The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not . necessarily reflect those of the

Public Disclosure Authorized World Bank or the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Develop- ment. This paper is a draft for discussion. Please do not cite any part of it without the author's permission.

Population and Eian Resources Division

is cuss ion Paper No. 81-36 Public Disclosure Authorized

PERSPECTIVES ON ?OPLWTLON MOBILITY IN WEST AFRICA

August 1981 Public Disclosure Authorized

*

R. Yansell Pro thero, Consul taut, DEDPH

Public Disclosure Authorized The Xor1.d 3ank kashington, D.C. 20433 U.S.A. - ii -

ABSTRACT

This paper attempts to review the present status of the study of the determinants and consequences of &st African migration. It discusses varied definitional problems relating to mobility, as well as the theoretical ap- proaches taken by students in different fields af study. It presents and critiques the broad trends of migration behavior which have been described by diverse authors,

The study details some of the primary sources of data on the migration topic and the institutions responsible. It suggests other important perspec- tives on migration which appear to have been infrequently treated (historical, legal, socio-psychological, and ecological). The advantages and disadvantages of different types of data collection are weighed (census/survey, cross- sectional/longitudinal), and the need for on-going monitoring of. the various forms of mobility is underscored in order to relate important trends to national development planning. .iii .

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page Number Preface ...... 1 Acknowledgments ...... 4 Types of Xovement ...... 5 Descriptive Typology ...... 6 Conclusion ...... 10 Approaches to the Study of Xobility in West Africa ...... 11 The Colonial Period to 1950...... 11

Colonialism to Independence

Recent Developments. 1970-80 ...... 15 Theory and Practice Relating to Mobility ...... 18 Sociological Perspectives ...... 19 Economic Perspectives ...... 22 Political Economy Perspectives ...... 25 Geographical and Historical Perspectives ...... 28 West Africa: Environment and Development ...... 33 . I Environment ...... 33 Development...... 37 HistGrical Continuity in Dexelopment. Studies ...... 42 !@ Rural-Rural Mobility ...... 46

Rural-Rural Yovements in Senegal ...... 49 Table of Contents. Continued

Page Number

Access to Land ...... 50

Xobility and an "Alternative Opportunity" Framework ...... 53 Rural-Urban Mobility ...... 59 Concept ...... 62 Examples ...... 64 Step-wise Novement and the ...... 68 Urban Hierarchy Rural-Urban Links ...... 71 Longitudinal Studies of Xobility ...... 74 Longitudinal Perspectives...... 74 Anthropological ...... 75 Economic ...... 76 Geographical ...... 76

C r Demographic ...... ; ...... 76 Tracerstudies ...... '. .. 77 Retrospective Studies ...... 79 Multiple-round Surveys ...... 60 Data ...... 83 L . I Sample Structure ...... 84 MigrationProcess ...... 85 i . Conclusion ...... ? ...... 87 5 Conclusion ...... 89 !E Bibliography ...... 96

List of Population and Human Resources Division Discussioa &Qers ...... 111 LIST OF FIGUXES

Page Number

Figure 1. Population Mobility in Africa ...... 9 Figure 2. Flows Associated with Population...... 55 Mobility

Figure 3. The Opportunity Structure of Farmers in Northern Rano (Schematic) ...... 57 Figure 4. A System Schema for a Theory of Rural-Urban Wgration ...... 60 Figure 5. Mobility Paths...... 73 PREFACE

This paper originated from discussions at the O.E.C.D./Thrld

Bank seminar in Ouagadougou,Upper ?ol.ta, in January 1979, which considered the demographic studies of migration in West Africa undertaken-by Zaahariah and his associates in 1975/78. The conference participants -rho represented the statistical and planning offices of many West African governments and the research branches of many universities and internktional institutions--asked that a study regarding the determinants and consequences of migration in the region be undertaken along with the demographic analyses. These latter had concentrated on the collation of basic macro data, mainly from cqnsuses but also from some surveys, to establish and-delineate the volume, flows, and basic characteristics of both international and internal migrants in West

Africa.

The demographic survey made references to determinants and conse- quences of migration only in the broadest terms. There was a necessarily limited reference to relationships between theory and practice iq studies of mobility, which must be considered in interpreting and understanding the demographic evidence.

An immense.amount of research and comment has accumulated &n recent decades from a aultitude of studies, undertaken at various times and places for various reasons, by various individuals and organizations representi% various disciplines and interests. The material is- disparate and divergent in character, diffuse and sometimes fugitive in avwlability, and not easily I assisilated. This paper reviews, collates and synthesizes some of this material. It is intended to complement Zachariah's study. Xo attempt is made to deal vith evidence of deteminants and consequences in a conventional - 2 - systezatic fashion. It attempts to provide broad perspectives and to indicate particular aspects to which liniced attention has been given and on which more is required.

"Nigrationl' is of ten used to refer to all types of movements of population from one place to another over varying distances for varying

periods of time, for a variety of reasons and with various consequences. In

reality zany different types of rnovement must be recognized which may differ

from one another but nay not be discrete and are often closely related.

Failure to recognize varizty and differences is manifest in much of the work

on and discussion of population movements. In this review 'hobility" is used

as an umbrella term to include "nigration", a term which should be used to

describe certain but not all types of movement.

In the literature in general there has been implicit and explicit

stressing of movements which involve perinanent re-distribution of population.

It has been argued (e.g. hin 1974) that in West Africa permanent movements

increasingly are replacing temporary movenents in iiilportance. Insufficient

attention is being given to the temporary movements which continuk and to the

links with their places of origin which are maintained by those who might be

thought to have moved pemanently .

The paper suggests the need to rectify the overstress that there

t I has been on rural-urban movements with the neglect of rural-rural movements. 30th Yap- (1975) and Todaro (1976) in reviews of "internal migration" in i develop+g countries have Seen concerned almost zntirely with the forner, P though + a footnote Yap points out tl-at where overall data are available they * show tha& rural-urban nigration represents oniy a minor elemert in total

internal nigration within countrfes. Processes of mobility are explained largely in term of economic

factors: by Yap and Todaro with totally inadequate attention given to other

factor:; - social, political and psychological. Noreover the evidence on

processes which is considered is derived for the most part from cross-sectional

studies: relating to limited periods of time. Yet the phenomena for which

explanations are being sought are dynamic and constantly changing. Better

understanding and explanation of the processes underlying mobility, on which

better policy decisions nay then be based, will only be forthcoming when more

resources are directed to exaniniq factors other than economic and when these

and economic factors are considered in longitudinal studies over time.

In this paper a basic 'mowledge is assumed of the general nature

and functions of population movement in less-developed countries in general,

and in Mrica south of the Sahara and in West Africa io particular. References

are given to relevant standard works and separately a bibliography of some 600

items on mobility in West Mrica has been compiled.

The intention in this paper is to be practical, and suggestions

are made as to where efforc and resources might be concentrated in future

studies. For those who move the realities of life are always practical, both

in the places from which they originate and those to which they go. These s olve success and ure, they may be' sti frustrating, ' I * ...... necessary sinply i to survive. This study was sponsored by the World aank as part of a joint research project with the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development regarding the demographic aspects of nigration in West Africa. !-fy findirgs in this work have depended to a iai'ge extent on the research of others, to which reference is mcde in the text. I wish to thank particularly my colleague, W.T.S. Gould, witti whom I have worked closely in the last decade in studying nobility in tropical -4frica with support from the Social Science Research Council, U.K. The section on types of nobility derives directly from our joint work and the section on longitudinal studtes is based on his "Longi- tudinal studies of population mobility in tropical Africa", Working Paper No. 29, 1976, African Population Mobility Proj ect, Department of Geography, University of Liverpool. I also appreciate the assistance of K. C. Zachariah and Bonnie Newlon, Po~ulationand Human Resources DLvision, Development Economics Department, The World Bank, Washington, D.C. TYPES OF NOVEElENT

There has been too great an emphasis o? migration as a uniform and homogenous phenomenon. There is a need to recognize the variety and diversity of types of movement, to comprehend both the totality of ~obility and the relatedness of different types to one another. Such an approach has been criticized as simplistic and descriptive (Gerold-Scheepers and Van

Binsbergen 1978) ; a crl-tj-cism which can 5e countered simply but fundamentally on the grounds that to proceed effectively towards explanation with "conceptual- ly and theoretically more sophisticated studies" (ibid- 1978) there is first the need to identify more clearly what is to be explained. Without such identification and the refinements it involves, the best advantage cannot be taken of important empirical and technical advances in the study of population movements which have been made in recent years in tropical Africa in general and West Africa in particular.

Movements occur at a variety of spatial and temporal scales -

from the one extreme of movements over very short distances and often repeated

to single intra-continental moves over several thousands of miles. The frame

of reference in which this should be considered therefore needs to extend

beyond the conventional demographic concept of migration as movement between s two specific places over a spe,ified period of time, such as can be enumerated

in the usual forms of census. Yany movements are not specific in place or time and therefore go unrecoried in census dsta.- They have received little theoretical consideratioc anri limited attention in enpirical research. E. Descriptive typolo~y

In general terns thaze is need. to distinguish between movements

of the past -hich are no longer practised, but the influences of which may

'be seen in canter-porary patterns of population distribution and density

and population/land relationships (Xason 1969; Gleave and Prothero 1971; Fage

1975); movements from the past which are continued into the present; novements

which have developed during the present century (Prothero 1964, 1968).

Hovements in each of these groups need to be relat~dto one another, and there

needs to be in-restigation of continuities from the past into tha present.

i'he outlines of a tnology of contemporary movements identify

space and time as iin2ortant dinensions which may form the bases of classifica-

tion and comparison (Gould and Prothero 1975).

Space may be considered in terms of either discance and/or direction.

The former say be perceived and measured in physical terms, in economic terms

or as -within or betveen administrative units. 1. In ~nyof these term distance may be difficult to specify. Direc-

tion may be used in preference to distance and considered in terms of "rural"

and "urban" relationships. These terms differentiate what is in reality a

continuum and problems of categorization may arise, but in practice it is

usually possible to nak an acceptable differentiation. Since the typology is - concerned to illuminate the study of population mobility in circmstances of 'continuing social and economic change, vhere the problems of ~uraland urban ' -? ,development- are at the same t~heboth distinctive and relatzd (Gugler 1969;- ?ihgler and ilanagan 1978; Xabcgunje 1970), space is considered in four atego-

ries of ielationshi?~- rural/rural, rural/urban, urban/rural and urban/urban. Contemporary movements may be differentiated by their periodicity,

which may involve a continuum from the often repeated movemezts of a few

hovrs' duration within i: limited area to a permanent change from one place to

another over greater distances.

Host definitions of migration include reference to permanent change

of residence. Movements which do not involve any perinanent change can be

best designated as circulation to include "a great variety of movements,

usually short-term repetitive or cyclical in character, but all having in

common the lack of any declared intention of a permanent or long-standing

change of residence" (Zelinsky 1971).

While the principal distinction between migration anci circulation

lies in permanence in the former and non-perman2nce in the latter, 'permanent'

has been and may be defined in different ways to biur that distinction. For

example, "the period of time implied by th2 term 'permazent' cannot be genera-

lized in all instances of migration, but have to be considered individually in

each case" (Mangalam 1968, p. 8). ~ctersen'sview is similar (1968, p. 278) :

1 "... no broad specification of the duration of stay suits all purposes, and each individual analyst had to adapt the available data as best he can".

Hence the definition of the United Nations of nigrations as those sovements 1 having a duration of more than one year has generally been ignored in practice in many field surveys in Africa, but has been follewed by statisticians and ' z I others relying on offeicial- African census data. There has been no universally accepted definition 3 pemanence. If there 13 a ~pecifrtdesire on the part. of the individual or group of individuals who are zoving to return to their place of origin, and when befgre leaving in the first place there is this intention, then

the movement may be considered as circulation rather than migration. However, some movers do not know either the timing or the direction of future movements, and their movements could be considered as migration. These distinctions between circulation and migration are not directly related to the duration of

each movement, for some circulatory movcnents may last longer than sigratory ones, but are related to the long-term changes in the distribution of popula-

tion that result. With circulation, changes in the distribution of population

in the long-telm are nor significantly different from those in the short-term; with mQration, changes in the long-term are very different from changes in

the short-term.

Based on four categories of rural/urban relationships, and differing

time spans which generally but not invariably increase from left to right, the

typolgy may be framed (Figure 1).

Daily circclation includes the great variety of intra-rural and

intra-urban movements that are sufficiently commonplace to requf.re no detailed

description. Periodic circulation may vary in length from one night away to * . I one year. It is more usual for periodic circulation to be shorter in duration

than seasonal circulation. The latter is in fact a particuler type of periodic *- movement, the period being defined by narked seasorality in the p&sical/econo-

nic environmeit. Long-term circulation involves absence from homg for longer B r I than one year. (L Figure 1. Population mobility in Africa

Time

Circulation Ngration

Space Daily Periodic Seasonal Long-term Regular Irregular

Rural-rural

Rur al-urban

Urhan-rural

Urban-urban Different interpretations of "permanent" give rise to t-m broad

types of migration. Regular migration in the conventional use of the term,

that is definitive novement with no propensity to return to the home area,

has been relatively uncommon in tropical Africa, though it is becoming more

evident than in the past (e.g. Gleave 1966; Chambers 1969; Roussel et al.

I 1968; hoop 1971). Irregular migrations are not wholly permanent in that

further movement is likely in the future, but neither the time nor the direc-

tion of such movement is known (e.g. Stenning 1957; 'Prothero 1968a; Glliver

Conclusion ,

X11 types of population mobility may be accommodated in the twenty-

four categories of the typology. However, it must be noted that among any

one group of people or in any one area more than one category of mobility

nay be identified. The typology identifies novements which axe widely recog-

nized but also identifies some movements of which relatively little is known,

but to which increased attention should be given in rational development

plannix. For example, there has been only a limited appreciation of mobility

primarily associated with non-economic factors - social (lux 1971), political

(ibmrell 1969,; Rogge 1979) and religious (Birks 1978). Xuch attention has (D be chlly4ot-iveted rural-urban mobility which is interpreted

Z in western terms as part of the process of modernization. However, the

'i L - majority of people in 'dest urica live in rural areas and will continue- to do ) so for the foreseeable future. Greater attention needs to be given toEthe II I patterns and processes of nobility in which they are involved (e.g. .Adepoju

1978; Xinderink and Tenplernan 1978; Le 3ris 1978). Perspectives on the

variety of novements PUS^ be -Adened. APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF XOBILITY IN '*ST AFRICA

Four phases of approach to the study of mobility in llfrica in general and in West Africa in particular may be recoglized durixg the present century. They are not discrete in any absolute sense but overlap and relate one with another. However their distinction is important in understanding changing attitudes and viewpoints to mobility over time. To appreciate the context in which a piece of research has been undertaken it is essential to be aware of these changes and it should be evaluated in this context.

The Colonial Period to 1950

S~udiesof nobility LTre limited in number and exploratory in nature. They xere directed to the labour moverrents associated with economic developments (farins, plantations, mines, industries or towns) consequent on colonial penetration. The need for chis labour and the means by which it could be obtained vere stressed. Generally in West Africa, ccmpared with southern Africa, economic developments directly involving Europeans were on a smaller scale and demands for labour on largescale agricultural enterprises and for nineral exploitation .:ere limited. In the French territories there was forced labour (not abolished finally until 1946) and military conscription, . I and fIie se had considerable effects on labour movements within French territo- ries, and from then into BrQish.. territories (Asiwaju 1976). References to '2 labour movenents occur in cdonial reports and ia some general texts but they

I are of a limiter! nature (e.& Orde-Browne 1933; Wcz~ski1948; hiley 1938,

I 1956; Labouret 1941, 1952; Suret-Canale 1964). Colonialism to Independence 1950 - 60 The period was one in which there was greater concern for colonial development and welfare in both French and British Wsst -urica, with a comple- mentary concern for obtaining and interpreting facts k*ich were relevant.

However, the first full censuses in Gold Coast (1948) and Mgeria (1952-53) provided only limited infomation on sobility, as did sample censuses carried out in French West Xr'rica (Prothero 1961).

Attention continued to be directed particularly to movements

of labour. Studies were essentially empirical, were undertaken for limited

purposes and were concerned with specific situations. Little attempt was made

to compare findings and coordinate records (Masser and Gould 1975). 'Ihe most

consistent and structured approach was developed in southern Africa, with

studies of labour migrants in both the areas of origin an destisation in the

context of a colonial system with a plural society and a dual economy.

Mitchell (1959) summed up the main emphasis in much of this work, setting out

ideas on the nature of novernents and on factors influr-ncing their rate and

incidence.

In West Africa an intra-territorial survey, conducted by the

Nigerian Department of Statistics for six months in 1952-53, measured the * volume and direction of movement and some of the characteristics and motivis of those moving through Sokoto Province in the north west of- the country (Mgeria 1954; Prothero 1957, 1959). In the Gold Coast (no: Ghana) a maller i scale 5urvey was made of aigrant labourers crossing the Volsa iiiver on the E !e Yeji fmry (Davison 1954). Later in the decade, the Commission for Technical

Cooperation in Mrica South of the Sahara (C.C.T.X.) mounted an inter- territorial labour novements. Unfortunately there were no further developments from then.

The C.C.T.A. study directed by the sociologist Jean Rouch, developed directly from this work on migrants from French territories in Gold Coast in the first half of the 1950s (Rouch 1957). This was of a number of studies concerned with labour moveaents (sources, destinations and flows) in West

Mrica made in the 1950s from various disciplinary points of view; social anthropology (Skinner 1960, 1965), economics (Berg 1961, 1965) and geography

(Prothero 1957, 1959). These were set respectively in the broad context of structural-functionalism, neo~lassicaleconomics, and man-land relationships.

Apart from studies of pastoral movements (e.g. Dupire 1962; Stenning

1957) other forms of mobility in West Africa received little attention compared with seasonal labour. An important exception was an examination of ethnic data from the 1052 - 53 Xigerian census, used as surrogate measures for the assessment of movements overall within the country (Habogunje 1970). It drew attention to the redistributions of population which were not seasonal and temporary but which involved the permanent colonization of previously sparsely populated areas with potential for economic development (see also Green 1974).

It was the only study which produced information on the averall structure of nobility of a country for this time.

Colonialism to Independence 1960-70

This decade, was marked by tke first major involveinent of indigenous s scholars in nobility studies and changgs in emphasis in these studies. Census data Secane more specific for the study of movements -dthin countries, particularly in Ghana (e.g. .hido 1970; Beals et a1 1967; Engmann 1365), and Sierra Leone (e.g . Forde and Harvey 1968; Harvey 1973; Riddell and Harvey 1972), though these data still left much to be desired. They revealed clearly

rapid rates of urban growth, consequent on high rates of natural increase in-

towns but also on the contribution of large inflows of population from rural

arcas. These occasioned a marked change in emphasis; from seasonal sovements

to ruralqrban movements, with a particular concern for the problems of

urbanization and causes of urban unemployment, rather than with the particular

processes of movement (e.g. Banton 1957; Little 1965; Mabogunje 1968). Sample

surveys of rural-urban migration were undertaken, the most iaportant and

influential being a country-wide study in Ghana (Caldwell 1969). Ffulti-round

surveys in francophone territories produced data on migration including

migration histories. ?lore detailed studies undertaken in this period confirmed

findings in earlier work; for example, statistical analyses of data on nobility

from village surveys in north-estern Ngeria (Goddard et a1 1971; Goddard

1974) generally supported previous conclusions derived intuitively (Prothero

1957, 1959). Also conventional techn~queswere developed to obtain information

on population movemenrs in Mgeria since political factors there had made

census dat? unsatisfactory and/or not available (Green 1969).

In the search for further explanation available data were applied

to a variety of models, particularly with reference to economic variables -i .a - (Todaro 1976; 'kip 1975). Analyses were made of i~terregionalflows -and of * ruralqrban aovements (hsser and Gould 1975). They were macro-sggvgate in w . scale, and because of the nature of data used were unable to identify much of

the variety of movements occurring within rural areas and of movements xhich

were non-pemanent in nature. Though there were limitations the work undertaken in West Africa and more generslly in the continent was certainly of a quality and quantity sufficient to contradict the negative conclusion

"that there is no method of measuring migration that is both theoretically satisfactory and administratively feasible in Africa at the present time" (Lorimer, Brass and Van der Walle 1965).

Recent developments 197040

Census and sample survey data for studying mobility have improved and expanded, representing considerable advances on what were previously available for macrolaggregate study. Consequently there has been continuing analysis and search for explanation using models and statistics; particularly the work of Todaro dnd its derivatives on economic models, but with a shift in some instances to a more balanced view of the variable involved to take social as well as economic factors into account. A number of spatial inter- action models have been used and tested in empirical studies. Temporal considerations have been taken into account in sequential models of migration processes, such as in an investigation of stepdLse migration in Sierra Le0r.e

(Riddell and Harvey 1972). A theoretical systems approach to rural-urban migration was outlined and is discussed later in this review (Habogunje

- The emphasis on .f;ural-urban migration and the relative. neglect of i- other foras of movements have continued though there have been important * exceptions (e.g. Udo 1975)f Little continues to be known quantitatively of the overall structure of population movements in mosr countries, such as would rnake possible any consideration of a particular category of sovement in a more general setting. Seginning in the 1960s but developing further in the last decade there have been studies directed to the history of mobility in West Africa

(e.g., in Kuper 1965), and studies of recent and contemporary mobility which have greater historical perspective than many which were undertaken previously

(Swindell 1979). This historical work is intrinsically important in this review and is more relevant for indicating how mobility in the past and present may be linked.

The most important new developments have been in a number of over- views of mobility which are addressed to West Africa in particular or which have special reference to it. They differ from one another in their views and interpretations, and these are affected in part by the evidence they are considering. In some studies, there is a deliberate selection of certain evidence and the neglect of others for reasons which are not aade explicit.

The first of these in their order of publication is Mabogunje (1972)

Regional mobility and resource development in West Af rica, an important statement which regretably has received limited general ndtice and has been largely ignored by those whose viewpoints of mobility differ from those which it expresses. It brings an important historical perspective to the study of movements, which are viewed as bringing a positive advantage to those who move and to source and degtination areas. Amin (ed.) (1974) Moderp miqratio'ns in West Africa (particularly the introductory essay by the- editor), Amselle (ed.) (1976) Les migrations af ricaines , and van Sinsberg en ang- Meilink (eds .) (1978) .% .% Miv-ration and the transformation of modern African socigty- are concerned with E movements in the present century which are viewed as di&dvantageous for those

involved and for the source areas from which they originate. They contain

contributions in which a Yarxist interpretation is explicit; movements are interpreted as being the result of the exploitation of the deliberatel; underdeveloped periphery by colonial capitalism. These overview statements bring out very clearly the signj.ficance of approaches, attitudes and value judgments hich influence studies of population movements. As much depends on by whom the investigation is made, as on what is being investigated. THEORY AM PWCTICE RELATING TO NOBILITY

i ttenpting to understand the determinants and consequences of

mobility the ; swers to questions relevant to their elucidation depend to a

great extent on what questions are asked, by whom they are asked and for-what

purpose; to whom they are put and when they are put. Questions may be in-

fluenced by biases, some intentional and some not, some realised and some not.

The study of the processes relating to mobility may be limited through a

combination of restricted and inadequate concepts, limitations of disciplinary

approach and ideological bias.

Inevitably individual disciplines are limited in their perspectives;

howver limited disciplinary perspectives can be positive1y dangerous in

the study of any human activity. Studies of mobility involve demography,

economics, sociology, social anthropology, geography and political economy, to

instance on1y the more obvious disciplines concerned. These disciplines tend

to operate at different scales in their approaches to explanation -at macro-

scale for economists and political economists (international and national), at

mesoscale for demographers and geographers (national and regional), and at

microscale for sociologists and social anthropologists (local, family/house-

hold and individual). These scale/discipline relationships are of course aot . I L absolute. 3ut it is important to appreciate that explanation achieved at one - scale cannot be readily transferred to another scale. This is by no means - always appreciated. - Studies of sobility in the 1950s, 1960s and into the f970s were !e B I . couched isplicitly if not explicitly in structural/functiona1 :eras by

sociologists and social anthropologists, in neo-classical terns by economists, and nanlland relationships by geographers. In general nobility ws seen as invoivirg the more efficient -reallocation of unequally distributed resources. People's movements in West Africa were related to factors of supply and demand conseqelent on the lesser and greater levels of economic development between different sectors (traditional/rural/agricultural and modernizing/rural/agricultural/urban/mining/industrial) and different areas

(envirnomentally constrained/less developed interior and environmentsly favourable more developed coast and coastal hinterland (Lewis 1954; Fei and

!?anis 1961). TSese movements were more explicitly conceptualized in terns of push and pull factors operating respectively in the traditional rural

sector of the less developed interior and the modernizing rural, mining and urban sectors in the more developed coast and coastal hinterland. Eco- nomic needs which could not be satisfied in the former could be met in the latter where there were labour demands that needed to be satisfied. As a result there were reciprocal benefits. Alternatively if movement was seen as a problem a solution could be sought by reducing the push or the pull factors or both. Overall more attention was concentrated on the push factors than on

the pull factors.

Sociolcg ical perspectives . I . . --. Sociologists have been much concerned with the determinants and

consequences of mobiliky and with refining , modifying and elaborating the .9 5 push/pull concept. .Ill_overview by Yitchell ( 1959) of studies concerned

.%itsthe causes of laeur movements in Africa south of the Sahara in the

1950s showed that the weight of evidence indicated the importance of economic factors. Economic factors tiere necessary and operated at the - 20 -

macro level to determine the -rate of migration (how many people moved),

social factors were sufficient and operated at the micro level to determine

the incidence of movement (& moved). Xitchell further distinguished bet-ween centrifugal forces (predomi -

nantly economic but also to zone extent social) pushing people out from

traditional rural areas, and centripetal forces drawing them back again.

These could operate differentially during an individual's lifetime causing him

to circulate - spending alternating periods away at work and back at home

(Xitchell 1969). Yitchell gave less attention to the centripetal forces

drawing labourers into economically more developed sectors and areas as a

result of both demands felt and attractions offered, and to the centrifugal

forces also operating in these sectors and areas to limit the time which

labourers from the rural areas might spend in them. Labourers were intended

to be transient only; deliberate policy limited their stay. Africans were

required for towns, mining and industrial developments, which were established

primarily for the benefit of Europeans (Helsler 1974).

The above circumstances were very clear in the case of south~entral

Africa where Xitchell derived his experience. They were even more explicit

in South Africa with the development from before the end of the nineteenth

century of a highly organized migrant labour system (Wilson 1972, 1972a).

Throughout southern Africa there vere plural sociGties and associated dual 'rL - economies. Between these and the societies and e_conomies- of Yest ~ricathere . were important differences xhich are considered eter.

Xitchell' s distincrion betvieen necessary/econonic/rate and sufficient/ I social/incidence has been questiop-ed ( Gugler 1969; van Velsen 1963; Xilson 1972) as to the extent to which it is meaningful. kgler is critical at the analytical level, arguing that the rate of rural-urban migration has to be seen as the result of the aggregate of ecollomic, social and political conditions, while incidence woulu then be dntersirzd by the differential that these collective forces have on individuals. Since the family rather than the individual is the decieioninaking unit in determining mobility it is likely that economic factors will be uppermost in the consideration though the detailed timing of individual departures might be influenced by other factors. In a recent overview agler and Flanagan (1978) identify the predominant cause of rural-urban migration in West Africa as economic on the weight of the available evidence.

It... with the impact oi what are frequently identified as social and psychological factors as less clearly defined" (pp. 51 - 2)

Imoagene ( 1974), a ~Wgerianpsychologist, varies this theme viewing rural-urban movement in two stages; iii the first stage economic factors predominate bur then after urbanism is established as a way of life they are reduced in importance and non-economic/psycho -social factors become more important as a result of cultural disorganization wi.th the clash of traditional and modern values. He does not define these ~sycbo-socialfactors with STeet

6 clarity - nor when they would come into operation.

Xitchell (in press) has written rnore recently of the need, because - of the complexity of social reality, to distinguish between the setti* L and the situation-of the social action associated with movement. Tne zetting E 9 is provided by the macroscopic economic, political and administrative structure of the regions with which migrants are involved; the situation is provided by the particular circumstances in which actual or potential migrants find themselvo,~. Nitchell argues that studies seldom deal successfully with both of these. These ideas do not resolve the problems associated with the in- fluence of economic and non-economic factors on mobility, but they do provide some new perspectives, particularly ldth reference to explanation at different scales.

Econonic per spectives

The sociological/ social anthropological approach to mobility has provided wide pe::s>ectives by recognizing both economic and non-economic factors, and providing some counter-balance to economic approaches and explanations which have assumed such a dominant position, particularly during the last decade.

In their studies of mobility economists have tended to be mecha- nistic in their approach and macro in scale (Todaro 1976; Yap 1975). They have stressed economic man, concentrated on sectoral differences and under- emphasized regional dif ferencas, over-stressed rural-urban migration and neglected other novements. In general they have given little attention to . I social factors.

Berg (1961, 1965) summed up the approach of economists to migrant labour which was their main concern in the 1950s and 1960s, in- circumstanc~s of hat yere then deemed to be land abundance and labour scarQty. " .. . the migrant labour system represents an 'efficient' adaptation to the economic environment in West Africa ... promoted .. . more rapid economic growth than would otherwise have been possible. It continues to benefit both the labour-exporting and the recipient areas ... permits a better allocation of resources than would be possible under any other form of labour allocation, it is not likely to disappear until fundamental changes occur in West Africai~economies" (p. 161)

These views were concerned with West Africa as a single market

(which to a considerable extent it then was) for unskilled and easily transfer- able labour, stressing seasonal integration of areas of supply and demand.

Economic investment which promoted the need for migrant labour would provide nore fsvourable returns than if the investment had been made in the source

areas of nigtants. Provided that ncst soarce and destination areas were in

the same country, Berg argued

"There is no reason that better-endowed areas in a country should noc grow faster thal less well -endowed areas, and political instruments, such *.istax and investment policies, are available to correct regicnal lisparities in growth if this should be necessary" (P- 178)

It was thought that in general migrant labour would continue until

there were fundamental changes in the economic environments of areas of supply

(e.g. improvenents or deterioration in village economies) and demand (e.g.

stabilization of the labor force).

Berg anticipated ~6diroin stating

"For penanent emp1o)ment in the outside econony to become econo~icallya~ tractive, the migrant's anticipated earnings in pabd employment must be more than his combined family income- from village sources and temporary migration" (pp. 173-174). Tadarp's.. rmrk has had a dominant influence on thinking cjn migration in tropical Africa and more widely in less-developed countries (Yasser and

Gould i975; Yap 1975; Todaro 1976). In the Yap and Todaro reviews the emphasis is on econometric

models; these Todaro sets in context

" ... the need to recognize the central importance of internal migration and to integrate the two-way relationship between migration and population distribution on the one hand and economic variables on the other, into a more comprehensive analytical framework designed to improve development policy" (1976, p.13).

This work is premised on the efficiency of economists in survey

research methodologies, data analysis and econometric techniques to produce

"a steadily increasing volume of new insights" at macro- and micro-levels.

bn*:onomic factors are ackno~ledgedto have relevance, but among economist s and non-economi st s there is recognition that nig ration can be explained pri- mariljl by economic factors. There is distinct disciplinary arrogance in

stating that " ... 'non-econdc' social science migration models offer little practical policy guidance for decision-akers in developing countries1'.

The essentials of the Todaro model are well-known " .. . migration proceeds in response to urban-rural differences in expected rates in the actual earnings. The fundamental premise is that migrants as decision-akers consider the various labour market opportunities available to them ... choose the one which maximizes that 'expected' gain from migration .. . measured by ... a) the differences in real incomes between urban and rural job opportunities and b) the probability of a new migrant obtaining .an urban job" (1976, p.29) . I

Hodifications have been made in the model (e.g. Harris and Todaro 1970;

Johnson 1971; Porter 1971; Bhargwati and Srkivasan 1974; Fields 1975) *- '5 - as Todaro states "to introduce certain elemGnts-- of reality into the migration B. process .. . " (1976, p.36). This is just aewell- since it is with reality that researchers, and especially decisionaakers who nay be guided by their results, should be concerned. Todaro provides his own accolade for the

TodarolHarris-lodaro model

I' ... its fundamental contribution ... remains widely accepted to the present day as the 'received theory' in the literature on migration and economic developnent"

and he concludes

"As might be expected all the econometric work demonstrates once again the overwhelming importance of economic variables in ~xplainingmigratory

movements If (p. 68)

It could not be otherwise since the primary concern in these models

is with the functioning of economic variables.

Political economy perspectives-

A major theoretical approach, which has developed for the most

part in the last decade, views nobility as resulting from the interactions

between two economic systems - traditional/precapitalist/underdeveloped/

peasant and modern/capitalir~t/developed/expatriate(Amin 1974; Amselle l976;

Gregory and Pichet 1978) is linked with the broader theories of dependency

and inter-dependent development, involving the penecratiori by the capitalist

economy of the traditional economy to exploit it and to further its underdeve-

lopment. The traditional sector stagnates as labour is drawn from it for the

' benefit of the developed capitalist sector.* However, the movement is not just

in one direction, not only is labour drawn from the traditional underdeveloped - sector when required but labour is returned to it to be supported when it is - '4 not needed (e.2. during economic recession and in old age). Labour moves -- bet-seen the two sectors it circulating oscilla ting/pendular fashion. *- The most quoted statenent on nobility in West Africa based on the above ideas (Amin 1974) is concerned not with circulating/oscillating/ pendular movements which are dismissed as now being of little importance compared with the past.

"Piigrations have passed very largely over a first phase, characterized by the preponderance of nigrations cf short periods (under one year) to a mature phase characterized by permanent migration1' (p. 69).

bin concencrates on the way in which the less developed interior of West Africa, which in his discussion excludes Nigeria, has been drained permanently of population to the benefit of the more developed coast and coastal hinterland. He quotes a figure of 4.8 million persons as representing the loss of population from the north to the south over a period of fifty years. In Amin's thesis the colonial capitalism deliberately promoted those parts of West Africa with the best potential for meeting the needs of metropoli- tan economies for primary agricultural products and for minerals. To accom- plish this only a minimal infrastructure was established in the areas which were to serve as cheap labour reservoirs, in most respects these areas were deliberately neglected. Amin dismisses

"The conventional approach that begins with an idea which is completely mistaken that distribution of 'factors ' is given a priori hnd not as a result of the strategy of I, development .. .'I (p. 88). which takes no note of modes of production but replaces them "by a false juxtaposition of the concept of 'factors of production'."- Piigration is not just a consequence of unequal development related t~ varying natural

w potentialities of different regions, it is an element in unequal developnent in a global economic system which is based not on the distribution of potential

productivity in the less dweloped countries but on these countries meeting

the requirements of the developed parts of the world.

These Marxist viewpints are counter to those of the neo-classical

economists. They are presented along similar lines by bselle (1976), Rey

(1976) and in more general context by Xeillasoux ( 1975), though Van Binsbergen

and Xeilink ( 1978) in reviewing this work point considerable divergence in

detail among Marxists. However, in general they are in opposition to Berg's

views (1965) that the prevalence and persistence of migrant labour does not

" .. . arise from the perversitg and wicksdness of men", has " .. . a secure

, foundation in the economic environment of West Airica", and makes l I ... good economic sense, from the point of view both of the individuals concerned and the economy as a whole."

Amin dismisses conventional economic theory 0:. migration as "purely

technological", teaching no more than

" .. . that the migrants, being rational, would be heading towards areas where they have a better chance of success."

He argues that controversy is not between " .. . those who pretend to be 'empir!.cal', i.e. dealing only in facts, and those who do not hesitate to engage in 'abstract theo~'(meaning those who &nor& the facts)". It is concerned- with the nature of significant facts. Yigration is the consequence of unequal d.@elopment,- and those who Dove are not free agents but are locked into C a system which leaves them with no alternative but to move and become "an impover- * ished proleta,riatl'.* &in is indiscriminate in avoiding the basic fact that only a

minority of the total population is involved in the movements which he is

claiming to explain. Notwithstanding a macro economic system within which

he reckons people are locked, and over which they have no control, the

majority here remained relatively fixed and located in rural areas. There

is evidence to suggest that people are able to make choices in response to

various pressures, and that in determining their social and economic needs

they have a variety of strategies from which they may select. Only one of

these may be movement to areas of more advanced economic development, and

furthsmore movement may be a partial response to meeting economic needs and

may be undertaken in conjunction with other activities.

Amin is also over-generalizing in suggesting that population

movements in West Africa now largely result in permanent relocation.

Temporary moves, which are circulation, still occur between rural and

urban areas and within each of these, involve large numbers of people

and are of major socio-economic importance.

Geographical and historical perspectives

hin (1974) makes only passing refereme, and Todaro ( 1976) none

at all, to a review of mobility in West Africa (Xabogunje 1972) which deserves L 8 I P " ft&sX~$Eg~eater attention thm it has received Eoz several reasons. It cansiders . a whole range of types of mobility and of fa_ctors influencing mobility, and i it develops an important historical perspect'ge. ?.larxists are critical of a-historical approaches to migration.

This lack oi perspective is to be found 2n the work of nany econonists.

However, che historical perspective of ;.hrxists is highly selective and

specific. .bin, for exanple, states quite categorically, though without

any supporting evidence, that "nodern nigrations" began in West Mrica in

1920, maintaining that there was a aajor hiatus in the development of mobility

with colonial/capitalist impact. Antecedents are ignored and no interest

shown in the possibility of elements of continuity in mobility between the

past and the present. If no attempt is made to search for relationships

between the past and the present, based on the preconception that they do not

exist, then evidence for them will not be found. In fact people in West

rifr ica have been re-dis tributing thenselves , temporarily and permanently,

voluntarily and under pessure, froai time iamemorial; circunstances change, new

opportunities are presented, some constraints are removed and new ones intro-

duced. Eiuman capacity to adjust to these changes is based very much on

accumulates experience.

klabogunje takes a realistically historical view of novements of

population in hest Africa which have contributed to the benefit of those

who move and to their home and host communities. L "The tine perspective allows us to see many of the consequences of regional nobility as a continuous adaptation and modification of traditional norms and institutions to meet new social and - economic needs" ( p. 7). i .% .5 Ze interpret-s the colonial period as involving - r * " ... the c$isolidation of situations which stimulated trade, - travel and aigration among different ethnic groups to an unprecedented level" ( p. 8). His approach is important for indicating how attention has been

diverted f ron movements wnich are historically-established , diverse and

directionally complex (e.g. of farmers, traders and fishermen); movements

whicn continue and which ere inevitably associated with given facts of

seasonality and distance in the West African environment. Some areas in the interior parts of West -~ricahave marginal potential, high transport . costs and limited agricultural production.

"To correct this a large number find recourse in migrating to the farms and plantations of the south1' (p. 53).

Seasons.! contrasts in the environment in the interior were used to best

advantage to integrate agricultural production in home areas in the wet

season with other forms of income earning, either at hone or elsewhere

during the dry season (Prothero 1957, 1959).

lvhile not claiming that all is good, Nabogunje overall emphasizes

the positive aspects of robility, pointing out that it " .. . has been instrumental in spreadi:~ those values which are vital for the stimulation of development in many parts of West Africa" (p. 113)

He views contemporary nobility as a phenomenon which is rooted in traditional

custom and practice, which has changed and developed sensitively to challenges,

. I opportunities and potentialities wichout major social and economic disrupt ton. There is clearly considerable divergence in views held con-

cerning the nature, determinants and consequences of nobility. Direct

comparisons of these different viewpoints are difficult to make since

each is concerned with particular £oms of nobility, and then with par-

ticular aspects of these forms (hoagene 1976). Hitchell and those associated

with -bin have been concerted with movements of labour, essentially of a

circulatory nature. Todaro and his associates are concerned primarily with

rural-urban mow.-ements, implicitly if not explicitly permanent rather than

circulatory in character; Todaro (19761, despite its title, is reviewing but -one aspect of internal nigration. In ?farxist interpretations of mobility there are internal contradictions. The inter-dependence of traditional and

capitalist modes of production would imply mobility of an oscillatory/circular/

pecdular charactzr, yet Amin interprets what has happened in West Africa in

the last fifty years as involving, after an initial phase of temporary seasonal

movement, a permanent draining df population from the interior to the coast

and its hinterland. Nabogun je has by far the widest-ranging consideration of

mobility.

Comment has been made that the work of Yarxists has been strong on

theory but limited in empirical evidence to support it, and that the reverse

of this characterizes non-Marxist interpretations of mobility by economists,

socioiogists and others (Gerold-Sctieepers and Van Sinsbergen 1978). Such a

- broad k:neklization is difficult to sustain but it contains e?-'~entsof truth. 'J* 2larxist iaLerpretations- and explanations of xobility have received little - specific tating- in the field, and in examples which it is clairled support . then the evidence does not match well with the basic propositions on which they have been based (e.g. Fieloux 1976; Le Bris 1978; Rey 1976). In a recent review of labour migration in subSaharan Africa Swindell (1979a) comments on the generality of Marxist analysis II .. . which can be particularly dismal for geographers interested in the regional patterning of human events, its rigidity and lack of carefully controlled testing of the hypotheses; to which nay be added much internal conflict and considerations abcut mobilify asong &mists - themselves . ' Geographers have themselves been criticized for emphasizing population/ land relationships in their explanations of mobility (Van Binsbergen and

Yeilink 1978). They have also been criticized for their concern with the ba-LC characteristics of moveuents qolcme, pattern and timing; but these have major implications, for example in the provision of health and education services and in transmission and control of disease (e.g. Gould 1975; Prothero

1977).

It is important to recognize these different approaches towards the study of nobility, for whatever approaches are edopted will influence the nazure of the research undertaken and therefore will influence the results obtained. The discussion which follows is concerned with some of the weaknesses and oq,issions which can be identified in existing work. , 'These need to be corrected to provide more realistic and more meaniigful understanding of nobility in West Africa. -

L WEST AFRICA: ENVIR0W;iT AND ilEVELOP?lENT

Environment

Among the many realities to be considered in identifying and

interpreting the causes of mobility in West Africa enviroment most certainly must not 3e ignored. For too long in too many studies, of economic development

in general and of population mobility as an aspect of development it has been

neglected. In a flight from the worst excesses of crude environmental determi- nism the alternative has been to go to the other extreme, and either to ignore

environmental factors or at best to consider them as ~eutrdlin development

planning. However, it has been demonstrated time and again, sometimes in

disastrous circumstances, that they may be ignored at peril* It has taken a

long tine for those concerned in development to move towards a more realistic

acceptance of the role of environmental factors in their thinking and modelling.

Tha physical environment is to varylng degrees determinist and permissive, it

is in all respects pervasive.

Unlike any other part of the continent the general east-st disposi-

tion in West Africa gives rise to a succession of east-west latitudinal

zones in which from south to north the amount 02 rainfall decreases and in

general becomes less reliable, the Length of the wet season decreases and the . t length of the dry season correspondingly increases in length and severity.

These clisatic facts contribute to marked differences in agricultural zystems 'r and practices and in the crops grown in these zones. The s~uth-northi$uccession - e- has promoted the egchange of ~roductsand of peoples over a long tine,end I - in ways different from other parts of Africa. The successive changes in the zones occur under "normal conditions" though it is difficult to establish precisely what these conditions are given the vagaries of the climate and the limited data available from which tc establish norms (Prothero 1962, 1975). Extreme and aberrant conditions occur frequently, usually in limited areas and for short periods but occasionally more widely and for longer the. The drought of the first half of the last , decade in the Sahel served to underline the power of the physical environment to influecce human activities, and the limited power of human agency to deal adequately with extremes (Dalby and murch 1974, Caldwell 1975). There is no doubt that some of the more successf~dstrategies to cope with both normal and extreme conditions are developed at a local level by the indigenous populztion which is geared to deal with them through tradition and experience.

Yobility is one of the most important of these strategies. Among pastoralists, for example, transhunance is a common practice (Stenning 1957;

Dupire 1962; Barry 1975; Benoit 1978). All agricultural activities (cultiva- tion and pastoral) are adapted to environmental changes both seasonal and longer-term. There are times when areas, which are inhabited by sedeatary cultivators under relatively favcurable ccnditions, have had to be abandoned under unfavourable .:onditions. In the West African drought of the 1970s it * was suggested that this strategy might be adopted as official policy, involv- .

ing the planned withdrawal (rather than the piecemeal movenients which were occurring) of population from some of the worst affected areas.

In relatively favcurable conditions sGdentary groups are involved B in forms of mobility which are associated with zeasonal change. The Bausa in northern Xgeria from times 101% past have been practising cir~rani, which translates to nezn "to eat away ir .the dry season" (Prothero 1957).

Fbt all but a considersble minorit) are involved. Those who move away for up to six months in the dry season of the year supplenent their income by working elsewhere and also conserve food supplies at home by their absence.

Similar movements occur in other parts of West Africa (e.g. bnter 1967,

1967a). They are adapted to given facts oi the environment irrespective of any strategy of development devised by colonial capitalism. The constraints which the environment imposes are very real; they are very r-leazly recognized by those who have to live with and in spite of them. The various strategies devised to deal with these constraints existed in pre-colonial times and sjere adapted to changes consequent on colonialist/capitalist impact.

As anywhr\re relative location is inportant in West Africa. Histo- rically West Africa's contacts with the wider world were to the north across the Sahara, with .%rth Africa and the Xediterranean basin. From the sixteenth century onwards these contacts were progressively reversed and directed to .he

south to link with Europe and other parts of the world by sea. European trade and subsequently admirlistration in the nineteenth century emphas.'-zed contrasts in the southern parts of West Africa. These -ere coupled with a nore favourable . I ~hysicalenvironment leading to an enhanced development of the southern - egions - for primary agricultaral production and because geological fornations yielded minerals for exploitation. While the strategies of development were certainly

to the benefit of the. externally-based colonial/capitalist economy they vere E also, in the circumstances, to the benefit of 'viest Africans the majorfiy of -&om k..re located in these parts. It is difficult to envisage that there would have been a more effective and more evenly distributed development of resources in West Mrica, in the less as well as in the better endowed areas, without the colonial/capitalist inputs of capital, infrastructure and entrepreneur ship

Anin criticizes the failure of the colonial/capitalists to develop rhr river valleys of the interior, particularly from the point of view of them becoming 'hnighways of integrated, regional, agro-industrial development" based on intensive irrigated agriculture. However, the Office du Niger in Hali, which was intended to develop one of the marginal areas of West

Mrica comparable to 'Ihe Sudan Qzira, produced less than what was expected, consequent on the physical as well as the social factors affecting this

2evelopment. Kore recently a further range of water control schemes far agricultural production are being set up in the northern areas of West Africa

(e.g . in th.e Sokoto-Rima basin in north-west ,vdgeria). It remaips to be ween what effects these will have in promoting rural development and what influence they will have on the natare and patterns of mobility (Prothero, in press).

It is possible that they *will provide employnient for limited numbers only and thus &hey promota movements rather than reduce them. . I

It is important the iaterior of \Jest Mrica should not be written off as an ur-differentiated region of und~rdevel~~ment,functioning only as a '5 L labour reserve for the more developed so~th.- Within it there are areas of inportant economic development, of which-he- Uno close-se ttled zone in northern Nigeria is a conspicuous example. Here an indigenous agricultural system involviag small scale production units has besn adapted over time to support with non-irrigated agriculture some of the highest dansities of population in uric?. and to accommodate major groundnut production for export, without the need for any largescale seasonal or permanent movements of population to alleviate pressures (Yortimore 1967, 1968, 1970, 1972).

However, in similar latitudes in other parts of West Africa similar successful adju stnent s in population/land relationships have not been achieved and resultant pressures are relieved by seasonal, and some permanent, outflow of population (e.g . in north-east Ghana, Hilton 1959, 1965, 1966, Hunter 1967,

1967a).

Distinctive regional variety occurs over very short distances in West Africa. It is difficult to isolate all the variables which have influenced such contrasts, though Habogunje ( 1970b) has made some broad

suggestions in these respects. But the fact of these contrasts should serve as warning to acceptance of facile generalizations made by economists and political scientists which, for example, imply homogeneity in the rural

sector, whether it be in the interior of Wes: .Urica or elsewhere. While Amin

is right to eschew crude environmental determinism, he is wrorig to ignore legitimate environmental constraints with which indigenous populations in Vest

Africa-have learned to cope with great ingenuity and adaptability. There is L . t no justification for replacing environmental determinism with an equally crude deterninism which is ideologically based. -

Development - In seeFing for e:rplanations for thz nature, causes and consquences I or' mobility it is important to recognize the general circumstances - environ- aental, economic, social nd political in which rnobility has occurred. Tnese in combination represent the setting, as Xitchell has terned it, which

can be distinguished at a number of different spatial and temporal scales.

There are important differences, which have beea insufficiently

recognized, between West Africa and southern Africa (and- to a lesser extent

eastern Africa). In West Africa before the colonial impact there were import-

ant sectoral and real differences in the nature and levels of economic develop-

ment, -which promoted the exchange of goods and of people (Hopkins 1975). In

many parts of We st Africa indigenous urbanization was long -established and

there was a close interaction between rural and urban areas (Page 1965; Uner

1965). While existing towns .were expanded and new towns were established as a

result of colonial administration -:? ,uionial economic impact, for many of

the indigenous population urban concepts and urban realities were not new.

Probably more than in any other part of Africa rural and urban are in a

continuum relationship, encompassing unified social and economic fields

(Goddard 1965; Nortimore 1972). These contrasts, for example, were the more

recently established rural qrban relationships in south-central Africa (Heisler

Overall the European impact on West Africa was more superficial

than in southern Africa. In the latter there a permanent European settler I was h population on alienated land, and the designation of native reserves, with the

beginnings of an exchange economy and of urbanization which had previously not existed. These prodaced a plural socih - -.e a dual- economy in which Africans served the entrepreneurial iat2rests of Europea %.s, with liinited participation in the developments which were rakiq place other than in a subservient role. In West Africa there was no perinanent settler population and no alienation of land in British territories, and only'a limited permanent settler popula- tion and alienation of land (largely for plantations in the Ivory Coast) in

French territories. There were only limited if any restraints on aricar residence in towns. While European capital/entrepreneurship/organization and

European demand played major roles in economic development, and particularly in mineral &.uploitation, many of the expanding economic activites, to which

there were labour demands, -re in the hands of West Africans who were not excluded from economic enterprises so as to prevent competition with Europeans.

For example, the expansion of g roundnut cultivation in Senegal

(O'Brien 1971) and in Mgeria (Hogendorn 1966) and cocoa cultivation in

Ghana (Hill 1963, Ifunter 1963) was undertaken by large numbers of farmers with

small-scale holdings of land whose individual outputs were aggregated to produce the large amounts of these crops which entered world trade. In

Senegal and Ghana particularly the expansion was associated with important

colonizing aovenrent s of people to settle in previously sparsely populated lands and employirq innovatory techniques typical of migrant activity. These are examples of rural-rural mobility contributing to developnents through

indigenous entrepreneurship, reacting to opportunities for supplying world . I commodity markets. Hill (1970) has shown that migrants prcmoting the westward

expan-sion of cocoa cultivation in Ghana were small-scale indigenous capitalists, i actia either individually or collectively depending on the social organization

of t& ethnic groups to which they belonged. They established small farms, - JI? E not "Flantations" as these 'nave been incorrectly designated (-4min 1974), in

the total production of which made Ghana the single nost iinportant producer of

cocoa in the world in the first half of this century. In the expanding production of ground nuts in Senegal, of cocoa in Ghana, of groundnuts in the Gambia and of cotton 2nd groundnuts in northern

meria migrant labourers were employed (from Xali, Guinea, Upper Volta and northern Nigeria in particular) in the cultivation and the handling of these

crops. Like the expansion which provided employment these labour movements

were for the most part spontaneous, not controlled by a large system such as

operated for the recruitaent of sigrant labour for Europc,n enterprises in

southern Africa. Indigenous organizations provided information for migrants

and ensured some matching of supply with demand. Markets and lorry-parks of

Ibmasi in Ghana and i3ouake 8' in central Ivory Coast were foci for migrants from

Xali, Upper Volta, northern Ghana and northern Xgeria and from which they

xere dispersed to where there were demands for labour (Rouch 1957). In these

centres and all main towns there were specific quarters (sabo in Ibadan, zongo

in Kumasi) in which both short- or long -tern migrants associate for social and

economic activities (Rouch 1957; Cohen 1969; Schildkrout 1978). There were centrifugal- and tle centripetal forces at wrk in both source and destination areas in West .urica but that they were of a different

nature from those in southern Africa. Circulatory movements were more seasonal

in their timing in West .Africa, they were also less constrained in circumstances

I 8 I in which there was not a dual economy to the same extent as in southern Africa and indigenous enterprise was more developed.- .a However, there were some lamits- on spontaneity and some constraints and control iihich k-ere in operationaore- in same parts of West Africa than in others. Taxes were isposed generally by the colonial administrations

( though in parts of Kest Africa large indigenous polities had flourished previously in which people paid tax and tribute). It is claimed that the need to pay taxes in cash in some instances forced people to move in search of income. From the evidence that is available it would seem that taxes operated in this way more severely in French than in British West .Africa (Xsiwaju

1976). In the former the influence of administrative measures on mobility

(pressuring or forcing people to move) was emphasized by the use of forced labour and by conscription for military service (Suretanale 1964). 'Ihere was some (Prah 1975) but limited use of forced labour in Sritish territories and no military conscription. The absence of these neasures affected mobility not only within British territories but also made them (especially Chana and

Mgeria) attractive for migrants from French territories seeking to escape such impositions.

Not only ere there variations in the impact of administrative measures on mobility in the French and British territories. Large-scale

European-owned plantations established in the south-east of the Ivory Coast had labour demands conparable to those of European enterprises in southern

Africa, and a system to supply labour was set up -&th some exploitation of . I the sources of supply in the Upper Volta. It involved a labour recruiting organization, the only one in West Africa similar to ones developed on a i large scale in- southern Africa, though on nothing like the scale d- the orsanization vpplyirtg. labour to the South African gold mines (Wi$on 1972; Pro thero 1974). It is important to distinguish clearly between labour from Upper

Volta going to the Ivory Coast by organized recruitment and that goinq to

Ghana which was uncontrolled other than very informally through the indigenous

networks. There was undoubtedly some exploitation of migrant labour in Ghana,

but the exploitation was by Africans not by Europeans. Evidence both in

general (Mabogunje 1972) and in particular (e.g. Addo 1972, Swindell 1977)

pcints to a large measure of accommodation of migrant employees by their

employers, and the establishment of close relations, with migrant labourers

returning to the same employers on successive occasions.

Neo-classical economists and Marxist political scientists have

given little attention to these regional variations within West Africa in

respecc of development in general and mobility in particular. Both tend

to assume a uniformity over vast areas which is far removed from reality

and has resulted in gross qisconception and misinterpretation.

Historical continuity in mobility studies

Many of the approaches to the study of mobility assume a major

hiatus associated with the colonial impact - a break with the past. .bin

(1974) is specific in designating "modern migrations" as beginning in 1920. . I * A more balanced view is that

- "In addition to removing some traditional restraints to - mig ration and imposing new ones, colonial administration .?O created new pressures in favour of migration, both direct -- and indirect" (Wallerstein 1965 p. 151) - !c - hypothesizing thar there muld have been more migration in West Brica under a single colonial administration. For the Upper Volta, the single most irnportant source of labour sigrants in West -4frica, and -&ich has attracted mch attention for this reason, Skinner ( 1960, 1965) iho scudied the Xossi, the ethnic group most affected, interpreted this out-movement as seeting the demands of the French colonial administration and the economic system associated with it. I1 .. . labour migration in Africa is most properly seen as a post-European phenonenon, .. . In most cases the first labour migrations =re involuntary either because Africans were forcibly displaced to work on European projects, or because they went to work centres in response to the introduction of taxes which had to be paid in European currencies" (1960, pp. 376-77).

Skinner' s views have been much further emphasized by later investi- gations, several with Marxist orientation (which Skinner's was not) (Deniel

1968, 1974; Kohler 1972; Songre et a1 1974; Cregcry 1974; Gregory and Pichet

1977). Gregory and Pichet (1978) in an analysis of African migration and peripheral capitalism, based particularly on experience in Upper Volta, stress the importance of historical perspectives but da little to develop these other than in the same limited time span considered by Amin.

Some studies of population movements in the Upper Volta and elsewhere

take a much broader perspective, identifying sany forms of movement in pre- - , colonial and present times, and relati,ng these to labour migration

"to support a different view of Xossi labour migration and its effect than has previously been expressed .. . international labour nigration is only one manifestation (however striking) of how a ~osiivillage has used spatial deployment of its people to adgpt to varying economic, social and political conditions" f Finnegan 1976 p. 9). He argues, as does Yabogunje, people's capacity " .. . subject to 'modern' forces to respond actively and creatively rather than passively", because their responses I' .. . have acquired roots in their adaptations to the demands of pressures of movement in pre-olonial state society."

Under the administrative and economic pressures of the French colonial system the No ssi responded on the basis of established experience.

Xossi society was not rigid or fixed, and with increasing transport and communication its social field was extended to include Upper Volta, Ivory

Coast and Ghana. This view clearly is at odds with those held by Yarxists, and also differs in some respects from Skinner who saw Hossi mobility as ordered by economic factors and involving none others

"The men who go away are not considered brave but poor" (1965, p. 385).

Purely on the basis of Finnegan's evidence it cannot be argued that other interpretations are iccorrect. Eowever, what is necessary is to search nore positively for evidence of continuity between the past and the present.

An example of such an investigation recently in another part of

West Africa, which couples tile detailed field study of contemporary mobility

with consideration of its antecedents, is of the movements of "strange fanners"

(navetanes in seneg;l, David 1960) who replace and supplement family l'abour in the groundnut-growing areas or' the Gambia (Swindell 1977,- 1979). They provide a labour input at critical points in the farming schedGle. .L - Swindell (1979) has investigated the long -standing of this system E - pmviding evidence for it going back 150 years, precedfng the main impact of

colonial rule and the development of the colonial-apitalist economy. The system has operated over a long period of time, despite changes in the areas of origin and destination of migrants. The "strange farmers" would not seem to be trapped by the constraints of a wider ecological, political and economic system which has offered no flexibility. Pather they take advantage of opportunities which are offered.

"The Gambia is a relative1y prosperdu s economic enclave which attracts migrants and which presents an escape from bureaucratic situations for a potentially highly mobile population, who are 'voting with their feet"' (ny italics).

It is likely that evidence similar to this and to that quoted above for Upper Volta can be found sore widely elsewhere in West Africa if it is looked for. RURAL-RURAL MOBILITY

Reference has been made already to overstress of rural-urban

mobility (both permanent migration and circulation) vith a complementary

neglect of mobility -&thin rural areas. Within the range of rural-rural

mobility the redistribution of population has involved elements of permanent

migration and of circulation. Redistribution by these means has been long-

established practice in West A£rica in response to a variety of environmental,

socio-economic and political factors, and most frequently in respect to

complex combinations of these (Bohannan 1956; Ewusi 1977; Hill 1978). Some

moves are made under pressure to survive vith little or no alternative. Other

movements may not be entirely spontaneous and free but nonetheless are made

in circumstances in which the factors involved may be evaluated and decisions

taken in the light of perceived expected benefits (Byerlee 1976).

Under extreme environmental stress, particularly gersistent drought

over several years in the marginal areas of the northern parts of West Africa,

people have been forced to relocate. Under less immediate Stress, but under

the more insidious long er-term effects of population pressure movements are

made into sparsely populated areas vith more available land (Bohannan 1954; . I L Grossman 1972; Udo 1975). In some instances these movements have involved - pioneering activities in order to adapt and modify to new avd different '9 i - conditions from those known previously. The removal of pressure- and stress ' has also pr-notnd nobility; for example, recent sovenents away from less *- E. accessible areas, which were more easily defensible in the past and in which

population concentrated for protection, to areas with nore land available and

wider distribution *with less concentration were possible (Tiffen 1975). "Downhill movementst' of population occurred in many parts of West Africa

in the first half of the present century 'consequent on more stable conditions

established by colonial administrations (Gleave 1965, 1966; Nercier 1952;

- ktting 1968).

Redistributions of rural population have come about through the

spread of diseases, for example of onchocerciasis in the headwaters of the

Volta river system in northern Chana acd the south of the Upper Volta (Hunter

1966) and in northern Xigeria (Bradley 1976). Conversely pressures haie been

relieved, naking out-ovement possible, with reduction of disease through

control and/or eradication (Prothero 1977; Ballot and Ballot 1977; Hart

1978). Present progranmes supported by the World Bank for the reductidn of

onchocerciasis are making possible the resettlement of valleys in the head-

waters of the Volta system which had been deserted in the past because of the

disease.

Overall there is limited knowledge of the movements I£ population

in rural areas to provide a better understanding of the processes involved

in the redistribution among what is still the majority component in the

populations of all West African countries. -Adepoju (1978), for Mgeria has

sade one of the few attempts to overview relationships between nigration

I, I t and rural development. The census data (where any exist)- do not identify even the broad ?atterns of rural-rural movements with .I-Pny degree c.f precision. %hen we turn to the sobility'of farming groups xe are faced with the difficulty of eocunentation" (Xabogunje 1972, 2. 52). 'Where these data reveal anything at all they offer only tanta- lizing indications which can be elaboratrd further only by intensive field investigation (Harvey 1973). Masser and Gould ( 1975) comment on rural-rural movements in Qanda, in one of the few studies of inter-regional migration to give them particular considerarion.

"It is precisely thi? importclnt element in overall mobility that is identified in the birthplace data, for the four majbr flows ... and several of the other large flows may be held to contain large elements of spontaneous rurallrural migrants."

The reasons for Leficiencies in knowledge and understanding of rural-rural mobility are undoubtedly related to them being relatively unspec - tacular . They are not as readily apparent as ruralurban m..?ement s and they do not present to politicians and planners who are primarily urban-based the obvious problems of rural-urban novements. The very fact that rural-rural novements can occur in unspectacular fashion and without causing concern are all the more reason for them receiving greater attention. This would provide bases for

a) further promoting the development of movements already underway if these are positive and advantageous;

b) initiating movements -where these would be desirable; so as to L. . * c) contribute to development in rural areas and thus assist in diminishing mralurban novements.

The primary need is to investigate what people themselves ar; ' i .5 involved in and why: rather than decidirq (as planners so often do) that * change is required!, and then attmepting to develop this ab initio withFittle if any reference to zhat is already going on among those who -All be affected.

Contemporary novements in Senegal provide examples of some of the general pcints which have been aade. Rural -rural movements in Senegal

In the 1970s the !i'orld Bank directed attention to rural mobiltty in Senegal, which Elkan ( 1976) , an uncommon economist in his breadth of concern, has discussed as I1 ... an attempt to ap?ly economic raasoeing to a series of observations concerning the movement of people which are more commonly examined according to criteria used by sociologists and geosrapher s".

The Mourides Xusiia Brotherhood of the Wolof ethnic group have

pioneered the development of groundnut production by movement to the "terres

neuves" of Sine-Saloum (O'Brien 1971) , which is progressive and innovative.

An adjacent ethnic group, the Serer, are generally less mobile than the Wolof ;

when they move they do so with the intention of returning to their villages of

origin with which they inaintain close contacts. Such differences are signifi-

cant in the development of settlement projzcts in ,&ich there is re:.atively

high per capita capital investment. When there is continued attachment to

home villages (e.g . the retention of land rights and annul return visits) it is not clear whether settlers will remain in new lands and what should be

future policy towards them. There are other considerations such as uncertain--

ties as to the amount of land available for settlement an6 constraints (such

as onchocerciasis) which may limit this. L

In Senegal there are not only pioneering rural-rural novenents but

also the cut-movement of young people to Dakar from the Casamance, notwith- standing it being probably the most fertile- region in Senegal, and there is international migration to France fromlthe. Fleuve region (the delta and valley of the Senegal river) with heavy dependence on remittances (?dam

1974, 1977). These point to the need to d~vel0pnational and, in this case, - 50 - internatAanal overvleu of mooility, so that the various £oms may be gi~,. 1.; integrateci consideration.

At the time when the work reported was undertaken the Senegal

2overruneni: had no policies on mobility, thoqh it had ettitudes towards it and pclicies which affected it. It was concerned to reduce movement

t.b the towns; to limit popula: +.on in some rcgions by redistributing it to othnrs; and aboat international migrattcn. Yet there was no intsgration of policies affecting rural and urban areas, and there were policies which prcnottx? differe~tialsbetween rural and urban areas to the detriment of

the former. Elkan poinLs to "The general lesson to be learnt ... th,. dmost every goverment policy, whether it concerns wages, housing, price control 3r agricultural mhrkting, has a migration aspzct. lr

This holistic approach is realistic and needs to be more widely

adopted. It should incorpora1.e social factors which influence. mobility

and to which for the most part insufficient attention is given.

Access to land

Among goverment policies v!lich are not directly concerned with

mobility but which m2yl influence it considerably arc those concerned with

access to land. Access to land influences the ability 02 people ro support

themsehes, and thus affects their decisions whether or not to stay in rural .9 L are-s. - It also i~fluencestheir maintenance of links with rural areas if they - w decidtJC~- move to toms. B. Traditional systems of land tenure vary greatly between ethnic

g-roups in West Africa, in general recognizing the communal ownership of

land with individual usufructary rights according to need. These systems

,have depended on there being sufficient lanr! available to meet demands.

They contrast 'with the individual bolrliq -.f land and the concentration 07

ownership in a few hands, with the ~s'.,rrcyof cultivators as tenants renting

or leasing land, which characterizes much of Latin America. Traditional

communal systems of tenure have provided wide-ranging access to land (e.g. in

the westward expansion of cocoa cultivation in Ghana), and have permitted

people to maintain thetr rights to land even when they might be absent else-

where (e.g. spending part of their working lives in towns).

Nowadays cenure systems are changing, in part in response to

increased deman4 ccqsequent on growing population, in part due to government

initiatives, and sometimes with these interrelated. Increased demands have

been met in situ by changes in agricultural practices (e.g. intensification, I - involution). Alternatively people have rnoved from areas of land shortage in

West Africa to develop unused land elsewhere, or permanently/temporarily may

seek alternative/supplementary means of livelihood other than from the land.

As yet there is no widespread evidence of landlessness forcing a majority of

*people to seek other means of support. The majority of people continue tc '

live in rural areas. Only very limited areas of West Africa might be classi- - - fied as suffering from absolute de2opulation.- In most instances where there .c is some out -movemelit the depletio~isbeing replaced by continuing high rates C of natural increase among the Dopulfation remaining (Caldwell 1973). Access to land may change radically as a result of land reform which I1?fany developiq countries view .. . as a key to modernization and economic advancement ... The range of measures adopted or sooted is .. . endless, and of engaging variety from one society and ecosystem to another. Wh.srever attempted however, land reform has tended to become an explo- sive issue, replete with sociological problems of considerable complexity." (Floyd and Olu Sule 1979).

To sociological problems may be added those which are political, economic and demographic. For example in Senegal the Land Law of 1965 undermined the right to repossess land which had been given out on loan, a practice which had been common. With likely problems of repossession farmers became more cautious in their lending, thus artificially creating a land shortage which in turn affected decisions whether to move and where to move.

In March 1978 the Federal mlitary Government of Ngeria promulgated a Land Use Decree which might be expected to have important repercussions on mobility. I I ... all land comprised in the territories of each State in the Federation is hereby vested in the Military Governor of that State and such land shall be held in trust for the use and common benefit of all Nigerians".

Land already in productive use would continue to be held by the 0 . I person in whom it was vested at the time of the Decree. Undeveloped land would be taken over by the Government. This was aimed particula~ly- at land in - .? urban areas, - where traditional tenurial systems had been a major -Cconstraint on developmept and where there had been considerable land specul&ion; but . I there could also be major repercussions in rural areas. The Decree permitted - 53 - the setting up of production units of much larger size than traditional hcldings, which would provide scope for the employment of labour and therefore might attract migrants, but there would also be scope for mechanization which would reduce labour demands and possibly force those no longer employed to move. Land might he acquired by any Nigerian in any part of the country and thus the possibilities for nobility would be enhanced. On the other hand access to land might be reduced; by acquisition becoming more complicated, and wirh requirements for capital, labour and expertise, as compared with the informal traditional arrangements for pledging, leasing and selling land.

These are only speculations on possible developments, but clearly government by acquiring control over land, and with the assumption that it can exercise this control, is able to influence one of the key variables which affect mobility within ruraL areas and between them and urban areas. To this cmplex area of concern mch too little attention has been directed.

Q

There is a great variety of mobility within rural areas through

which people are redistributing themselves advantageously both temporarily and

for longer periods (Xiracle and Berry 1970). Decisions whether or not to sotre

to meet edonomic pressures and needs are taken in relatione to a number of different strategies -hich are available within and outside the rural economy.

Within rural areas there are alternatives to direct employment

in qricultural production. In a recent- survey of fifteen less-developed B countries, off-fam rural enplopent was- shown to occupy 30 to 40% of the

rural labour force and 40% of the labour of those -with land =as used in

non-fam employmect (Anderson and Leiserson i978). Such figures are of no surprise to anyone acquainted with tta seasonally constrained agricultural

activities of the northern parts of West -Africa. .%man et a1 (1976) have

shown for villages in north-st Nigeria, a major source area for seasonal nig rant s how the relative profitability of alternative economic opportuni - ties influence movement. Labour movement in the dry season was most common

from the sost inaccessible village with few off-farm employment opportunities,

and least common in a riverine village with eaployment in irrigated agricul-

ture (Goddard 1974). Similar contrasts are to be found in other parts of

northern Xgeria, particularly in the more densely settled areas (Goddard,

Mortimore and Norman 1973). However, from the Kano close-settled zone, the

most densely settled area in northern Xfgeria (Mortimore 1967, 1968, 1970),

out-aovements of seasonal labour are very limited, the need for this being

countered by the intensification of cultivation practices (associated with

conmercial as well as food crop production) and off -£am activity (associated

particularly with a large urban market) (Mortimore 1972).

Recently Xortimore (in press) has set out an "alternative opportu-

nity" framework for the study of mobility in northern Xigeria, which takes

into account all types of xobility (Mortimore's italics) as part of a system

of associated flows of people, money, inriqvations and information linking

origins and destinations (both mral or urban) in both directions (Figure 2).

These various types of mobility are related to the objectives of surviving, -i .r -'acquiring wealth and achieving status. Opportunities for attaining these. *objectives- vary spatially, tenporally and socially in a structure which &as. expanded greatly in recent years, not only in urban areas but in rural areas 3 innovat ions

I 2 capital ORIGIN - DESTINATION Opportunity >SelectionI of migrants (labour) Opportunity structure 4 ' informat ion structure L innovations bh - 5 prof its - remittances 6 returning migrants

Figure 2. Flows associated with population mobility also (Figure 3). Cheap and more available transport has played an iinportant role in this expansion. The goal of the individual is the maximization of

the opportunity structure, as it is perceived both at home and/or elsewhere.

!-fortimore sees two bplications in respect of mobility.

1. Continuing rural-urban movements but with continuing socio- economic links and flows between rural and urban areas in both directions with individuals functioning fn the context of the extended family of which they are part. Urban economic insecurity will discourage sany from breaking these ties.

2. Circulatory movements of labour continuing and not diminishing since these allow the uneducated and the unskilled to gain from development (either urban or rural) . In the $ iven environmental circumstances these movements are a rational response tq the need to maximfse opportunity.

He stresses the importance of non-demographic flows associated with

all types of mobility and that

"A rather 'western' view of nobility in Mrica tends to under- estimate the importance of these flows, to over-estimate th+ decisiveness of performance of urban migration, and to unded- estimate the power of 'non-economic' opportunities, either traditional or modern, to generate mobility".

His model allows for considerable elements of free choice for

the potential migrant, who may decide to move or not to move and who is

not inexorably locked fnto a system in which actions are determined and I not chosen. Swindell (1977) notes attempts that were made to develop groundnut * . I I cultivation in Xali through "Operation Arachide" in the 1960s, and comparable

I measures in Guinea in the previous decade, both of which were- intended to stem the. outflow of "strange farmers" to the Gambia. Bothaere- sucr-.essful in redY .cing movements. Similarly, in north-west Nigeria i.b* the 1950s attempts were being made to develop the Zamfara valley in the south-east- Soh to Province EKVI9CNMENTAL Economic system Avera~eweat her Natural resources Soc~alstructure CCNSTANTS Administrative framework

ACCESS iO 31FFUSION ZESOVRCES iXiili~E EVENTS ' I Values: Inputs ianz? labcur, Natural j Social Modern ' Outputs capital traditional, hazard disturbance technology modern

OBJECTIVES

OPPORTUNITY . HOME AWAY HOME AWAY HOME AWAY pilgrimage (example orly) Karatu city visits

colonisation circulazion circuiation rural- urban migraticn migration 7. kwadago and invest 8 sell all animals 9 borrow money I 19 eat farn~ne/ foods I 11 obtain gifts 12 sell property 13 sell manure 1L sell land and: * 15 begging 16 theft

Figure 3. The opportunity structure 9: farmers in northern Kano (schematic). Note. the upper three levels of tLe diagram apply generally the lower only to :he tarGers of northern Kano. where clinate and soils were favourable for expandix cotton and ground- nut cu1ti~;i~on;roads, water supply and a network of markets .were established by the colonial administration. The constraint on development in this area was the sparse population. However, it proved difficult to attract pemanent - settlers, notwithstanding that in the north of the province there was popula- tion pressure and land hunger forcing the seasonal outflow of population (25 to 50% of adult males from some villages). Seasonal movements were preferred to other parts of Xgeria and beyond, despite their rigours and uncertainties, rather than permanent moves to Zamfara (?rothero 1959).

Such evidence supports Mortimore's views that choices are made from various factors operate, other than those economic, in the choice of whether or not to move and in the choice of which moves to nake. To date the studies of mobility in West Africa have scarcely begun investigation along these lines. RUEW-URBAN HIBILITY

iii thin the last decade rural-urban movements have been reviewed

in general (Todaro 1976) and for West Africa (.%bogunje 1975; Gugler and

Flanagan 1978; Riddell 1978). They have been considered in both broad and

specific contexts, examining the mechanisms and processes involved - in respect of rural origins and urban destinations and the relationships between

these both before and after movement has taken place (Gugler 1975 and 1976;

Lacombe 1977; Udo 1975). Aspects of urbanization resulting from them are

examined (see also Nabogunj e 1968). There is historical peqspective dn

indigenous urbanization which existed in several parts of West Africa, thoqh

more emphasis might be given to traditional rural-urban relqtionships and

their integration in a socio-economic continuum (e.g. Wner 1965; Goddard

1965; Olofson 1975) remains in present relationships, not oqly between indige-

nous urban places (which in many, though not all, instances have expanded) and

their rural area3, but also betveen towns which were founded during the

colonial period and their rural hinterlands. A concept of a rural/urban

dichotomy is quite unreal in Vest Africa.

Concept

rn In a system approach Mabogunje,(l970) has conceptualized qural- urban migration (Figure 4). It has two basic components - "the elements"

- and "the environment'' in aich these operate. Through the basic "elements" 'I in the system an individual-- from a rural area aay become "an urbanite" - "a permanent city dwellerlk(Mabogunje's phrases). In this process the indivi- I dual experiences char3es which affect rural orQin and trrban destination, and

mechanisms mediate in all of chese. ENVIRONMENT Econom~eCond~t~on+-Wages. Prices. Consumer Preferences. Degrees of Comrnarc~alization and Industrial Development

ENVIRONMENT- ENVIRONMENT- Socl~l Tachnology Welfare - Davelopment- Transportation Positive Negative 1 Communicat~ons Education Mtchanizat~on Haalth E:EeE etc b Channels I

ENVIRONh'FNT Governmental Pol~c~ec.- lccltural Pract~ces. Markrtlng Organ~xat~on.Populaaon Movement. etc - i A, system schema for a theory of rurd-urban migration. .r :?abogunje points out the very limited studies made of the universe of potential migrants, attention having been concentrated on those who move. hiile atternpts may be made to deternine "the propensity to sigrate" they are not fornulated very explicitly. Little work has been done on "migrant elasticity" - how impulses and stimuli from the environment are transmitted to potential nigrant s before decisions to clove are taken. Controls are exercised by sub-systems and adjustment nechanisms in rural areas (e.g . family and community decisions) and in urban areas (e.g . availability of employment, housing, ethnic/comrnunity associations). Information is of critical importance, operating through "feedback mechanisms" which modify the system, either positively (promoting further movements) or negatively (encoq~raginga return to the situation before movement took place). The former produce orgahized migration flows initiated by "active" migrants who are innovators, they develop individual and aggregate information fields to which "passive" migrants who follow respond. The rural-rban system is open and is therefore continually changing structurally as a result of :he processes within it and independent of initial conditions. While, therefore, the initial conditions in West Africa (or in any part of at'rica) differ from those in other parts of the less-developed world, or from those in tile now developed xorld at the time when it ~zs experiencing massive transfers of population betweer, rural and urban areas, the processes involved in all of these have man-r comparable elements.

This apprcach is conceptually illuminating and particularly valuable in its wide range of consideration. However, it would be difficult to operate

- to identify the range of variables involved, then to specify these and further to quantify them. It is realistic in recognizing rhe complexity of what muld be necessary to evaluate and to better understand " ... the crucial role of rural-urban migration as one of the most important spatial processes shaping the pattern of human occupance on the earth's surface".

Xabogunje's approach can be extended to forms of mobility other than rural-urban migration, forms in which there is redistrib~tionof popula- tion which is not permanent and in ;dch there may not bc the definitive break involved in becoming "an urbanite".

Examples , (li Todaro ( 1976) has discussed empirical studies of rural -urban inobilf ty based on census data and on data from surveys wit11 particular referenke to the kurk of economists. In West Africa the most coaprehensive single survey - I has been und.:itaken in Ghana in the 1960s (Caldw~;; igbg), to comp+nenL. and supplement the 1960 Ghanaian census. The nain em~hasisin this survey was on - 63 - the rural origins ot nigrants with saaller surveys in urban destinations.

The survey report considers fully the procedures followed and the probiens encountered, and is particularly valuable in these rsspect s. I: provides a detailed c sssification of rural population as ruralurban nigrants uhich underlines the unreality of the ide3 of a uniform category of rural-urban

migrant. The survey's results hare been comnented on and quoted ~%;'Ldaly,and

for the most ?art they have been borne out by subseq-dent evidence.

Since Caldwell (1969) there have been few further methodological

developments in the study of rural-rban movements, apart from the ecocosetric

studies already referred to (e.g. Berkoh 1975; Bleneau 1976; Christbpher 1976,

1977, 1978). Byerlee and Tommy (1976) with data from sampled rural areas in

Sierra Leone have attempted to trace migrants from rural to urban areas, and

were able to interview about 40% of them in the latter. On a larger scale

I.L.O. has set up a series of comparative migration an? employment studies,

with detailed surveys of rural and urban households in India, CXlyana, Ecuador

and Xigeria (Oberai 1978). These ar+ premised on the need for micto-scale

analysis of the social and economic implications of migration (the deteminants

of migr~tiozand the interaction between rural-urban migration and social and

economic changes), based on information collected retrospectively on house-

hold production patterns and farming technolcgies and comparS ng households -dth

out-migrants and those without. Relationships are being studied between

out-g ration onkhe one hand and man-land ratios, degree of inequality, .** village employnen_t- opportunities and labour displacement due fo changing rechnology, kiictare identified as being snorg the main detebinants of Ike I.L.O. mrk invoPres the use of a SO-page questionnaire of questic~swhich are complex in terms of their meaning for those being questioned , a.-d challenging the abilities of enumerators employed to ask them successfully. Wl-f.le scknowledging the migration process is complex and that detailed data are required to unravel it, inevitably there must be some doubt about the accuracy of data o5tained by such means.

--Stcip-wise ~_llov_ementand the urban hierar* In the study of the processes invcived in rural-urban movEmants step-wise migration has received much attention in Latin Amqrica, but relative- ly little in at.her parts of the wo-!3 and especially little in Africa.

Reasons for this limitea concern say be sought in the relatively short. history of urban deveLopment in nuch of AErfca soutt of the Sahara, and the limited development ~i the urban hierarchy even c.?here there hzs been a longer tradi- tion or' ~lrbanizatioc. Urban pril +cy is strongl; developed (Clarke 1972), and where there is long establi shed urban development close rela tionships betwwn rural areas and urban p1acf.s kave reduced the importance of the need for grade.-3 uigrant adjustrent between them such as is achieved by the step-wise procer 5

The livited evldence for srcp-wisc movement may also relate Fo, C the l.'.mited effort that has been sade to look for such evidence. Caldwell

(1969) d.-e$r attention t~ different sizes of rural scttlemsnt (frcm villages '9 to sma1.l towns) in Ghana nhking a progressively greater cbntribution to rural- - * urla~miqration,but he. dici not iind e~idenceof step+* - rngvement as such. I - Sir-ilarly Peil (1972) in analysing the migration histories of factory worirers

in southern Ghana found that step-wise aigration was nat of importance. For

Sierr~Leone Riddell and Hamey (1972) devel-oped a view of migration as a

process of long-term population redistribution in which migrants are absorbed by stages into the modern sectors of the economy. The best data to test this

sequential model would be those derived from individual migration histories

such as have been obtairled in some of the francophone countries of West

Mrica. These were 2ot available for Sierra Leone and Riddell and Harvey used

indirect methods. This wa? a versio~of the graph-theory method in which the

pattern of dominant flow3 between each oE the 148 chiefdoms in the country,

revealed by an analysis nr the place-of-birth by plrce-of-residence data from

the 1963 census, was coapared L:, the idealis,d stepwise migration flow struc-

ture. No signif~cantrelations were found, except for districts in the

south-east of the coimtry. Alternatively measurement of the migration field

of each chiefdom usiq a sisple gravity model was used to test the hypothesis

that the size of the migration field would show a systematic increase from the

rural areas throqh to the primate city if there wa:3 step-wise migration.

Results were inconclusive, though again there was soae evidence of step-wise

movement in the south east crmpared with elsewhere in Sierra Leone.

An analysis made of the migration histortes of minewozicers in Sierra Leone refutes any strong tendency to step-wlse migration, even in the districts - of the south-east. Swind~:ll (1974) found that these migrapts i '3 ".. . display a move touards, and circulation aaongst, the I principal towns and wo* places rather than steppirg up a - hierarchy ." . b- - 66 -

However, it must be noted that this finding relates to a particular category

of labour migrant and might not apply with other categories of movers.

There is need and scope for further investigation of stepwise

movement in lest Africa, with the possibility of it developing as mdre

structured urban hierarchies evolve. Consideration should be given to

encouraging the development of more structured hierarchies, which might

provide intermediate intervening opportunities for ruraldrban migrants,

thus intercepting and limiting their movement through to major and particular-

ly primate, cities. Some attention is being given to adjusting rural-urban

isbalance by divnrzing resources to the rural areas, but Little attention has

been given to finding out what is already happening in intermediate urban

centres and on the basis of such knowlzdge to consider the'ir possible contribu-

tion to a more balanced hierarchy.

%ny towns next in rank to the primate cities are behind them

in growth rates. In Nigeria, Ibadan, which three decades ago was probably the

largest urban place in tropical Africa, hzs more recently experienced stagnation

and the growth rates of more vibrant centres like Kaduna, Kano, Enugu and

Port Harcourt are well below those of Lagos. Knowledge of what is happening

in towns below these in the urban hierarchy in ~Xigeriais very limited.

~ffortk-iould be directed to the tkns in Ngeria which have becivne State - capitals and which are expanding as a result. Ekanem and Xdepoju (1976) have .? shown that the medium-sized State capitals of Ilorin and Calabar are in L - transition from forner stat lc status as pre-colonial and coloniaf administra- * t - tive and commercial centres tc more generative status associated %ith enhanced administrative/infrastruc tural/industrialising functions. Such changes

influence and are influenced by the patterns of movement into and through

these toms (Mepoju 1975, 1976). - 67 -

There should be better understanding of the attractions which smaller urban centres have for people moving to them frclm rural areas and how these attractions might be developed to take up population from r~ral areas and thus reduce pressure on larser urban places. Some investigations of the present role of small towns and their relationships with rural areas in

Africa has recently been undertaken (ldrica 1979). From a literature survey for Urica, Asia and Latin America it is suggested that small centres at present play a linited role, and that the political ideas of those based in large urban places need fundamental restructuring if a more progressive role for smaller centres is to be developed.

Hinderink and Templeman (1978) have shown in a study of socio-econo- mic changes in the north of the Ivory Coast how the rural areas lost 60-80,000 people between 1962 and 1972. About three-fifths wnt to tlhe Bassedte, the

traditiona! desrination of northern mig rants, but 25,000 went to small regional centres in he north. In these they found employment in government and community services and in commerce, particularly agricultural services asso- ciated with rural development corporations. Improvements in rural education have contributed to this flow in preparing recipients for worthwhile emplopent , a feature reported for Ghana (Caldwell 1969). Developments along similar

lines will be vital in Nigeria, which has embarked on providing uriiversal primary education. 'Ihis- will contribute to increasing rural outflows of pop%alation,which wul be econonically and socially disastrous if all those 96 involved were to end u~- in Lagos and in the group of next largest towns in the country. *- In West Africa in general the need to develop small and medium-

sized towns is urgent. There is need to -look carefully not only at rural- I , urban relationships, but also at the urban-urban relationships of towns

of different sizes, functions and opportunities. Byerlee and Tommy (1976) have argued for a much more detailed concern in Sierra Leone with the differ- -

:ng sectors between and within urban places in any consideration of migration.

This concern needs to be developed and extended elsewhere. -

Rural *rban links

It has been suggested already that traditional rural-urban links

have influenced the process of more recent rural-urban movements in ~ist I Africa. This tradition has contributed to a general absence of definitive

breaks being made by those who move from the countryside to the towns. In the

early phases of these recent movements links were maintained through alternat- l ing wrk in towns with time spent in the rural areas - circulation fram a rural base. For some the pattern has changed, alternation continues 6ut time

spent in urban places now predominates with shorter periods spent in the rural areas - circulation from an urban base. There is no doubt that circulation continues and this is clearly in evidence in the work of Africans researching

migration (e.g. Adepoju 1974, 1976 in maria). Its nature and patterns vary * with time and circumstances (e.g. Hauser 1975). However changes in citculation

patterns have not been examined in temporal perspective for any part of West: 3 Africa as Elkan (1976) and for Siirobi, concluding that & - * "For the grht majority the village is still home, but h m this does not 5reclude them from spending a considerable period of their lives in hirobi, returning home during that time as often as they can" (p. 705). Cugler and Flanagan (1978), have recently reviewed a range of

evidence for West Africa, which is not strictly comparable, and found that

links are maintained among first generation urban migrants. Caldwell (1969)

from his Ghana study concluded that first-generation migrants maintained - links with home areas through visits to them and from relatives, by remit-

tances and through the transmission of information. Howel-er, for their

children born in town the same sense of linkage did not exist and they did not

maintain contacts wth rural areas from which their parents originated. Gibbal

(1974) reached similar conclusions from work in Abidjan. The evidence is

f ragsentary in space and time.

Individuals naintain links with rural areas for a variety of reasons. Adepoju (1978) notes that " .. single male migrants predominate in city-bound migration in Rigerial'. Wives and children are often left in the villages

because they cannot be supported in town. Even where it is possible to

support families these may still be left in rural areas to ensure rights to

land and to maximise total family income through their agricultural activities.

Where wives and children accompany men to towns social as well as economic

contacts are maintained through the extended family, an institution whose

function in the nobility process needs to be more adequately investigated

, I (Adepoju 1975a). There'are also wider social kinship and links; ~ortim*ore(in

press) stresses that these ensure a sense of security when living in a strange,

ethnically different part of one's own country, and are even more inportant

when living in another corntry. Changes in the nature of these links may occur through changes in access to land and through more general changes in rural society (e.g . the development of new forms of access to social status and power). At present rural development and rural-urban ties are mutually reinforcing. There are urban-based organizations ("Sons abroad", "improvement unions") which are involved in the affairs of their home places in rural areas. In Nigeria at the time of the 1962 and 1963 censuses there were mass "census migrations"

(more accurately they were circulation) from towns back to rural areas to swell the populations of the villages and to ensure for them increased repre- sentation and increased revenue from the central government (Udo 1970). There could be no stronger af firnation of continuing links.

Gugler and Flanagan (1978) question whether the norin of loyalty to 'home" is dependent on people perceiving it to coincide with their economic interests or whether there is something special about "home" for many people in West Africa? They do not go on to provide an answer and the probability is that at the present time there is not the evidence to do so, though studies to provide such evidence are in progress. This evidence is essential to plan for the future. Xi11 an urban population develop in the near or in the distant future which is distinct from the rural population? There are consider- able social, political and economic implications whatever way thing s develop.

Controlled Znvestigation is required over space and over time to provide better 'i C understanding of rural -urban links in the migration process. Investigations -* - of present Urcunstances, trends and future possibilities require greater m w I . emphasis to be given to socio-psychological factors to match' that .which has been given to economic factors up to the present. LONGITUDINAL 3TLDIES OF MOBILITY

Most studies of mobility are in their time-spans cross-sectional and not longitudinal. They relate only to' circumstances within limited per!qds. Todaro (1976) points out that all the econometric studies discussed by Yap (1975) and others are cross-sectional. While such studies may include some retrospective questioning (with all the problems of recall which are involved) this can provide only superficial evidence for changes over time.

Cross-sectional studies are able only to a very limited extent to provide in-depth understanding of the processes involved.

Cross-sectional census data for mobility study can be and are being improved, not only by including more questions but allso by saking these more appropriate, especially questions specifying a time perspective for movement. The Zambian 1969 census was the first in Africa to incorporate a tiine-specific migration question - "Where were you living one year ago?" (Jachan 1973). Nevertheless, no matter how much the actual questions may be improved or analysis of the data may be refined, the convenrional census has major shortcomings for longitudinal study. In the analysis of population mobility a census can present only an essentially static picture of intrinsic- ally dynamic phenomena.

This deficiency is usually held not to be par'tiiularly serious in countries, principally in North America- and Western Europe, where Gemanent i sigrations are known to be a high proport+ of total moves. However, where a high proportion of total moves cannot beclassified as pemanent, census t data wiLl inevitably fail to record them. 'In the movement diagrams bdtween

I region A and region B (Figure 5) , if a person at time t is in region A, and moves to region 3 at time t , and remains there (p), he will be recorded 1 in censuses taken at C and C as a migrant since he will have been enumerated 1 2 - at a different place at each census. Lf, however, he returns to A at time t (g) - 2 no movement will be recorded. The extent to which movement is recorded will depend on the exact timing ani spacing of the cross-sectional enumerations.

There are much more complicated movement patterns (r and s) which will be even more inadequately identified. In West Africa the patterns of movements in space and tine are complex. Circulation whether seasonal or long-term, is a major component of total population mobility, and step-wise migration may also be important. These types of movement cannot be directly or adequately identified from census data alone.

Clearly in addition to (or instead of) the census for collecting population data, a methodology to monitor movement over tine is required, providing a longitudinal as k~llas cross-sectional perspective. This pers- pective can be achieved to some extent with complete civil registration systems in which migration data are collected, but this is an ideal and despite some efforts (e.g. Cantrelle 1969, Coward 1972) cannot be con'sidered a realistic possibility for West Africa. There is the possibility of creating a sample register, ensuring an adequate recording of demographic events ?thin 'Z selected areas with samples of the national population and from which rates C - can be derived. Th* will allow the identification of how individual$ h&e

C w moved in space over a time period chat say be finite or may be continuous.

In any circumstances longitudinal data are difficult and expensive

to collect (Chapman 1C171), but they are clearly essential to approach important questins on nobility which vill remain unanswered where only cross-sectional data are available.

Loqitudinal perspectives

A number of studies of African population mobility have incorporated

an implicit longitudinal component, in relatively few has it been iuade explicit

and in even fewer has it been a principal focus.

In the work that has been done it is important to note that two

major demographic rcethodologies have been applied - the census-based approach in anglophone African countries, and the survey-based approach in francophone

countries. These different approaches, were developed in the colonial period

out of the different traditions in the metropolitan countries. They have been

continued since independence and have influenced the development of studies of

population nobility.

In arglophone countries there have been numerous studies which

have in some respect considered population movements over time. They may

be classified into categ,or$es.

Anthropological- i . .$ the 1950s social hirthropologist s considered wage labour migration L in south-cqtral Africa, especially the continual inovements of sigrahts - e E between home villages and places of wrk. Besides summarizing the causes of - this circulation Xtchell later made the longitudinal component in this work more explicit in a circulation paradigm which depends on the zvidence

from migration histories of individual migrants (Xitchell 1959, 1969).

While an anthropologist might have been thought to be in a good

position to give attention to time there have been very few migration histo-

- ries collected in which a tise/space component is explicit. Anthropologists

and sociologists have been more concerned to identify the causes and effects

of migration experience rather than patterns of movement in space and time.

Economic

Studies of population mobility by economists have, in the classical

tradition of the discipline, used aggregate census or other cross-sectional

survey data to develop explanatory models (Todaro 1976). A few analyses

have taken an explicitly longitudinal perspective, for example usi4 data

taken largely fron labour records such as are available in South Africa

(Alverson 1967), or in analysing rates of labour turnover for individual firms

(e.g. Elkan 1956, Passer 1964). Such studies identify a trend observed in the

1950s and early 1960s of greater stability of the labour force as mrkers

remain in employment for longer periods before returning to the home village,

with consequent declining but still important circulation.

Studies in West Mrica include the analysis of labour migrants in r . I Sierra Leone from nine labour records (Swindell 1974), and of factory workers in Gan? using labour records and personalinterviews- to make explicit the rnobilit'y component in their life historiesr(Pei1.* 1972). Geographical

There have been few geographical studies of population mobility in which a longitudinal perspective has been adopted. Prothero (1959) used data from a survey of moveme~zt into and out of Sokoto Province over a six- sonth period to complement the general census there in 1952. Rouch (1957) used individual migration histories in addition to aggregate data kith siiailar conclusions to Irothero about cLrculation in West Africa. There has been only one micro-scaie study by 2 geographer of individual village mobility to compare with those of Chapman (1975) and others in the Pacific

Islands. This was of limited duration, a two-month study of mobilfty in a Liberian village using methodolcgy developed in Xelanccia (Smith 1977).

Limited resources prevented this study being continued for a longer period but its results showed patterns and relationships in circulatory movements of the greatest interest and value, which point to the need for further more extended investigations of this nature.

Demographic The major demographic texts, The demography of tropical Africa- (Brass et al. 1968) and The population of tropical Africa (Caldwell and

Okonjo 1968), scarcely mentioned the groblems of and need for longitudinal perspectives. Caldwell (1969) made some examination of nigration over time in &ana but did not emphasize this aspect. -i '9 The only fomal- demographic analysis of longitudinal data in ad- arig lophone country cgncerned novenent in Liberia. It involved the coll +ion of data using retrospective questions in two independent surveys, one with a six-aonth interval between rounds of the survey and rhe other with a one-month interval, from a nati~lalsample of 100 villages and 100 urban block, ia

which every household was included (Rumford '972). It was found, not surpris-

ingly, that more movements were identified with the one-acnth interval than

with the six-month interval, but also that there were- movements which were not recorded in either survey.

-. Tracer studies These are a relatively new and very specific form of longitudinal

survey undertaken to trace the e~ploymentcareer of school leavers and aevel-

oped as part of investigations of the severe unemployment problems in most

countries of Africa (Kinyanjui 1974, Somerset 1974). Tracer studies invglve

the analysis of zhe nlgration pattern of a cohort of school leavers for use in

econonic and educational planning. They could be used for mobility studies per se.

Ir;of Africa, particularly the fomer Fr?r:i-

colonies rather than the Belgian, there has &en different emphasis in the

study of populatien dynamics in general and cf nobility in particular. A

variety of empirical studies of movement have ilrorgorated to varying extent

an expic: ly lotlgitudinal dimer~sion. They have been made by workers with

wide-ranging disciplinary intercst s using a wide range of techniques, and r inevitably with 'a 'vide and uncoordinated range if observations and zaalyses.

Compared -dth anglophone countries there are dlfferccces in two

articular respects. F'rst, there is the different tradition in the collection

of po?ulation data; the doninant approach has been to develop sample surve:?s 8 to gather more quantitatively and more qualitatively accurate data about a

small number of areas or individuals. "On renplace (dans les pays moi-1s developes), donc le rececserent par des echantillc~nqeupresumes representatifs aux quels l'allplication des methodes de sondige pernet de donner les meilleurs garanties" (George 1363, p.10)

-4 se,:ocd divergenca of traditions is that enmerations in anglo- pnote cortttA.es have been de facto, whereas in francopl OD? coxntries they have generally been de lure enumeratiors (Hitchell 1972). This 6.istinctJ.on is of fundamental Lnportacce for mobility ~nalys'.~,and especially where the longitudinal corpo-lsnt is beiq investigated. ?a a ae facto enuneration all people prlsent in t;ie survey area are enumeratsd, and individuals normally resident who are avay at the time of c'le enumeration will be unreccrded. In a -de jurs enunerati.c.1 the resident population must be established a~dindividual "~esicie~ts"na - :ot be present to be recorded. The need to define residents acd absentees and t5eir relationship co each other has de-.n a u2tter of considerable concern, and as a rh!sult there has been a differentiation between pernapent aigrati>ns (zip; ratio? definitifs) and terlporary mig rativns (mi8 rations --tes~rpiies) on the $)asis of current r~sidentialcriteria ar.d stated future iirtentisas (Boussei 196; ; see also Picouet 1971).

A further f'nctor responsible for the relatively greater attention paid to 1 ortg lrudinal studies in frq-ncophone counr%ricsis the ::ole of centrally coordinated research organizations In the collectio:; of data and the formula- , Q tion oi bfficial pr~iicy. There was much more coor:!ination and cqntrol of into,r-teretori~l- populatior. data ic Fren--h West Af: !ca than in BrFtish West '5 Miica, though organizi; tions such as the Instltut Fr~nca:s (now Fundamezltal) e - A' A' afric,uGNoire (I.F.A.N.) and the Inszitul: Elatlonal de la Statisri;de et 8 m C des 'ITuJes Ecoilnmiques (I.N.S.E.F..). rince independence c~?:.!.ln.it-i~t has been institutionalized ir, the Office de Recherche Scientifique el: Techaique

htre+er (O.R. S.T.O.M.) which 7;ith a strong demographic section is particular-

ly associated with the development of denographic accounting procedures. With

its institutional structure it has been particula-ly suited to the development -

OL lc~yituainalresearch, and it has had large coordinated research programmes

extending over several year;. There has been no comprable mrk in anglophone

territories in West ilfrica.

Two distinct types of approach have been used; retrospective studies

reconstructirlg the miq:ation experience of individuals in a detailed interview,

and more important1:r and recently multiple-round surveys in which the demogra-

phic events cf a population are followed over tine in a regular series of

Retrospective studies

Retrospective anaiysis is neither new nor particularly sophisticated

in a nethodological senss. The questions asked involve responkents recalling

all or part of their migration history and can be as coinplex or intensive as

required, from the single census question to the complete life history gathered in some sample studies (e.g. Ellan -et al. 1969). Kaeringer (1968, 1972, 1973) whose main work has been in the Ivory

Coast, has advocated systematic retrospective analysis. Individual dgration

biographies can be systematized on standsrd f;rms which allow subsequent .* I.snipu!.acion for comparability with othez biographies (Balan et a1 1969).

-L liaeringer outlines in his second paper h@b- this has been done in hln own work, but does not attempt to draw conclusions aScut mobility behaviour from approxi-

nately 1,2( 5 biographies of re,'dents of Abidjan. 3 brief summary of the different mobility characteristics of four nttional groups is given in the third paper, ieavie the distinct impression that the hiographies are so diverse that direct statistical comparability at the individual level is difficult if not impossible. The analytical impact of this and similar work thus appears to be less than might have been sxpected, and is confined to sinple agg iegation and averaging of individual experiences.

Xore detailed material may be collected through the life history matrix whicn has yet to come into extensive use. The matrix is an organized and ordered means of collecting information, encouraging recall and at the same time providing opportunities for cross-checking accuracy; movesents, for example, can be related to other changes associated with the life cycle.

The matrix has been used in studies in Iatin America (E.G. Balan et a1 1969) and in Asia ( Lauro 1979) .

Multiple-round surveys

Haeringer's approach is of much less importance compared with the weight of interest given to multiple-round surveys (Enquetes a plusiers pas.? ges) , in which mobility data and analysis have been seen very of ten as a secondcry spin-ff from the major demographic concern with fertility and mortality (Can'irelle 1973). Ibneaeless in multiple-round surveys demographers . . are actively interested in icdividuals entering and leaving the sample between tk.2 rounds, and so must be sore involved in collecting data about mieants ? than might otherwise be the case. - -* HultipBe-round surveys consist of taking a sample of peoplCand1or . w arcas and recordiag all vital events and mobiiity in a serits of regularly spaced rounds. To incor-orate a longitudinal perspective into the data collection, two or more rounds recording events are needed. nese rounds

may be every month or as infrequently as every year, the latter being the

norm in African surveys, in Algeria, 'hnisia, Senegal, Cameroun and Xadagascar

(O.R.S.T.O.M./I.N.S.E.E./I.N.E.D. 1971). The main purpo-se of the surveys was

to derive fertility and mortality data, and two of the five national surveys

(Algeria, Tbnisia) did not include direct migration questions.

;%e Senegal survey is typical as far as migration snalysis is

concerned, and its methodology has been well documented in general (O.R. S.T.O.M./

I.N.S.E.E./I.N.E.D., 1971, pp. 83-121) and on specific aspects including

mobility (Lacombe 1969, 1972; Lacombe, Lamy and Vaugelade 1973). It comprised

a series of surveys in four regions of the country between 1962 and 1970. In

each area a de jure population was established, including I1;rbsent residents".

If individuals -re absent at the time of the survey others were asked for

information on them. Questions related to population mobility were included

in each round in each area, they included place of birth, tribe, place of

L ?sidence, place and length of absence ,as well as various socio-economic

variables with which the mobility data could be cross-tabulated.

Lacombe ( 1969, 1972b) presents some of the data, the difficulties

and the findings of the Senegal surveys that relate to mobility. The main

1 * substantive finding was the identification or' important distinctions between

group and individual migratioos, which vary in their relative rates from one

sampled area to another.

One d~usualmultiple-round survey was tindertaken in Upper Volta. w There in 1960/61 a single-round survey of migratfon had provided a great deal

of infonation about the general parameters affecting individual moverneilt to The Ivory Coast and Ghana (Clairin, n.d.1. The original data from this survey had been preserved and was used as a basis for the follow-up survey in

1973 (Vaugelade 1972; Quesnel and Vaugelade 1974) when remarkably only 2% of - the 40,000 individuals identified in the original survey could not be traced.

Indiviauals had died or had changed residence, but since the surveys were conducted in an area of strong social cohesion the migration histories of these individuals were known. Published statements on the 1973 survey are almost entirely concerned with methodology and with the success in trac!.ng individuals from 1960/61; relatively little of the mobility experience has been discussed.

Such multiple-round surveys have been developed to derive national data, but others have been at a smaller scale seeking to examine much more limited topics. Notable amongst these are surveys in Abidjan, the Iv7r-y Coast, and Yaounde, Camerouq, using multiple-round methods in sample areas of these cities IPoussel, Turlot and Vaurs 1968) which show high rates of internal residential mobility as well as of in- and out-movement.

There are important differences between the experience of anglo- phone and that of francophone countries in the longitudinal st~dyof population . e mobility. The latter have not only a wide range of surveys, but there has been- much more intensive work of methodological interest. In assessing their i acts1 and potential value it is convenient to focus upon three themes - data, - - c-npling* £ram(!, and identification of sobility processes - which are of particular- con-.- -rn. -Data The problems in data for longitudinal studies have not been so much in actual collection, but in handling after having been collected.

Census data presenr no great problem; there are many cases with very few characteristics for each case so that relatively few tabulations will adequate- ly summarize the data. Where there are relatively few cases and a large amount of information for each case summary tables can be many and are more difficult to organize. The essence of longitudinal data, however, is in the identification of individual mobility patterns and aggregation may be less valuable than it is in the analysis of census data. Haeringer aggregated some data in his 1,200 migration biographies to compare characteristics such as present age, age at first migration, mean length and numbers of periods of residence in Abidjan for four groups of migrants - from Niger, Mali and two groups from Upper Volta. Other analysts have used retrospective data from migration biographies at the individual l~vel,describing movement patterns of individuals as typical of a general phonomenon. It is at this descriptive, exemplary level that retrospecti--: data so far have made their greatest contribution in mobility analysis.

Data collected in multiple-round surveys are certainly much more

C ,I amenable to aggregation. Lacombe (1977) presents an aggregate analysis of the Senegal data, which allows a distinction- to be made between those who moved as individuals and others *+o were part of a group. ?hr. different

sex, age and seasonality structure ozthese two types is outlined, and the e different mortality structure identified by the methodology is important

and warrants further study. Overall, however, the substantive results from mu1 ti-round surveys have so far been disappointing, only Lacombe seems to have presented any formal analysis of nobility data. Of these he says

"L'analyse de donnees disponibles sur les migrations de l'enquete Sine-Saloum montre que le phenomene migratiore n'est guere, en lui, explicite et pose a l'observateur de nombreuse difficultes. L'on remarque bien une liason entres ces sanifestations et certaines characteristiques economiques et sociales des zones considerees, mnis ceci dif ficilement explicable" (Iacombe 1969, p. 42).

There may be a genuine methodological impasse, that such longitudinal data

are intrinsically difficult if not inpossible to analyse adequately. If

the problem is one of methodological difficulty rather than impasse and a

satisfactory analytical methodolgoy has yet to be developed this might be

sought from other social sciences rather than fron demography. Closer

liaison between demqraphers and other social scientists who have been

concerned with the study of mobility would seem to be a necessary

condition for such developments (Picouet 1975).

Sample structure

Surveys, and especially those of the multiple-round type, are

extremely expensive and must therefore be taken in a small sample of the

population. However, the 0. R.S.T.O.X./I. N.E.D. synthesis calls the five L major multivle-round investigations "&tional Surveys". The areas chosen

within the national sampling frame were a scientifically construct_ed sample i of administrative areas. In Senegal, however, there were only fouf areas

in the primarf sample, one of which zs a suburb of Dakar. Kith eGch of * m these four are>s there was a random sample of villages and smaller -areas and

of households in each of these. The total number of people and areas - 85 - involved is clearly too few to allow any valid aggregation to natienal rates and relationships. This is confirmed in Laconbe's analysis of the t-, irrondissements sampled in the Sine-Saloua region, where overall rates of mobility between them varied considerably with differences in observed relationships with demographic, economic and social variables.

Brass' (1968) principal objection to the Sample survey method of collecting demographic data is that national fertility and mortality rates vary regionally much more than data derived from sample areas imply.

Rates of mobility can vary even more widely than these and over much srnaller areas. There is a fundamental problem inherent in the use of cluster sample techniques to collect data on nobility that are not randomly distributed in space (asser and auld 1975, pp. 23, 36 - 37). Within any one country rates of male absenteeism, for example, have been show. to vary considerably

(Xitchell 1975). kiat the data collected in longitudinal surveys do show is the mobility characteristics of some people in some parts of a country, from uhich generalizations can be made only with great difficulty.

?figration process

The principal objective of the longitudinal analysis of mobility is

to gain greater .insight into the process of movement - why people move, how far and how often and how they move from one place to another. Census data have allowed some analysis of causal relationships in movement 'rut process, defined in a rather iaechanistic contezt as the spatial pattern that

individuals describe in space has remained obsfure. Longitudinal data do

contribute to an understanding of both cause anc. pattern, but the context of

each of these needs careful handling. It is more likely that individual motivations can be identified through longitudinal study than in censlls analysis. However, individual rather than structural causes will be identified. In ~Yitchell's (1959) tens, these -.%illbe factors that affect the incidence and not the -rate - of migration. Chapman (1975a, 138-144), on the other hand, argues that structural causes can be ascertained from individual responses to questions on motivation, but there is doubt as to whether the individual can adequately perceive the whole situation. This is a general problem of scale which is familiar in population analysis. The available e~idencesuggests that longitu- dinal data cannot replace those from censuses as a primary source of identify- ing general causes of mobility. This is especially so in respect of policy- making, for Governments tend to be more interested in the rate rather than in the incidence of sovement. The widespread circulation in Africa can be studied realistically only with a longitudinal perspective. However, the identification of circulation is controlled by the longitudinal methodology employed. Long-term circulation such as was common in south-central Africa inevitably requires a long -tern perspective, necessitating a dependence on retrospective analysis from migration biographies. These tend to record oniy major sovements, omitting the shorter tern mobility that might be associated . f with kinship obligations, involving a brief return to the village during a prolonged- period of urban employment. i '2 The seasonal component in circulation in West Africa may be studied ret~spectively(Rouch 1957) or iaentified by that effectively was a longi- - * 8 tudiEal census that recorded nigrants over a sixnonth period as they passed - check points (Prothero 1957, 1959). The latter methodology could only

be applied to a forin of circulation that is relatively specific in space and

tiine. Nore general studies of circulation, xhich include all moves involving

one night away from home require more intensive data collection (Chapman 1975)

may be made either from a population register or from a multiple-round survey

in which the interval between the rounds is very short, possibly one or two

weeks. The survey by Smith (1977) in a Uberim village referred to previously

is a limited example of the use of a population register to study mobility in

West Africa.

Conclusion

Cross-sectional and longitudinal approaches to the study of population

mobility complement one another, as do censuses and surveys. For example,

if Qlana had had a multiple-round survey in addition to its censuses, or if

Senegal had had censuses in addition to its national sample survey, much sore

would now be 'known about population mobility in them. However faczd with the

choice of either census or survey it would seem that the countries with the

former have better migration data than those countries with only surveys.

Censuses allow the basic patterns and parameters of movement to be established P . I and details can be provided from small-scale, empirical studies. Where there

has been a major effort in longitudinal work, the genera.1 pattern of movement i and its causes are conjectural. 'f Host anglophone countries in Africa - -dth the outstanding exception of Mgeria - have had a reasonably satisfactory census in recent

years, and it is likely that in nost there will be a further ceizsus in the

1980s. From the point of view of mobility analysis it would be worth ccmplement-

ing this with an intensive sultiple-round survey. In contemporary mobility

studies a najor question is the extent to which migrants and potential migrants

in mral areas and in towns are reacting to risirg unemployment and population growth. Another question is the extent to which circulation is being replaced

by permanent migration. Longitudinal perspectives would shed more light on

these issues than would those from cross-sectional studies. At the same time

the latter should include new and better questions on mobility. From census

analysis areas can be identified which are anomalous in respect of their

mobility characteristics (Xasser and Gould 1975, ch. 5). Longitudinal studies

- both retrospective and ongoi~gcan then be focused on such areas to elucidate

these anomalies. Students of population mobility may look to such studies for

major advances in the future. CONCLUSION

This review maintains the need to face up to aspects of the study of nobility which have previously been ignored or neglected, not only in

West Africa but also elsewhere. It echoes the view of Abu-hghod (1975) that e are, or that we should be, "at the end of the age of innocence" in the study of movements of ?eople. She draws attention, as has this review, to the necessity to begin with a recognition of their considerable diversity. It is possible to identify basic spatial and temporal charac- teristics of movements, to which little attention has been paid. Then from identifjdng the phenomeca 'vhich have to be explained, it is possible to consider their patterns acd processes, particularly with respect to deter- ainants and consequences. For too long there has been the implicit acceptance of "inigration" as a uniform phenomenon, and a uniform 'bigrant". This is naive and misleading . " .. the monolothic category called 'sigrant' increasingly has had to be broken down into a complex array of subtypes, .. . " (Abu-Iughod 1975) This review has shown how some of the spatial and temporal charac- teristics of these subtypes are related to determinants and consequences of movement. It has draw? attention particularly to the need to differentiate * between mobility which is migration and that which is circulation. There are problems in defining these and tk.en in the operation of the definitions;

there is inevitably overlap between them. However, dthout recognition of

such differences marly of the particular Fealities of nobility in parts of the I world like Vest Africa will be missed, an2 the implications of these differences

for social and physical glanning will be inadequately recognized and considered. We have Seen xor!cing for too 10% with inappropriate concepts. Inevitably

these lead tc employirg inappropriate techniques for studying nobility,

acd in turn to applying inappropriate strategi~sAr dealing with nobility.

The conventional methods of census enmeration are partFcularly

inadequate for the study of circulation, but they are so also for the study

of miutation. For both there is the need to cndertake studies through time.

To date the longitudinal approach has been applied to mcbility studies to

only a very limited extent. Yet a recognition of the on-;oing, ~ften-

changing adapting and modifying natGre of mobility must provide one of

the keys to Setter understandiq of the processes involved. Static concepts

and techniques such as are employed in cross-seccional slirveys are inadequate

for the study of phenomena which are so dynamic.

Colleagues in meteorology and climatology have established for

a very loq time that the explanations for physical processes which they

are seekiq, and the forecasts uhich they can sake on the basis of these

explanations, are possible only if long-term data are available based on

on-going collection. These needs are accepced without qcestion. Whv cannot

the same need be recognized and acceoted in respect of human conditions, of-

which movement is one of the most iaportaut? on a sample basis, should

there not be'on-qo,r~ monitoring of hunah conditions, to provide Setter means - for understanding the Drocesses associated with them which are at least as .a complex as th2 ~hysicalprocesses of the atmosphere? L For example, during tne drought in the northern parts of West Africa .* E f in the first half of the 19709, it was impossible to determine with any pre-

cision its inpact on human conditions in general, 2nd on mobility in particular. There were no base.-line data from which to establish what might to deemed

"ncr-la:" and then fron these to detei-~LLI~what was "Gevianc". ?here .-re only

in~.deqa*lacedata from ad hoc surveys and fragmentary censuszs, with the aata

frob =he latter, even when these uere available, referiirg to conditions at

ten-year intervals (Caldwll 1975).

In nobility studies which have been undertaken with a lcr'gitudinal

component the emphasis has been retrospective. lhere is an urgent need

in Vest Africa and in ather parts of the lessdeveloped world where the

need is greatest, but also !:. aorede-reloped countries, to experiinsnt in

longitudinal si.3die.s with concepts an6 related mechcdologies and techniques

which are ongoing and prospective.

Even when ir: is recoqnized that mobility as in West Africa requires

to be conceptualized differently from in she were developed parts of the

world, there may still be less char. zffective consj.deracion given to what is

then needed. In chis review some atteoa40nhas been directed to the need for

more identification and study of what pco~ldthcnselves are actuh-ly daing ,

rather than the more usual concern with what the researchers or policymakers

think is happening or ough: to be happening. :Sch nore must be done to

* conceptualize movements In thc ways An whi:h,these are perceived and understood by those .who note. Evidence, which is at the present very limited and frzgmeu-

tary, points KO the Sect thatrthere is great richness in "the language of' '3 those who move", the indigenoils terns and phrases sJhich are used to describe -* and explain nobility. To exp*re these further would be more thar. ar interesting I intellectual exercise. It will pznii better understancling for practical

purposes. Fo-: example, there is no point in selecting terms which have been and are commonly used in mobility studies elsewhere, and simply attempt - ing to tra~~slatethem into indigenous west African languages for qussticnnaire surveys, when they may not then be understood by those of bk;.~ the questions are being asked. Such nf sunderstanding occurs particularly in larger-scale studies when enumerators are used who may themselves not fully mderstand the questions tbey are asking in the ways that were intended by those responsible for the design of the questionnaire. The b%ole range of error which may occur and the misinterpretttioas and misconceptions which may arise have not been fnvestigated.

Tinis revlew h~s-:ointed to the over-stress that there has been on the study of rural -urban movements; over -stress which has been explicit and otherwise. Ruralurban movements are of the greatest importance and deserving of attection, but other movement s have undoubtedly been neglected.

Bearing in mind the limited resources which are available for Lndertaking any studies we must ask whether priorities are being properly ordered? A redress of the imbalance is necessary to focus more on rural-rurai movements, on movements into small towns and on intraurban and inter -urban novements.

Nore attention should be given not only to those* who move within rural areas, but also to those in the rural areas vho arc for the most part relatively immobile. The latter are the majority of the populatior. in West

Africa. Are they imnobile from choice? Do they remain in the rural areas * for .hat the.y would identify as posipve *!asons, or are they prevented fron soving for negative reasons? if there were changes in these constraints what r~uldbe the results? These and many other related questions have not yet been adequately fomulated let alone investigated. Only with such

investigation -dl1 the specific selectivity and the wider processes (detemi-

nant s and consequences) relating to mobility be understood more effectively.

There has been too exclusive a concentration on those who nove and, furthermore,

on their movement ..-fLer it Cis taken place. Longitudinal and prospective

:tudies of a wide spectrum of non..movers as well as movers would go some way

to rectifying these imbal-ances.

Difficulties and dangers arise from rigidly conceptualizing in

dichotomous terns nobility (internationallinternal, rural/urban) and factors

influencing it (social/economic, tradtional/modern, colonial/independent).

The previous paragraph make reference to movers and nonmovers, but it is fact

that individuals in their lifetimes inay be both, at various spatial and

temporal scales. Similarly, there is the particularly important need in West

Africa to consider movement in terms of a ruralurban continuum and not a

rural-urban dichotomy. It is unrealistic to consider determinants and conse-

I quences as specifically separate from one another; they are complexly inter- I I related. the consequences of mo;lement may well be the deteminants of furtner I 1 movement (Mabogunje' s positive. and negative feedback) . These inter-relation- . I I ships require much dore attencion than they have been given. I_ . In the perceived dic!lc~omy betveen deteminants and consequences .;. .;. / - there is undoubtedly much sore evidence for the former than for the latter. Z- This is a result of the general post-facto approach to the stu of sovement I b - which inevitably produces sore on why it has occurred, and is limited in vhat

is revealed on .hat has happened to those who have moved. Furthersore, this

approach misses out on those who have moved but either have moved back to their place of origin (for both positive and/or negative reasons) or who have moved on el.sewhere from where the post-facto study is being undertaken.

In all these aspects of the study of mobility, bias, particularly of an ideological (explicit or otherwise) and a disciplinary nature, will influence specific studies and overall views. Differences of approach and opinion and viewpoint aie healthy; provided that those who adopt an approach related to a particular discipline, or have an opinion related to a particular ideology, are prepared to have concern for the work of others whose approaches and opinions are different . There has been disciplinary and ideological blinkering in the study of mobility, a monoculism which needs to be drastical- ly reduced to achieve better understanding. Total objectivity is impossible but greater receptivity of the views of others is necessary.

In mobility studies the greatest polarization would seem to be between the Marxist political economists and the neo-classical economist s. In their respective ways both are stimulating, but also both are extremely frustrating. Both have much to tell us about mobility, but neither has all the answers. Yet each is sufficiently intellectual1y arrogant to think that they have the answers. It wuld be particularly rewarding to have a study of . I mobility undertaken by each in the same arsa/among the same group of people, to provide a specific Lest of their respective approaches and analyses for i .9 comparison with one anether.- Such an exercise might provide s0tr.e basis for more interaction bet* - these approaches such as there has not been. In practical terns, the present polarization that exists becween Xarxists and non-?lamists must provide only conjiderable confusion for many policyqakers seeking guidance on b-hat they should do (Mepoju 1977). This polarization does nothing to assist those who will be affected by decisions -.hich will be taken. - 95 -

Neo-classical economists have very limited time perspectives in their approaches to nobility, ?larxist political economists claim that their approaches are historical but show very little of this in practice.

The middle ground between them mukt be developed, there is urgent need for work with historical depth. To reveal the past is intellectually very rewzrding , but more importantly from a practical point of view- historical perpsective illsminates the present and may contribute to better understanding of what is now occurring. This is not to suggest that in all instances of mobility there is coiltinuity from the past into the present, but to emphasize that this aspect has been largely ignored and requires to be given more attention.

There has been too much stress on and too nany unfounded assumptions made about discontinuity between the past and the present.

Whatever may be the disciplinary and ideological approaches in the study of mobility the main concern should be for those who move. ?fore needs to be known about what they perceive as being involved in their movements, of the strategies they have developed in respect of movement, and the alterna- tive strategies to movement which they employ. Greater emphasis must be given to the many complex social factors which are involved. Economic factors in * . e the majority of instances say be the prime deterninants of movements but they are considerably mediated by social factors. The econogic consequences of i movements are considerable, but they are also expressebin'J social consequences

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61 (2)s 219-249. a 1 POPULIITIO:: & fib?.c;\N KESOLXCES DLMSION

iA * by the number indicates the paper is 3ank-confidential or othsrwise restricted.]

9ey .a. >!eesook, "Demqraphic Characteristics of Indii~iduslsand the >!easurenent of Lifetime Incone". February 1981.

Susan H. Cochrane, "Ths Economics of Fertility with Examples from Asia". February 1981.

Kashid Faruqee, "Social Infrastructure and Services in Zinbabwe". February 1381.

Richard Sabot, et al., "Cognitive Skills: Their Determinants and Influence on Earnings in Two Poor Urban Ec,nomiest'. February 1981.

Dean T. Jamison, et al., "Inproving Elenentary Mathematics Eiucation in Nicaragua: An Experieental Study of the Impact of Textbooks and Radio on hchieveqent". ?!arch 1981.

, Rashid Faruqee, "Analyzing the Impact of Health Services : Karangwal and Other Experiences". Xarch 1981.

J.B. Knight and R.H. Sabot, "Labor Ifarket: Discriaination in a Poor 'Jrban Economy". >larch 1981.

Oey A. Pleesook, "Interrelationships betveen Demographic Factors and Incone Distribution: Problems of Xeasurement, Description and InterpretationtL. April 1981.

Susan 3. Cochrane, "Fertility Attitudes and Behavior in the Xepal Terai". April 1981.

J.3. Knight and RichardrSabot, "The Xole of the Firm in Vage . t Deternination: An African Case Study". April 1981.

J.B. Knight and Xichard Sabot, "The Returns to Education: Increasing with Experience or Decreasing with Expansion?". Ifarch 1381. 'i 1 J.3. Knight and Xichard Sabot, "Fron lligrants to Pro1etari.n~: ~n~li~zentExperience, !fobility and Llages in Tanzania". -Yarch 1981,. 8 !@ . m A. Berry and Xichard Sabot, "Unemploynent 2nd Economic Developnent". April 1981.

Xashid Taruqec and Ethna Johnson, "Leal tn , Nutrition and Fainiiy Planni-g : X Surtcy of E:cpcrincn:s 2nd Special Froj ccts in Indi3." April 198:. 81-15 Dean T. ;anison and Francois Orivel, "The Cost-effectiveness of Distai~ceTeaching for School Equivalency", June 1981.

81-16 Richard Sabot, "Labor Force Growth, EnploFent and Earnings in Egypt: 1966-196811, ?fay 1981.

81-17 K.C. Zachariah, "Anoaaly of the Fertility Decline in Kerala: Social Developcent, Agrarian Reforns, or the Family Planning ?rogran1'. Hay 1981.

81-18 Richard Sabot et al., "Education Expansion and Labor Market Adjustment in :Kenya and Tanzania - A Backgrocnd Paper". Yay 1981.

81-19 Sancjr Sirdsall and Oey Meesook, "Child Schooling, 1;unber of Children and Inteqeneratfonal Transnission of Inequality: X Sisulation". ?lay 1981.

81-20 Frzn~oisOrivel, "The I~pactof Agricultural Extension ServLces: X Review of the Literature," July 1981.

81-21 Nancy 3irdsall and X. Louise Fox, "h\y :.fales Earn Hore: Location, Job Preferences and Job D.iscrinination boy4 Brazilian Schoolteachers". - Yay 1981. 81-22 Xlthea Hill, "The Demographic Situation in Sub-Saharan Africa: X aackground Taper", May 1981-

81-23 R. Sabot, -A. Berry, A. Fazlewood and 3. ;(night, ''Does the Expansion Conpress the Structure of Wages and Rsduce the Inequality of Pay? A Prelicinary halystsl'- July 1981.

81-24 Hancy airdsall, Sulekha Patel and K.C. Zachariah, "Alternative Projections of the Chinese Population". June 1991.

81-30 Vicente Paqueo, "A iiousehald ~roductio??;ode1 of School Enrollmen:: X Probit Analysis of :he 1973 Bicol ?lultipurpose Survey Eata". June 1931.

81-31 Sryan i. 3oulier and Vicente 3. Paqueo, "On the Theory and Heasurexents of the 3eterninant.s of Xortality". ;une 1981.

81-32 3eynaldo ?!artorell, "Sutrition and Health Status Indicators: Suqgestions for Sur:eys of the Stsndsrd of Livi7.g in iIeve1opi.r~ Countr~es". June 1381. 81-33 R. Sabot, A. Berry, A. Eazelvood and J. Knight, "Correlates of Educational Attainoent in Tanzania". July 1981. 81-34 Suszn M. Cochrane. "The Deterninants of Fertility and Child Survival in the h'epal Terai". July 1951. 81-35 Joacne Leslie, E.G. Baidya, and K. Nacduani. "Prevalence and Correlates of Childhsod ?!alnutrition in the Terai Region of Nepal". July 1981.

81-36 R. Xansell Prothero, "Perspectives on Population >!ability in West Africa". August 1981.