers’ salaries and rent and allows her to overlook student fees for so many children whose parents are unable to pay. In essence, volunteers cover what parents cannot.
In 2002 to start Buikwe Bright Future, Pastor Paul rented a small block of rooms on a slight plot of land in the heart of Buikwe Town. After seven years, the school was still unable to offer any classes beyond P4, and struggled desperately to secure and pay experienced, certified teachers. None the less, the school provided education to students for seven years before their partnership with TRU. Unfortunately, any positive contributions from this partnership are not evident; the school infrastructure remains unchanged and teachers continue to complain about lack of pay.
Objective Three: Explore the interface between community development, local NGO participation and western volunteers
271
Is this Pro-Poor Tourism? Does it meet the core requirements? What does this look like for the sites in this research? Is Voluntourism a viable contribution to PPT?
The unmeasured potential of Voluntourism through the partnership between TRU and host projects and communities
Potential perils and pitfalls of Voluntourism with the partnership between TRU and host projects & communities
Is this Pro-Poor Tourism (PPT)?
The core objectives of PPT are 1) to increase economic benefits, 2) enhance non-financial livelihood impacts, and 3) enhance participation and partnerships. Does the voluntourism in
LCPSs in this research meet these conditions? Figure 56 articulates the impacts of, and connections between, PPT, voluntourism, education in LCPSs and community development.
Community development occurs when a developing community’s economic, social and cultural infrastructure are reinforced both from within and from support abroad. Through volunteer organizations – LCPSs partnerships, the [potential] net benefit is community development and therefore, this research shows voluntourism as a viable contribution to PPT.
272 •Increase economic Pro-Poor benefits •Enhance non-financial Tourism livelihood impacts (PPT) •Enhance par cipa on and partnership
•Use discre onary income to help others Voluntourism •tourists engage in ac vi es that are mutually beneficial to host communi es
•Employment opportuni es Educa on •good ci zens/community par cipa on *in Low-cost • skills and tools to private schools overcome poverty and improve opportuni es
•developing a community's economic, social and cultural Community infrstructure Development •Partnership and trust is built within the community
Figure 56 Potential positive impacts of voluntourism (Skett, 2014)
The two core benefits of Voluntourism are: 1) volunteer tourists’ discretionary income is used to help others at the local level and; 2) volunteer tourists’ engage in activities that are mutually beneficial to host communities. This research demonstrates how TRU volunteers meet both these definitions of Voluntourism. These core benefits fulfill the first two objectives of PPT
(stated above); in addition to this, the research adds to the body of literature in that it demonstrates how Voluntourism enhances PPT objectives of participation and partnerships. TRU
(and bzungu volunteers) elevated school and community interest, and participation.
The demonstrated potential of Voluntourism
TRU volunteers (along with other volunteers in Uganda) generate income for the greater economy through safaris and side trips to Kampala to socialise and to eat ‘western cuisine’186.
273 The bulk of this income goes to large-scale, national (and international) companies and the government (through safari permits). Volunteers stay at hostels, hotels, and lodges (many under foreign ownership); their travels also help with local job creation through staff, drivers, and guides.
Of greater value, however, is when volunteers inject income into host projects and communities – a core component of PPT. Volunteers offer income with the visits to the local market to purchase fruit or a chapatti from a roadside vendor. The remote location of many of the volunteer placements necessitates that volunteers’ shop local, since the distance to travel to
Kampala (or even Mukono Town) would take hours to reach. Some have clothes made or mended at the local tailor and provide fares for boda boda and matatu drivers when they move around the community. There are also occasions when volunteers enjoy social outings with locals. One volunteer treated the teachers of her school to a trip to a local hotel to spend the afternoon at the pool and bought them all lunch. Others take new [local] friends out for dinner or to a local bar to share a drink187. There is also an injection into local markets with volunteer construction projects and furniture purchases (example: volunteer who bought the mattress for the man in Kitoola). Finally, volunteer placement fees contribute (in part or in whole) to teachers’ salaries, which is a measure of income generation.
Education ‘Boosters’
In figure 57, education as a key component of voluntourism fosters positive benefits and opportunities. Even if children do not complete their primary education it is estimated that
“Globally, one year of school increases earnings by 10%, on average” … “In Uganda owners of household enterprises with a primary education earned 36% more than those with no education”
274 (UNESCO, 22, 2014). When farmers are literate, have math skills, and learn agriculture, they are better equipped to survive. For those in the formal economy, their education makes them more competitive and they are eligible for higher incomes. In the long run, educated parents are also more likely to keep their children in school, and for longer. However, the stimulus from volunteers, in way of education, may proffer something even greater than income generation.
The long term benefits of their presence and impact may yield much greater potential when students become active community participants and good citizens.
One of the major gaps in the literature of voluntourism is the direct impact of volunteers in host schools; this warrants much greater study since more than 50% of volunteers are teachers
(Geckogo, 2009; Year out Group, 2009). How do local teachers feel about young, untrained westerners who come in and take over their class?188 Do volunteers undermine teachers and their credibility? What are the benefits to students; to the school? The research shows that teachers enjoy volunteers in their classrooms, not predominantly because they believe they greatly contribute to student learning, but rather because they enjoy their support, knowing they have travelled across the world to come and help them. It encourages them, many also comment that they learn new teaching techniques and ideas from volunteers; they also provide teachers with a break when they help out in class. In essence, volunteers are classroom helpers, teachers do not resent them at all, but rather welcome their help. Volunteers serve as motivators for teachers, and help to boost their confidence. Furthermore, bonds of friendship are built between teachers and volunteers189.
Volunteers generate hype for their schools, as well as for community projects. Bzungu in the classroom excites the students and encourages their attendance and to study hard. Their presence also excites parents and motivates them to keep their children in school. Volunteers are
275 education boosters – they generate excitement for attendance and learning – for students, teachers, and parents.
The Right to Play
What volunteers often do not recognize is that their presence allows children to take a break from the stresses in their life and to be children. Volunteers spend the majority of their time at these schools playing games – sports and socialization are two beneficial and vital activities for children. It teaches them cooperation, teamwork, communication, leadership, tolerance, and most of all, it builds their confidence190. The United Nation recognizes ‘play’ as the right of every child: Article 31 under the Declaration of the Rights of a Child states: “children have the right to relax, and play, and to join in a wide range of cultural, artistic and other recreational activities”
(UNICEF, 2013). The International Play Association (IPA) of Canada acknowledges that:
Play is fundamental to all aspects of child development and is the key component in preserving community and culture in the broadest sense... Play can be a vehicle for children to pass on their culture, for sharing between generations, and for children to communicate their feelings and ideas to adults. Through play young children learn to become active participants in their communities. (IPA Canada, Homepage, 2013).
Many volunteers bring balls and sports equipment for their host schools and some even donate uniforms (Figure 57).
276
Figure 57 Students wear their donated uniforms (Skett, 2010)
A volunteer at Buikwe Bright Future Primary school brought an old bed sheet from home, purchased a ball, and took the children out in the school yard one morning to play
‘parachute’. The children were exhilarated by the activity, and you could see that those who were apprehensive at first stood by the side, but within only a few minutes they joined in, their friends’ fun was contagious! The children lit up with excitement, and you could see them start to learn some of those skills that ‘play’ fosters. At Hopeland Junior School, a volunteer brought a soccer ball and started a big match in the school yard, by the end there were 100 children running around (chaos ensued), but all of them were included – with a smile on their face (Figure 58) 191.
Figure 58 Kids at Hopeland Junior School are given a football and chaos ensues! (Skett, 2010) 277
Money can’t buy me love
It was clear at all the research sites that students benefit the greatest from volunteers in their schools. It excites them to be in the classroom and to learn games such as ‘hangman’, as well as curriculum from the volunteers. The other major benefit to the children is affection.
Something less measurable (as explained by the local participants of this research) is that volunteers offer love, encouragement, excitement and inspiration to the students and community members.
This allows them to flourish in their efforts inside and outside the classroom, it shows them they are not alone and opens their minds to a world beyond the one they know, and beyond their preconceived conceptions of the west and bzungu. They learn that volunteers are the same as they are: they laugh, sneeze, yawn, cry, get sad, and get tired. Students learn they have more in common with bzungu than not, that they have feelings, and are real. Volunteers realize their engagement encourages students to want to learn more, to want to know more, to want to explore more, and to believe they can do more. The majority of students aspire to be teachers overall, the other top vocations are doctor, pilot, and engineer.
A criticism of voluntourism is that children become emotionally attached to a volunteer and when they leave (often after only a few weeks or months) this loss can be very emotionally devastating to a child that is already an orphan or who has suffered a similar loss (Hopper, 2013).
Richter and Norman (2010) carried out a study on ‘AIDS orphans tourism’ and addressed concern with short-term volunteers encouraged to make intimate connections with orphans, who suffer from abandonment, abuse, and neglect. “However, shortly after such “connections” have been made, tourists leave; many undoubtedly feeling that they have made a positive contribution
278 to the plight of very vulnerable children [Abdulla et al. 2007]” (224). The present research has shown however that this does not occur at the schools where the founders and directors are responsible for the physical and emotional well-being of the children; they ensure they have a permanent home and emotional support. Volunteers make connections with children, and there is a small risk of emotional attachment – however, these children are busy with their studies, classmates and teachers. Volunteers are there in a position to encourage students, help teachers and play with children outside of the classroom. Furthermore, observations showed that the affection students received from volunteers fostered a deep connection. Rather than foster a sense of abandonment these volunteers offer encouragement and a greater sense of the world.
They build friendships whose impacts could last a life time. Students are very appreciative of the materials that volunteers provide: everything from classroom construction to art and craft supplies; they interpret these gifts as forms of affection and they also serve as memories of former volunteers.
The key informant research participants: Betty, Liz, Nansubuga, Paul, Valence and Leslie acknowledge that their friendships with volunteers inspire them greatly – and are second only to the inspiration they receive from the children they seek to help. Finally, volunteers provide locals with an opportunity to show outsiders who they are, with the anticipation that volunteers will tell others about them when they return home. This too gives them hope, something which cannot be measured.
It has been stressed repeatedly in this research, by participants, the literature, and the
Ugandan government that education makes good citizens and fosters positive community development. The benefits of this partnership are immeasurable and have massive potential for community development (Figure 59):
279 Volunteers
Educa on provides a skill set to help Play teaches children students contribute coopera on, pa ence, to their community Friendship builds understanding, and become good confidence and fosters teamwork - they ci zens op mism and become par cipants inspira on in their community
Community Development
Figure 59 Potential volunteer contributions of education, and volunteers, to community development (Skett, 2014)
However, for all the positives that flourish from this partnership it is undeniable that there are very serious concerns. “And when you’re dealing with children, schools, disadvantaged women, it’s not an environment you want to fail in – because the consequences are real
[Rosenthal]” (Hopper, 2013).
The perils and pitfalls of Voluntourism...
The economic downturn of 2008/09 had huge ramifications for the schools in this case study. With economic hardship the first two things cut from an individual’s budget are 1) travel, and 2) donations – the foundation of voluntourism. The majority of TRU volunteers are young,
280 predominantly female university students. Most of them work part-time jobs to fund their travels and are reliant on friends and family to donate to their travels. In addition, many low-wage jobs were lost and competition increased for these positions due to high rates of unemployment.
Furthermore, many universities increased tuition fees in a context where there wasn’t an increase in real wages – and this was a factor which impacted many volunteers.
All of TRU’s projects lost scheduled and prospective volunteers, and numbers had dropped to zero at almost every site by 2010. Dependency on volunteers as a source of income can have negative effects and foster a false sense of financial security. Table 12 illustrates volunteer placements during and prior to the research, as well as their overall contributions to the schools since the partnership with TRU:
Volunteers Present Previous Volunteer Contributions to Project Sites at time of research & Volunteers project sites duration of stay Buikwe Bright 3 (3 months192; 1 4 - Scribblers for students Future Primary month; 1 week) - Funds to pay teachers193 School - a new living room for Paul and his family194 Grace Primary 0 3 - permanent classroom block School & Orphanage built - Sports uniforms and 3 soccer balls Hope for Africa 0 ≈20 - Construction of classroom Children’s Village blocks, doors, and windows195 - Construction of latrines - Water catchment tank - Construction of P7 dormitory - Construction of medical bay Hopeland Junior 1 (3 weeks) ≈15 - Classroom block School construction, doors, and window bars PACE Primary 0 ≈12 - purchase of land for school School - construction of classroom block, doors, and windows - Latrines
281 - Pig Pen - House for Betty and teachers/volunteers Nalusse Success 0 ≈25 - Construction of second Primary School classroom block - Hot lunch program - Classroom materials (books, paper, pens, art & craft supplies) - Fruit and vegetable trees to grow food for teachers Table 12 Volunteer placements and contributions to the research sites (Skett, 2010)
There were several critical outcomes of this loss of income: construction projects came to a halt, directors struggled to pay teacher salaries and some children lost sponsorship. With fewer volunteers at the schools, there was a loss of placement fees for teachers’ salaries and maintenance, and donations made to school projects. Many people were forced to make cuts to their personal spending, including monthly sponsorship payments, due to loss of income or job.
I accompanied Liz Koezler to a TRU project which had not had volunteers in several months and the situation was a prime example of dependency on volunteer income196. The school director showed the (previously started) construction which included a new classroom block, a latrine and a well (Figure 60). All of the projects were at a standstill and they were waiting until they had more volunteers – although no prospects at the time197. The director made no mention of the possibility of pursuing other fund sources although it was unclear as to whether he believed this would be futile or he had already exhausted other possibilities.
282
Figure 60 Uncompleted projects at a school partnered with TRU (Skett, 2010)
Several of the study sites experienced negative repercussions from their partnership with
TRU and from the presence of western volunteers in their schools, homes and communities.
Grace Primary School and Orphanage is a prime example of how the presence of bzungu can have a detrimental impact on local efforts and perceptions. In this case there were only three volunteers at the school over a span of less than a year, and parents stopped paying school fees, stopped offering their time and help to construct the school, and stopped donating food for
283 students. Indeed, since bringing bzungu to her school, Liz Mukiibi struggles harder than ever before to provide an education; teachers were inexplicably absent on both site visits, and few students were in class. Liz explained that since so few students pay their fees she is unable to pay teacher’s salaries. But if Liz closed the doors of her school where would her 170 students go?
And where would the eight orphans (who live on-site) go? The burden on Liz is immense, and her partnership with TRU was detrimental financially, physically and with respect to parental engagement.
Buikwe Bright Future Primary School is another crucial example of the negative volunteer involvement outcomes at the school and for the project director, Paul Mulamira. For
Paul, the headmaster, teachers and volunteers turned on him with accusations of embezzlement of volunteer fees. Even the parents at Paul’s school, and his own staff assumed he had lots of money (chapter 7). This was a crippling setback for Paul and the members of his community most in need. It led to the closure of the school which meant the children had nowhere else to go.
Furthermore, it did not foster participation amongst the community but actually cultivated distrust. Volunteers also worked on community projects and so as the number of volunteers declined, local interest also declined. This was local initiative that had been active for years prior to the first bzungu and in only six months it disrupted progress and crippled rather than nurtured community development.
Although Paul lost his first school, and his partnership with TRU, he reopened another school without western support, but with the help of his community. The argument can be made that the experience was a test for Paul, and his community. In the end their relationship was strengthened with more dialogue and openness – and the children benefitted the greatest198. The detriment of volunteer presence may have strengthened community participation and resilience
284 in the long run. Again, he partnered with TRU once he could offer Leslie financial transparency and was ready to have volunteers once more. Even though this partnership had been the catalyst for the closure of his first school he was keen to rebuild and renew it. Hopefully, Paul’s experiences with his first three volunteers taught him to better manage the situation for all parties involved, the same lesson Valence gained.
Nalusse Success Primary School was revitalized with the presence of western volunteers; however, this has also impeded them from purchasing the land and securing the long-term security of the school. From chapter 6, Nansubuga did not want to express interest in buying the school land because the landowner would never give her a fair price as long as there were bzungu at the school. The false perception prevailed that bzungu bring lots of money. Nansubuga always struggled to pay monthly salaries and rent and continually worried that once they had gained some experience, her teachers would go to surrounding schools. This was also a real threat since the mzungu (Matthew Byelich) intended to open his own school – a prime example of volunteers who overstep the cultural and social boundaries, believing they can do a better job.
These are all examples of ways that voluntourism can have both negative impacts and undermine one of the core goals of PPT: community participation and empowerment. Figure 61 illustrates the impact when voluntourism negatively impacts education and community development. When we see breakdowns in this relationship, when community is no longer involved and when students are no longer in school (because of closed doors), then there is no community development and no empowerment of community members – of any age.
285 •Increase economic Pro-Poor benefits •Enhance non-financial Tourism livelihood impacts (PPT) •Enhance par cipa on and partnership
•Lack of volunteers leads to loss of income •tourists engage in ac vi es Voluntourism that are NOT mutually beneficial to host communi es
•Lack of funds to pay Educa on teachers and maintain daily opera on *in Low-cost •Parents refuse to pay fees private schools or support the school •Schools close their doors
•Distrust and lack of partnership amongst community members •children sit idle and lack Community educa on & social skills Development •Already established ini a ves are crippled rather than nurtured
Figure 61 Potential negative impacts of voluntourism (Skett, 2014)
The question remains: can these schools exist without the first two inputs of PPT and voluntourism? Without their partnership with TRU would Betty own the school land? Would
Valence have two newly constructed primary schools? Would Paul have the confidence of his parish and community to support him in opening another school? In reality, volunteers often provide the initial start-up and construction costs, funds which many communities cannot raise.
In essence, volunteer money is an investment into these projects, and into their communities.
Furthermore, their presence offers an immeasurable potential – lessons and skills that are not offered at UPE schools, or through traditional concepts of PPT.
286 New Understandings
Raymond & Hall (2008) critique Voluntourism for its reinforcement of stereotypes of, rather than questioning, poverty but my research challenges this argument. None of the volunteers feel that locals ‘accept’ their poverty or feel they don’t desire the same western material possessions. In fact, the majority of volunteers seem to realize that locals do not need outsiders (westerners) to tell them what to do; Ugandans work hard to raise their communities out of poverty and seek better opportunities and lifestyles. Volunteers understand that their contribution is one of support and friendship to already strong Ugandans.
Of interest is also the impact that these experiences have on volunteers. It is worthy to note that Leslie, Lee, and myself, are all former volunteers of corrupt NGOs, and rather than be dissuaded, it fuelled our passion to support those communities most in need – rather than be deterred by a few dishonest people. Leslie has a true passion, and real understanding, for these projects and their directors. From chapter 7, several volunteers also changed their academic studies based on their experiences (Steinlage; Smith; Wilkes; 2010). Volunteers proclaim that they ‘fall in love’ with Uganda, and its people, and want to learn more about Africa and better understand the issues. This experience opens their eyes to a new world and they no longer see
Africa through the lens of the ‘pornography of poverty’ (Hoy, 1998).
Bringing it all together
So should this partnership be upheld and encouraged and if so, how? There are potential great benefits to students, teachers, founders, parents, volunteers, and host communities.
However, this research also identifies how detrimental this affiliation can be. The partnership is a balancing act: in order to ensure all parties benefit, and are content and involved in the process, everyone’s needs must be met (Figure 62):
287 Schools establish local, Schools rely on volunteers sustainable sources of as their sole source of income in conjuc on with income their partnership with TRU
Lack of transparency by project hosts and founders
Community inclusion and awareness of the value of educa on and role of Volunteers lack of respect & volunteers understanding of host cultures
Volunteer Inclusion & awareness of culture and prac ces; as well as needs No community par cipa on and support and communica on
Figure 62 Success vs. Failure: the balancing act of low-cost private schools and voluntourism (Skett, 2014)
In order for this partnership to be a beneficial one the balance is reliant on transparency and inclusion of all participants. There must be clear disclosure of how volunteer money is spent so they can decide if they want to follow through with their volunteer placement. It is imperative that project directors clearly explain to the volunteers the value of their teachers, and their salaries; as well as what a fair living wage is for Ugandans. Volunteers must understand that new desks and books are meaningless if there is no teacher at the front of that classroom. A teacher who receives a regular income won’t worry about paying their bills or providing for their children; their focus will be on their students. Furthermore, guaranteed regular and competitive teacher salaries means you can also expect the necessary qualifications, skills, experience, and
288 teacher devotion to their school. When students are doing well, parents will be more inclined to support the school and pay their fees.
Finally, volunteers deserve to be recognized for their pivotal role as education boosters: i.e. the inspiration and excitement they provide for students, teachers, and parents. An open and honest relationship between LCPSs and volunteers could be a very viable partnership and a way to potentially prevent the ‘exhaustion’ that Phillipson (2008) warns of. It could provide the fuel and motivation needed to enhance school and community development.
Reality vs. Idealism
Another facet of the argument is that the promotion of LCPSs removes the partial responsibility from the Ugandan government and MoES to ensure quality provision of primary education for all, which may have negative long-term outcomes. The advancement of these partnerships deepens the dependence on western money to provide what should be a national priority. But the reality is that right now UPE schools do not provide quality education for the children of Uganda. Since UPE implementation in 1997, literacy and passing rates have fallen dramatically. Furthermore, Uganda is already dependent on foreign aid to fund the majority of their education provision.
The Education for All (EFA) 2013/14 Global Monitoring Report (2014) refers to the current state of education in both developing and developed countries as a “global learning crisis”. Table 13 reveals the dismal situation:
There remains 57 million children out of school
It will be more than 70 years before all children have access to primary school
130 million children remain illiterate despite being in school
289 It will require an additional US$26 billion a year to achieve MDG#2
Aid to basic education fell for the first time since 2002, by 6% (US$6.2 billion in 2010 to US$5.8 billion in 2011). Low income countries, which only receive 1/3 of aid to basic education, witnessed the largest decrease in aid to education (9%)
250 million children are not learning basic skills, even though half of them have spent at least 4 years in school. The annual cost of this failure is US$129 billion
The number of illiterate adults fell by just 1% since 2000
Table 13 Summary of EFA 2013/14 Education Report (UNESCO, 2014a)
The UNESCO (2014a) report states that 20% of a nations’ budget should be allocated to education, and average share of GDP needs to increase from 3% to 6% by 2015 in order for UPE
(of good quality) to be achieved. In 2012 Uganda allocated 15% of government expenditure and
3.28% of GDP (Trading Economics, 2014). This falls short of the funds needed to provide a quality primary education for all school-aged children in Uganda, a population which is increasing rapidly. The report states that in Uganda “access and quality did not improve significantly between 2000 and 2007, and the learning gap between rich and poor widened.
These countries [Uganda & Malawi] face a triple challenge, needing to strengthen access, quality and equity” (34). This means it is the most vulnerable and remote who suffer the greatest neglect; it is these same children that the LCPSs in this research provide for. The UNESCO report acknowledges the role these schools now play:
In Pakistan, a child in a low fee private school performs better than the average child in the top one-third of children in government schools… Learning outcomes may be better in low fee private schools in part because lower salaries enable these schools to hire more teachers and keep pupil/teacher ratios low… Private school teachers are generally thought to work under conditions of greater accountability. (UNESCO, 2014, 46)
290 UNESCO further acknowledges low-cost private schools are not without concerns, and in many of these schools:
Many pupils barely reached expected competency levels… in Pakistan, 36% of grade 5 students in private schools could not read a sentence in English, which they should have been able to in grade 2… Often their students face far fewer disadvantages than students in government schools. In Adhra Pradesh, over 70% of students attending government schools belong to the poorest 40% of households, compared with 26% of private schools. Around one-third of teachers in government schools are teaching students of different ages in multigrade classrooms, compared with 3% in private schools. (UNESCO, 2014, 46)
My research provides counter-evidence to this. In three LCPSs, students who represent
40% of the poorest community households, pass in the top standing of PLE. Also, it’s true that classes in government schools tend to have a large age variation but this is self-perpetuated by high rates of repetition; improved quality of education and teacher presence could alleviate this problem. The fact that classrooms in LCPSs are of equal age distribution speaks to their commitment to quality education and ongoing students’ success in annual exams; it is also an indication that their parents are committed and keep them in school.
So how do LCPSs in this research overcome the obstacles and perils observed in the
UNESCO report? There is one important difference and that is the presence of volunteers. These education boosters are the catalysts to help provide a quality education when partnered with founders who are up to the challenge.
Finally, the issue of a partnership dependent on tourists’ efforts and income is a valid concern and makes for an unstable partnership. That said, ‘Economic crisis, international tourism decline and its impact on the poor’ reveals that developing economies, and in particular sub
Saharan Africa, were the quickest to recover tourism income after the economic crisis of 2008/09
(ILO, 2013, 37). The region experienced the highest, and steadiest, growth of international
291 tourist arrivals of all global regions during that period. More directly, Leslie (the founder of
TRU) adapted to changing tourist demands and established programs where potential volunteers could both incorporate school projects and tourists activities such as safaris into their experiences. While this may limit volunteer time in these schools at least their presence, and potential remains. The potential of this partnership continues: Hopeland Junior School announces their first PLE students, and Valence reminds us of the role of sponsors (primarily sourced through volunteers), and of the potential community impact:
“So thankful for the grace and favour over the past 5 years of hopeland jr school. National exams out and 8 pass with As and the rest in Bs But so proud of these sponsored kids who have scored As in their National Primary exams, Kiwanuku Paul, Tukunde Wilberforce, Kibuse Jaliru, Mirembe Lilian and Afeku Saveliro. As I say always these kids will grow up and change their communities. To all the sponsors of these kids, thanks for giving them a chance!”
Posted by Valence Lutaisire on his Facebook (February 3, 2014)
This celebration message by Valence summarizes the key issue of this chapter, when volunteers play a positive role in education provision in a LCPSs the end result is students passing their PLE’s with high standings. This shows positive impacts that voluntourism can have when it is mutually beneficial. Unfortunately, there are no celebratory notes from Buikwe Bright
Future Primary School which also shows the detriment that volunteer presence can have on
LCPSs, it is also a reflection on leadership and a director’s ability to work with both their community and western volunteers.
292 CHAPTER 9: SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS & CONCLUSION
Lessons from Mukono District
Four months spent interviewing and observing teachers and parents revealed the poor state of UPE schools in Mukono District, as well as the national disappointment with the entire initiative. The dismal PLE, repetition and attrition rates of UPE schools demand another approach to ensure quality education provision. My research demonstrates that LCPSs can offer a viable, and often better, alternative to UPE schools; these LCPSs offer both access and quality.
Of greater value is that these LCPSs offer an opportunity for those children living in the greatest poverty, particularly orphans. This addresses the criticism of LCPS which neglect the poorest children. The reality that all of these schools are located in remote, rural communities further condemns the criticism that LCPSs are only available to those in urban centres. However, one of the biggest achievements of these schools, providing education for those children most in need, is also their greatest weakness, there is no income generation from students who cannot pay. This is where the role of volunteers is vital, they subsidize these schools and offer a source of income.
This study underscores the quality of education provided by the majority of these LCPSs even though teachers receive a lower salary than UPE teachers, a recurring criticism in the literature. Their success is attributed to teachers receiving their salaries, which is not the case for
UPE schools in Uganda. My research shows that it is not necessarily the salary amount, but the salary paid, which matters.
In my research I explored the complexities and tensions for education provision, in particular the interface between community development, local participation and western
293 volunteers. It brought to light the viability of the relationship between LCPSs and voluntourists, but also the volatility. The economic downturn of 2008/09 showed the harsh realities when these schools rely on volunteers as their primary source of income. However, even without volunteer presence, and their money, these schools continued with their work. Volunteers are investors in the projects, but not necessarily long-term funders. They provide start-up money, or short-term funding where/when needed; they also subsidize school fees and contribute to teacher’s salaries.
Only a minute scope of the research of the voluntourism industry looks beyond employment and income generation in host communities. This research offers an insight into secondary impacts of voluntourism, their roles as education boosters and love they show these children. Their presence generates excitement and encourages teachers, students, parents and founders. The contribution of volunteers goes beyond the classroom walls they build. It is difficult to quantify love, confidence or encouragement – which is what local participants proclaim as the greatest benefits from bzungu in their schools and communities. Four months of extensive qualitative field observation exposed the presence and power of this relationship.
Alternatively, the research exposed the tensions and suspicions generated by volunteer presence in these schools, as was the case with Buikwe Bright Future and Grace Primary School
& Orphanage. Both founders lost community support because many believed they were now rich from their friendships with bzungu, the ‘walking bank machines’. However, shortly after the closure of Buikwe Bright Future Primary School, Paul worked with community members to regain their trust and open another school. This demonstrates how even tensions which arise from volunteer presence can strengthen community ties and participation. This was also the case with YOFAFO and the Peace Corp volunteer (chapter 7); the 50 women who voted unanimously in favor of Valence remain proud participants of YOFAFO today.
294 What the research also showed was the pivotal role of a western volunteer NGO, The
Real Uganda (TRU). Leslie Weighill, founder of TRU, is instrumental in brokering this partnership and ensuring all parties involved benefit. The disappointment and frustration of the volunteers at Buikwe Bright Future was addressed immediately because there was someone on the ground, not in an office somewhere in the western world who could only handle it by email or phone. Leslie is instrumental in ensuring that volunteer placement fees and donations go to their intended recipients and projects. This accountability is not achieved from large-scale volunteer projects without local presence or personal connections to the projects they work with.
Finally, this research has focused on communities in Uganda, but I believe there has also been an exposure to a greater global community that is building here. With increased travel to poverty stricken countries, conversations and communities broaden, beyond national, social and economic boundaries. Volunteers left Uganda with a more in-depth understanding of the issues, but also an appreciation of the abilities of Ugandans. This challenges the criticism of voluntourists promoting neo-colonial dominance and ideologies. As this industry changes so do perceptions and intentions.
Contributions to the literature
My research has shown the difficulties of education provision for the Ugandan government, in particular, this research shows parents disdain for the quality of education offered at UPE schools and their willingness to pay the nominal fees at LCPSs. It reveals that even in communities where UPE is available, parents who struggle to support their families will find a way to keep their children in these LCPSs. Furthermore, it showed the willingness of the school directors to allow children to remain in school even when their parents struggle to pay the
295 nominal school fees. My research also contradicts UNESCO’s (2014) criticism that LCPSs exclude the poorest children, when in actuality these schools target orphans and overlook school fees for those children most in need. PACE Primary School is a great example of a LCPS which provides the poorest children of Seeta an education.
My research has contributed to the emerging body of literature on LCPSs and offers insight on ways to overcome exhaustion (Phillipson, 2008) through partnership with western volunteer organizations. The benefits are twofold: financial and social. They offer income to propel the growth and development of these schools’ through funds for construction, provisions and operation costs. Although the greatest obstacle for these LCPSs is paying their teacher’s salaries every month, and yet, volunteers are the least willing to provide this funding. Secondly, volunteers offer motivation for founders, teachers, students and parents. These education boosters offer a tangible asset with potentially long-term benefits and impacts in host communities. Volunteers in the classrooms give teachers a break, while at the same time capture the interest of students and excite them to learn. When volunteers play with students, activities which are not part of the curriculum, children learn cooperation, patience, understanding and teamwork which builds on the work of Tomaseveski (2006). The United Nations recognize a child’s right to play and volunteers provide students this opportunity. The friendship that ensues between volunteers and project founders, teachers, students and community members fosters optimism and inspiration. As one parent from Buikwe Bright Future Primary School enlightened me, volunteers teach Ugandan children love. Volunteers also create ‘hype’ for the school, and for education. This addresses one of the struggles that both UPE and LCPSs encounter, the need to engage many parents in their children’s education, to see the value in sending their children to school. School founders also work hard to engage parents in their children’s education,
296 something which differs these LCPSs from UPE schools. All of these examples are ways in which my research contributes to the void in the literature as to the need for volunteers in these projects. They could easily send money for material needs, but their presence has a value that is non-transferable.
My research demonstrates that LCPSs, when managed well and working with a small- scale volunteer organization, can offer students a quality education with positive outcomes. This is true for YOFAFO, which has two primary schools which offer quality education with committed teachers. Hope for Africa Children’s Foundation has the highest PLE passing rates in the district, which they have continued to maintain since their first graduating class. Hopeland
Junior and Nalusse Success Primary Schools also boasts high PLE passing rates. These schools, and their founders, generate tremendous confidence in volunteers who contribute money once they have returned home; this funding is achieved through an open and amicable relationship.
The power of this relationship was seen with ongoing construction projects at Hope for Africa
Children’s Village, the hot lunch program at Nalusse Success Primary School and the PACE
Primary School housing construction. Although there were no volunteers at these sites during the research period they all received donations from previous volunteers. My research also showed that volunteer organizations must adapt to changing economic conditions, as was seen when
TRU began to offer two week programs which included both volunteer work and visiting tourist attractions. My research also revealed the passion and motivation of the founders of these
LCPSs, something which is cannot be assumed for other LCPSs in Uganda, or other developing communities. For this reason, my research also demonstrates the pivotal role of these leaders.
297 My research connects the literature of low-cost private schools and voluntourism under the goals of pro-poor tourism (PPT). This relationship has not been addressed in the literature in which all three components are drawn together to understand education provision in partnership with tourism initiatives. Voluntourism must be recognized as a viable form of PPT for education provision for communities in need. When all requirements are met (as seen in figure 57) voluntourism positively contributes to education provision and community development. When voluntourists discretionary money is used to help these local leaders provide education, not just physical infrastructure but increase the value and quality, students benefit directly and immediately. When students receive a good quality education it increases their employment opportunities, teaches them to become good citizens and allows them to develop the skills and tools to overcome poverty and improve opportunities (Samoff & Stomquest, 2001). When this happens the community will benefit immensely, and development can ensue. These students who receive a quality education will help to develop their community’s economic, social and cultural infrastructure. Partnerships and trust is built within, and across, the community.
The interviews with volunteers revealed they were very aware of their presence in their schools and host communities, and in fact, questioned their impacts. This trend contradicts Sins
(2009) study in which only two of the eleven volunteers had any interest in their impact in host communities. My research revealed that volunteers are aware of the ramifications of their presence, few were able to see the positives but most of them saw the negatives their presence can have, particularly that they were seen as walking bank machines. If this ideology is true it may perpetuate the dependence on western volunteers simply as a source of funding.
My research also revealed that voluntourists can have devastating impacts in LCPSs and host communities. Buikwe Bright Future Primary School closed with six months of partnering
298 with TRU, the relationship only fostered feeling of mistrust between Paul and the teachers, but also between Paul and the volunteers at the project. This was the same case for Grace Primary
School & Orphanage, within only a few months of volunteer presence at the school the partnership that had built up between parents and the director was ruined. In both these examples it was the students who suffered the greatest from the presence of voluntourists in their schools.
The failure of these partnerships builds on Simpson’s (2004) criticism of the voluntourist industry and the altruistic efforts of volunteers which do not benefit the intended recipients.
Finally, my research has revealed the way in which an NGO can play a pivotal role in education provision – specifically, The Real Uganda. TRU challenges the literature that NGOs who aid in education provision, be it as a sole provider or in partnership, are influenced from governments (both from the north and the south) and their motives are laden with western agendas and ideologies (Jad, 2007; Pearce, 2000; Tvedt, 2002). However, this is not the case for
TRU since they only provide support (volunteers) to these schools but have no voice in the curriculum or operations of these LCPSs. This challenges the works of Fisher (1997), Mercer
(2002) and Plewes (2006).
Recommendations
1. Quality education & income generation
It is imperative that these schools generate income that will allow them to 1. Pay their teachers a fair and consistent wage. 2. Provide infrastructure for students to have an undisturbed and safe environment to learn; as well as the necessary tools (books, texts, supplies). 3. Provide accommodations and food, students who live far from school will greatly benefit from staying on site (at least during the school week); furthermore, breakfast and lunch provision ensures that
299 students are healthy and able to focus physically and mentally on their studies. 4. Offer sports and social activities: as stated earlier students have the right to play, to build their confidence and also learn teamwork, patience and cooperation.
All parties involved must focus on more resilient, and self-sufficient, forms of income generation. This will allow them to continue to grow and prosper in their efforts and ease their reliance on western volunteers as their source of income. The best way to achieve this is by showing parents and community members the value of education. Other sources of income could include schools gardens where students learn agriculture and the profits can support the school; animal farming is another source of income which PACE Primary School is attempting.
While there is concern that reliance on volunteer income can foster an unhealthy dependence it must be acknowledged that they do contribute to material needs for the classroom.
As a way to overcome the disparities and unsteady volunteer income TRU could limit the number of schools they work with, which would focus volunteer placements and concentrate the income in only a few select schools until they are fully established (offering up to P7 with full facilities). Furthermore, rather than child sponsorship, former volunteers (and others) could sponsor schools, rather than individuals, which could better distribute this income and address concerns of teachers’ salaries.
Although there is some trepidation by volunteers that they feel they are on display, or seen as walking bank machines, it would benefit host projects greatly to further integrate volunteers and parents into the schools and community. It is imperative that both parties are more involved and aware of the needs of the students and the school. Perhaps having parents host volunteers for tea in their homes (volunteers could provide the tea as a gift to ease costs on parents), or invite community members to come meet them. Since it was repeatedly stressed that
300 bzungu generate hype for the schools then project hosts should build on this potential capital, but not exploit it. With increased awareness of the value of education parents will be more inclined to contribute and pay school fees, for those who can afford it. Furthermore, it will give volunteers a chance to explain the costs they pay to come spend time in their communities, perhaps it will allow for a more open conversation and understanding of all parties involved.
It would also be of value for these LCPSs to include local culture and traditional practices in the curriculum, similar to the teachings of indigenous education. Providing students with a more in-depth understanding and appreciation of their culture and community will contribute to community development. Community members, particularly elders, or “elsies”, could teach in the classrooms, or take students off-site to allow them hands-on learning of traditional practices and skills, as they did with indigenous education. Bringing together the young and the elderly of the community will allow greater participation and community development. When volunteers are at the school they will also have an opportunity to learn about Uganda culture and traditional practices when the elders are teaching.
2. Transparency and working together
While TRU has adapted to the needs of the voluntourists’ and the changing global economy, Leslie is right to continue to operate as an NGO. When voluntourism becomes a business it changes the core foundations and goals. The organization would be for-profit and no longer work with locals to strengthen their efforts; but rather the needs/wants/demands of volunteers would take priority. However, it would greatly benefit TRU to clarify (even more) their goals and expectations – for both volunteers and partner projects. Information would include how their placement fees are used and greater background of the needs of these schools
301 and communities. In particular, the importance of teachers’ salaries needs to be stressed with volunteers, since it is the most needed but volunteers have little inclination to contribute to them.
TRU remains true to their values and goals, and I believe this inspires volunteers, but also the founders which Leslie works with in Mukono District. TRU is an example of voluntourism successfully contributing to PPT.
It would benefit the school directors to form their own organization or assembly to sustain and build their efforts (all those who partner with TRU, not limited to those in this case study). It would allow them to support each other in overcoming hurdles, including the presence of bzungu in their schools and communities; as well as building on the benefits of having these volunteers in their schools. As Leslie mentioned, Valence encountered dissention from within when he started YOFAFO and had to replace the majority of his staff, with those who shared his vision. Had Paul spoken with him perhaps the closure of Buikwe Bright Future Primary School could have been avoided.
With the union of these schools, they can create uniformity in the education they provide, and strengthen the role they play; these LCPSs may gain greater recognition within the district, country, and international community. They can establish guidelines of operation and strive for greater quality in the education they provide. Finally, they could work in unison with UPE schools, which may ease the burden and pressure on UPE schools.
Limitations to the research
The loss of World Vision in this research changed the scope for the better. The focus shifted solely to low-cost private schools and presented a great contribution to the emerging literature on education in developing communities, specifically through their partnership with
302 western volunteer organizations. It would have been beneficial to work with UPE schools in the research communities, but this was limited by time.
The lack of volunteer presence limited the number of volunteer interviews but offered invaluable insights into the dynamics of this partnership. There was (perhaps) more honesty by project founders as to the contributions of volunteers, and their absence proved pivotal in understanding the issues. My research showed the dependence on volunteers as a source of income, the halted projects, and the yearning of teachers and students to have bzungu in their schools.
Finally, access to parents was limited by the sad reality that many children in these schools are orphans; but also that students travel far distances and I was unable to reach their parents. I was able to attend Parents Day at one site which was great, I would have benefitted to attend more but I there was none. In some cases access to parents was prevented by a gate keeper, particularly Paul. However, I was able to speak with many parents in the community as I moved between sites, as well as many teachers at the schools whose children were also students.
Carrying out work with community projects of YOFAFO and BVC gave me access to many parents in these communities, some of whose children were older and out of school, but offered valuable insight and understanding.
Although these challenges were stressful while in the field, I believe how the research unfolded is a true depiction of the current state of education provision in Uganda. In that I mean that the government schools are not accessible to many, local leaders work tirelessly to provide for those most in need in their community, and that the partnership with bzungu (and western volunteer organizations) can have both positive and negative impacts – but either way they help to unite, and reinforce, community participation and development. I was also able to see the
303 1000+ faces of the children attending these schools and I believe the partnership of these LCPSs with TRU plays a pivotal role in their success.
Future Research Considerations
A long-term study of the schools associated with this research would offer an understanding of their impacts and success, as well as the partnership with a volunteer organization. If we return to these study sites in five, ten, twenty years are they still going strong? Do they offer P7, and what are the passing rates? Or have they exhausted their resources? Have they maintained their partnerships with western volunteer organizations and have these relationships changed? Grown? Ended? Will Voluntourism still be trendy?
An interesting study would look at other low-cost private schools in these communities without partnership. How do they compare with regards to: PLE passing rates, teacher qualifications and salaries, recognition in their communities. A study of this magnitude could further reinforce the value of this partnership between volunteer organizations and LCPSs, as well as the secondary impacts of volunteers. Alternatively, it may contradict the findings of this research and show that many low-cost private schools progress better without the partnership of volunteer organizations and the presence of bzungu.
A broader approach to the framework used in the research, looking at LCPSs in developing communities in Africa, Asia and Latin America who partner with volunteer organizations could reveal the global impact of these schools, but also the voluntourism industry.
Of interest would be a comparison between LCPSs which host volunteers from the large-scale, commercial organizations compared to those similar to TRU in this research. It would also be on
304 interest to determine the actual monetary value of this partnership, to have a breakdown of the money that comes in and how it is distributed.
Furthermore, a more in-depth look at volunteers, with a much bigger sample size, would offer insight into their contributions to host projects and communities, based on their level of education. Is there a difference in volunteer impacts based on their home country, age, sex, education, skill set? Could this allow better volunteer placements in order to yield the greatest benefits for all parties involved in these partnerships?
The sad reality remains that many of these students will not have the opportunity to attend secondary school once they pass the PLE. Although Universal Secondary Education
(USE) is offered in Uganda availability is limited (particularly in remote regions)199. It was never discussed whether USE schools regard graduates of LCPSs any differently than those of UPE schools, although it is unlikely an honest answer would be given. In fact, very little discussion of
USE occurred at all. Valence plans to build a secondary school on the land adjacent to Hope for
Africa Children’s Village in which his students would attend LCPSs for their entire education. A future study on how their students advance compared to UPE & USE graduates would be of interest. This would be a significant contribution to the literature of low-cost private secondary schools since the vast majority are primary schools.
Final thoughts
It should not even be an ‘either – or’ situation, these low-cost private schools should coexist with UPE schools – better meeting the needs of all children in Uganda. For the negatives of these partnerships there are still enormous benefits and positive outcomes. The children at these low-cost private schools could attend UPE schools, but how would they do, would they
305 repeat grades, or would they drop out? The 1000+ children in this research are taught something more, that there are possibilities for them, and that those beyond their community care about them. They are offered opportunities to learn beyond the curriculum and do not have to compete with nearly as many students as those at UPE schools. As long as children are in school, with a qualified (and present) teacher the benefits to the communities, and the country, will be infinite.
Furthermore, if all schools follow the national curriculum students will have equal opportunity with their secondary and tertiary education, it can be argued then, that these low-cost private schools offer a viable solution to the current education crisis in the country.
When we acknowledge the right to education, we must also question who provides it – does responsibility fall solely on the state? Furthermore, if that education is free, are secondary costs acceptable? The reality is that no education in the world is free. In developed countries education is subsidized through taxes, so it is paid for by the people; further investment is made by private industry. In developing countries, with large informal economies there is no tax collection and therefore no source of funds for education; most of these countries lack strong industries which is why their economies remain ‘developing’. This is the case for Uganda. The government provides UPE, predominantly reliant on western aid to do so; and with the secondary costs it is not free. Critics of LCPSs contend that the fees they charge render it unaffordable for the poorest populations which violate their right to education. If you factor in the secondary costs of UPE then it too violates these rights. The low fees these LCPSs charge are almost equal to secondary costs of UPE, and as this research has shown many of the children have their fees waived or reduced. These LCPSs make both access to, and quality of, education a reality in these communities.
306 After four months in the field it is hard to deny the positive impacts western volunteers of
TRU have in these LCPSs and host communities. There is no one way, no right answer, and nothing comes without a cost – but these schools for all their concerns, and the risks of misunderstanding volunteer presence, the children are the ones who benefit, the future leaders of these communities. The founders offer inspiration beyond imagination, their tireless passion and belief teach us that the children in their communities deserve so much more than what UPE schools offer, and that it is within reach. How many children must benefit in order for this partnership to be considered viable? This does not need to be a global strategy but rather looked at as development from within the community. This partnership offers opportunities which do not otherwise exist in Mukono District at this time.
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332 APPENDICES A: CONSENT FORM hi . Consent Form A
Name of Researcher, Faculty, Department, Telephone & Email: Sarah Skett PhD Student, Department of Geography, University of Calgary Supervisor: Dr. Miriam Grant Title of Project: Learning from Uganda: how INGOs and NGOs impact rural community education and development Sponsor: Queen Elizabeth II Doctoral Scholarship
This consent form, a copy of which has been given to you, is only part of the process of informed consent. If you want more details about something mentioned here, or information not included here, you should feel free to ask. Please take the time to read this carefully and to understand any accompanying information.
The University of Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board has approved this research study.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY:
The purpose of this study is to understand the role of INGOs and local NGOs who provide primary education in rural Uganda. This study will foster a better understanding of the education these organizations provide and the impacts they (and their western volunteers) have on host communities. The purpose of the study is not to offer a critique of UPE, but rather to identify gaps in the program that should be addressed for its greater benefit.
WHAT WILL I BE ASKED TO DO?
You will be asked to carry out an interview with the researcher which will take approximately one hour. There is a possibility that follow-up interviews may be necessary and permission will be attained first. You are free to withdraw from the research at any time; however, any information collected up to this point may be used in the research.
333
WHAT TYPE OF PERSONAL INFORMATION WILL BE COLLECTED?
No personal identifying information will be collected in this study, and all participants shall remain anonymous (with the exception of key informant interviews). However, should you agree to participate, you will be asked to provide your gender, age and education level and/or training.
There are several options for you to consider if you decide to take part in this research. You can choose all, some or none of them. Please put a check mark on the corresponding line(s) that grants me your permission to:
I grant permission to be audio taped: Yes: ___ No: ___ I grant permission to have my company’s name used: Yes: ___ No: ___ I wish to remain anonymous: Yes: ___ No: ___ I wish to remain anonymous, but you may refer to me by a pseudonym: Yes: ___ No: ___ The pseudonym I choose for myself is: ______You may quote me and use my name: Yes: ___ No: ___
ARE THERE RISKS OR BENEFITS IF I PARTICIPATE?
There are no risks to participants for their participation. Participant INGOs and NGOs will benefit by from a better understanding of the needs of their students and host community. Furthermore, there are potential benefits to host communities and western volunteers to better understand each other’s position.
WHAT HAPPENS TO THE INFORMATION I PROVIDE?
Participation is completely voluntary, anonymous and confidential. You are free to discontinue participation at any time during the study. No one except the researcher, her supervisor and the researcher’s assistant will be allowed to see or hear any of the answers to the interview tape. Only group information will be summarized for any presentation or publication of results. The interview transcriptions and recordings are kept in a locked cabinet only accessible by the researcher and her supervisor. The anonymous data will be stored for five years on a computer disk, at which time, it will be permanently erased.
SIGNATURES (WRITTEN CONSENT)
Your signature on this form indicates that you 1) understand to your satisfaction the information provided to you about your participation in this research project, and 2) agree to participate as a research subject.
334 In no way does this waive your legal rights nor release the investigators, sponsors, or involved institutions from their legal and professional responsibilities. You are free to withdraw from this research project at any time. You should feel free to ask for clarification or new information throughout your participation.
Participant’s Name: (please print) ______
Participant’s Signature ______Date: ______
Researcher’s Name: (please print) ______
Researcher’s Signature: ______Date: ______
QUESTIONS/CONCERNS
If you have any further questions or want clarification regarding this research and/or your participation, please contact:
Ms Sarah Skett Department of Geography 403.220.5587/[email protected] or Dr. Miriam Grant Department of Geography 403.2202241/[email protected]
If you have any concerns about the way you’ve been treated as a participant, please contact the Senior Ethics Resource Officer, Research Services Office, University of Calgary at (403) 220-3782; email [email protected].
A copy of this consent form has been given to you to keep for your records and reference. The investigator has kept a copy of the consent form.
335
APPENDICES B: PROJECT BREAKDOWN
Project Title: Project Director: Location: Communities Serviced: Size of Community: Income/jobs/Industry: Proximity to Kampala: Closest town: Closest government school:
Who started the school? What year: With what funding: Who maintains the school (financially): How they sustain their efforts: Related Projects: Land ownership & size: Ownership of buildings (rental costs):
Number of Students: How many orphans (both parents/one only): Grades available: School Fees: Enforcement of school fees: Boarding/day school: How many teachers/salaries: Other staff/salaries:
How long partnered with the Real Uganda: How much funding from the Real Uganda: How many volunteers per year: Current status of volunteers: Community Participation:
Notes:
336
APPENDICES C: NGO INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
Personal Data:
1. gender: 2. Age or year of birth: 3. Education: 4. From the community: 5. If no, from where: 6. If no, how long in this community: 7. If no, why did you come to this community: 8. Your position/title with the NGO:
NGO Information:
9. Year you began NGO: 10. Why did you start this NGO: 11. Why did you decide to operate in Mukono District/Buikwe District: 12. Did you consult with the community, explain: 13. What are the core principles of your NGO: 14. What are the short-tem goals of the NGO: 15. What are the long-term goals of the NGO: 16. How is your NGO funded: 17. Are there funding issues/concerns: 18. If no, why not and why do you continue to work here:
Current Projects:
19. How many projects is your NGO currently working with, explain them: 20. How do you fund these projects: 21. How do volunteers contribute to these projects, both financially and physically: 22. Of the schools your NGO is partnered with why is there a need for your presence: 23. How is your money disbursed in this school: 24. Do you feel education is available to everyone in this community, explain: 25. I have heard that parents pull their children out of government schools and place them in NGO run schools such as your own, have you experienced this, explain:
Volunteers:
26. How many volunteers do you currently have working with you, how many are there on average:
337 27. Where do most of your volunteers come from: 28. What is the average age of your volunteers: 29. How do you determine which projects to place volunteers: 30. What do you require of your volunteers: 31. Are volunteers placed in all your partner schools, explain: 32. Why are volunteers needed in those schools: 33. Why are volunteers needed in this community: 34. What are their responsibilities to your organization: 35. What are their responsibilities to the community: 36. What do feel about volunteers teaching in the schools: 37. How do volunteers impact the schools: 38. How do volunteers impact this community: 39. What is your overall experience with volunteers:
Community Impact:
40. What role do community members have with your NGO: 41. Are any local community members employed by your NGO: 42. Why is your NGO needed in this community: 43. Why are volunteers needed in your projects: 44. What do you think the community feels about your NGOs presence: 45. What do you think the community feels about the presence of volunteers:
Education in Uganda:
46. Do you feel Mukono makes UPE available to everyone in the community: 47. If no, why not: 48. If no, how can this be made possible: 49. Do you feel UPE is a reality in Uganda right now, explain: 50. What are the biggest hurdles to education in Uganda:
338
APPENDICES D: HEADMASTER/MISTRESS INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
Personal Data:
1. Gender: 2. Age or year of birth: 3. Education: • What level: • Where: • Type of teacher training: • Why did you become a headmaster: 4. From the community? 5. If no, from where: 6. If no, how long in this community: 7. If no, why did you come to this community: 8. Will you stay in this community? If no, why not? 9. If no, where do you want to go and why?
Career:
10. Year you began in the education system: 11. Where: 12. Where you a teacher first, if so, when do you first become a headmaster: 13. How long have you been at this school (year started): 14. Do you receive a regular salary: 15. If yes, is it comparable to previous positions: 16. If no, why not and why do you continue to work here:
Current School:
17. When did this school open: 18. How many students are registered at this school: 19. What grades are offered here: 20. Do students pay school fees (how much): 21. What do school fees pay for: 22. What is the age range of the students in your school: 23. Do you follow the national curriculum: 24. If no, why not: 25. Will your students sit the National Leaving Examination: 26. If yes, how do you think their scores will fare compared to passing rates of government schools in Mukono District which are currently less than 65%: 27. If no, do you think these students can compete with students from government schools: 28. If no, why not: 339 29. What are the biggest issues you face while running this school: 30. How would you like to see these issues addressed, and by who: 31. I have heard that parents pull their children out of government schools and place them in NGO run schools such as your own, have you experienced this, explain:
Volunteers in school:
32. Are there western volunteers teaching at this school: 33. Why are volunteers needed in your school: 34. How are volunteers placed in your school: 35. What do they teach: 36. What are their responsibilities: 37. How many volunteers have you had in this school: 38. What do feel about volunteers teaching in your school: 39. How do volunteers impact your school: 40. How do volunteers impact this community:
Education in Uganda:
41. Do you feel Mukono makes UPE available to everyone in the community: 42. If no, why not: 43. If no, how can this be made possible: 44. Do you feel UPE is a reality in Uganda right now, explain: 45. What are the biggest hurdles to education in Uganda:
340 APPENDICES E: TEACHER INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
Personal Data:
1. gender: 2. Age or year of birth: 3. Education: • What level: • Where: • Type of teacher training: • Why did you become a teacher: 4. From the community? 5. If no, from where: 6. If no, how long in this community: 7. If no, why did you come to this community: 8. Will you stay in this community? 9. If no, why not? 10. If no, where do you want to go and why?
Teaching Career:
11. Year you began teaching: 12. Where: 13. How long have you taught at this school (year started): 14. Grades & subjects you have taught here: 15. Which grades & subjects are you teaching right now: 16. Do you receive a regular salary: 17. If yes, is it comparable to previous teaching positions: 18. If no, why not and why do you continue to work here:
Current School:
19. When did this school open: 20. Do students pay school fees (how much): 21. What do school fees pay for: 22. How many students are in your class: 23. What is the age range of the students in your class: 24. Do you follow the national curriculum: 25. If no, why not: 26. Will your students sit the National Leaving Examination: 27. If yes, how do you think their scores will fare compared to passing rates of government schools in Mukono District which are currently less than 65%: 28. If no, do you think these students can compete with students from government schools: 29. If no, why not:
341 30. What are the biggest issues you face while teaching at this school: 31. How would you like to see these issues addressed, and by who: 32. I have heard that parents pull their children out of government schools and place them in NGO run schools such as your own, have you experienced this, explain:
Volunteers in school:
33. Are there western volunteers teaching at this school: 34. Why are volunteers needed in your school: 35. How are volunteers placed in your school: 36. What do they teach: 37. What are their responsibilities: 38. How many volunteers have you had in your classroom: 39. What do feel about volunteers teaching in your school: 40. How do volunteers impact your school: 41. How do volunteers impact this community:
Education in Uganda:
42. Do you feel Mukono makes UPE available to everyone in the community: 43. If no, why not: 44. If no, how can this be made possible: 45. Do you feel UPE is a reality in Uganda right now, explain: 46. What are the biggest hurdles to education in Uganda:
342 APPENDICES F: VOLUNTEER INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
Personal Data:
1. gender: 2. Age or year of birth: 3. Education: 4. From what country: 5. How long in Uganda: 6. First time in Uganda: 7. If No, when was the last time and why: 8. How long are you working with this NGO: 9. What was the cost of your placement, what does this include: 10. What was the cost of your travels to get to Uganda, secondary costs (i.e. visas, shots, etc): 11. What project(s) are you working on with this NGO, explain:
NGO/Project Information:
12. Why did you want to do volunteer work: 13. Why did you choose this NGO: 14. How did you find out about this NGO: 15. How did you decide on your specific projects(s): 16. Why are you needed in this project: 17. Do you have any teaching experience, explain: 18. What class/age group of children are you working with: 19. Is there already a teacher(s) in place at the project where you are working: 20. What exactly are your teaching duties in this project(s): 21. How has been your teaching experience: 22. What impact do you feel you have had in your classroom: 23. Do you feel you were prepared for the tasks/goals/expectations of your project(s): 24. What are you hoping to accomplish with your project(s) while you are here: 25. What are your expectations/what do you hope to get back from your time with your projects(s)/with this NGO: 26. Is this experience what you expected: 27. Have your expectations/aspirations changed since you first started working with your project(s): 28. What would you change about the program and your experience, explain: 29. If this is not your first time working with this NGO why did you return:
Community Impacts:
30. What do you believe ‘community development’ to mean: 31. Does your project(s) incorporate community members, explain: 32. What is your understanding of community participation in your project(s); do you think it is occurring:
343 33. What do you think the community feels about your presence with your project(s): 34. What do you think the community feels about your presence in this community:
Education in Uganda:
35. Do you know what UPE is and what it incorporates: 36. Do you feel Mukono makes UPE available to everyone in the community: 37. If no, why not: 38. If no, how can this be made possible: 39. Do you feel UPE is a reality in Uganda right now, explain: 40. What are the biggest hurdles to education in Mukono District/Uganda:
Researcher Comments:
344 APPENDICES G: PARENT & COMMUNITY INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
Personal Data:
1. gender: 2. Age or year of birth: 3. Education: • What level: • Where: 4. From the community? (Circle Yes or No) 5. If no, from where: 6. If no, how long in this community: 7. If no, why did you come to this community: 8. Do you work: Yes or No (circle) a. Where: b. Monthly income: 9. How many children do you have? a. Age(s) and gender(s): b. Current levels of education: c. Are they in school: Yes or No d. If no, why not: e. Where do they attend: f. How much does it cost you (breakdown for each child):
Community Impact of NGO:
10. What role does the NGO ______have in your community, how long have they been here: 11. Is this NGO need in this community and why: 12. What specifically does this NGO do in your community: 13. Are any local community members employed by this NGO: 14. Do many members of this community know about this NGO and what they do, explain: 15. Do many members of this community participate in the activities of this NGO: 16. What has been your experience with this NGO: 17. What do you think the community feels about the NGOs presence: 18. What would you like to see the NGO do differently or anything else you would like them to do: 19. Are western volunteers needed in these projects: 20. What has been your personal experience with western volunteers in your community: 21. What do you think the community feels about the presence of western volunteers: 22. How has this NGO changed your personal circumstances: 23. How has this NGO changed your community:
345 Education in Uganda:
24. Do you feel Mukono makes UPE available to everyone in the community: 25. If no, why not: 26. If no, how can this be made possible: 27. Do you feel UPE is a reality in Uganda right now, explain: 28. What are the biggest hurdles to education in Uganda:
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