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8th PLENUM OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE POLISH UNITED WORKERS'PARTY

The 8th Plenary Meeting of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers•Party was held in Warsaw on February 6 and 7; 1971. The Plenum first discussed the evaluation of the December 1970 events and the present tasks of the Party. A total of 40 speakers addressed the two-day meeting. After the conclusion of the discussion, a speech was made by the First Secretary of the Central Committee, Edward Gierek. The 8th Plenum has adopted the following resolution: The Central Committee: - fully approves the evaluation of the December events and the tasks of the Party napped out in the declaration of the .. Political Bureau and the speech by the First Secretary of the Central Committee, Comrade Edward Gierek, - recommends to the Government more energetically to continue, with the cooperation of economic activists and experts, and in wide consultation with social activists in all branches of the national economy, the work of defining more closely the tasks for the current year and for the whole five-year period, - considers it purposeful to convene at an earlier date the 6th Congress of the Party, which would determine the prospects of the country's development and work out programme direc­ tions of further building of socialism in conditions of socia­ list democracy and in keeping with the interests and aspira­ tions of the working class and the nation. Next the meeting discussed the second item on the agenda: organizational matters. The meeting has adopted the following resolutions: The Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party has evaluated the reasons and the course of the December events and the role of former First Secretary of the PUWP Central Committee, Wladyslaw Gomulka, in the accumulation of the causes of these events and their course. Recognizing Wladyslaw Gomulka•s previous merits and services to the Party and the country~ the Central Committee also considers that serious mistakes in the management of the Party in recent years, which resulted in the weakening of its links with the society, the emergence of irregularities in economic development, and finally in an open political crisis and inappropriate methods applied during the crisis, make 2 Wladyslaw Gomulka•s further participation in the activity of the Central Committee impossible. However.s having in view Wladyslaw Gomulka•s absence, because of ill health, from the 7th Plenum of the Central Committee, as well as from the present Plenum, the Central Committee resolves to suspend Wladyslaw Gomulka as member of the Central Committee. 1] The Central Committee, considering that Zenon Kliszko - during his activity as member of the Political Bureau and Secretary of the Central Committee did great harm to the Party because of the errors he committed in the cadres policy, on the ideological front, and also in other fields of activity, - during the December events on the coast displayed a lack of realistic thinking, and acting in an irresponsible manner caused an aggravation of the conflict with the working class of the Gdansk conurbation$ has decided to remove Zenon Kliszko from the Central Committee. 2] The Central Committee, considering that Boleslaw Jaszczuk, during his activity as member of the Political Bureau and Secretary of the Central Committee in charge of the economic policy - in an inadmissible and apodictical manner interfered directly with the activity of the Government and the economic administration, - contributed to forcing through a number of erroneous economic decisions which underlay the events of December 1970, has decided to remove Boleslaw Jaszczuk from the Central Committee.

X X X The Central Committee accepted the res·ignation of Antoni Walaszek from the post of member of the Central Commi ttee of the Polish United Workers•Party. The plenary meeting elected the following alternate members of the PUWP Central Committee as members of the Central Committee: - Ryszard Jendrzej, crane operator in the pioner agricultural machinery factory at Strzelce Opolskie, - Stanislaw Kuzinski, head of the Central Committee Light Industry$ Trade and Construction Departament, - J6zef Urbanowicz, General, Chief of the Ce ntral Political Board of the Polish Army, Vice-Minister of National Defence, 3

- Franciszek Wisniewski, electrical assembly worker, foreman in the 11 Polnocna 11 shipyard in Gdansk.

X X X First Secretary of the Central Committee Edward Gierek read the following letter from Stanislaw Kociolek: 11 As one of the members of the Political Bureau present in the Gdansk coastal area during the December events, I did not succeed in fulfilling my part of the political responsibility in preventing the extremely complicated and grave course taken by these events. In this connection, aware of this responsibility, as I have stated directly after these events, I am now asking the Central Committee to accept my resignation from the duties of member of the Political Bureau and of Secretary of the Central Committee.'" The Central Committee accepted the resignation of Stanislaw Kociolek. The Central Committee also accepted the resignation of Ignacy Loga Sowinski from his duties of member of the Political Bureau of the PUWP Central Committee. PERMANENT MISSION OF POLAND TO THE UNITED NATIONS 9 East 66th Street NEW YORK, N.Y.l0021 8 February 1971

SPEECH BY E. GIEREK, FIRST SECF~TARY of the Central------· committee of the Polish United Workers'Party at the Central Committee's 8th Plenary Meeting. On February 7th, First Secretary of the Central Com­ mittee of the Polish United Workers 1 Party Edward Gierek made a speech at the 8th plenary meeting of the PUWP Central Committee. The 8th plenary meeting of the Central Committee, Edward Gierek said at the outset, opens an important period in the life of the party, in the development of the country. Ahead of us are many problems of great significance. They need to be solved and the circumstances in which we are tackling them are difficult. The main reserve the Party and the Motherland have at their disposal are people. On December 20th, at the 7th plenary meeting of the Central Committee, we made important political changes. We put an end to the tragic events on the coast, which were a great shock for the Party, for the whole society. We averted a dange­ rous course of events. We eased the social tension, which then existed and was rapidly growing not only on the coast, but else­ where in the country, and which threatened with incalculable consequences. And so we can state today that then, in December, the 7th plenary meeting coped with the requirements of the moment. Perhaps late, but not too late, our Party proved courageous enough to face the reality and strong enough to show the country a way out of the crisis. The decisions of the 7th plenum have been received with general relief and support. This support given above all by the working class was at that time and still is of decisive importance. Reviewing the main causes of the December crisis, E. Gierek said that the food price rise announced on December 12th was the direct cause of the December events. This food price rise was carried out without the indispensable offsetting being granted to the lowest-wage earning families which were most painfully affected by this price rise. The outbreak took place in coastal towns. The workers' protest that was in the next stage to develop into tragic events originated at the Gdansk shipyard, the biggest plant of Poland's shipbuilding industry. First of all it swept all shipyards. . ..

2 The protest of the Gdansk shipbuilders as in other coastal towns was initially of an orderly character. Never­ theless the frank talk with workers was not started, an ade­ quate effort was not made to ease the tension. Ax a result, the development spilled into the streets. In the streets, they quickly got out of hand. This had not been wanted by the parti­ cipants in the workers' demonstrations, but they were not in a position to control the situation. For such is the nature o~ spontanesous demonstrations that most often they turn into dangerous clashes. This was the case in Gdansk and Szczecin where asoc1~~ elements carrying destruction and looting turned out into the streets atop the demonstration's wave. The tragedy in the coastal area was due above all to the fact that no effective political measures to liquidate the tension were taken. In the evaluations-of the situation and the ensuing practical steps, action was confined exclusively to the use of force. Force may put a check to violence and anarchy, plunder and looting. In this conviction the forces of the citizens' militia and the detailed units of the Polish ar.my fulfilled the tasks set them with a proper sense of duty. But the destructive phenomena were only a side effect of the course of developments, underlying them was a conflict of a social character. The use of force and only force became in practice the only answer to the workers' demonstrations. This in turn not only failed to bring any solution to the crisis, but quite the contrary; led to its aggravation, deepening and extension. This threatened with outright disaster. One has to state in this connection in all seriousness and responsibility that the people's power cannot renounce the use of all indispensable measures to defend law and order, to defend the lives of citizens and social property, in the fight against asocial and anarchistic elements, against hostile elements. Nonetheless, it was not these elements which were the main stream in the December crisis. The attempts to resolve the conflict with the working class through the use of force, deeply incompatible with the principles of socialism, had to lead to bloodshed, creating an abyss between the people's power and the nation and opening up a possibility of action for truly reactionary and anti­ socialist forces. Alas, such precisely were the leadership's decisions taken against the better judgement of an overwhelming majority of party activists, without consultations with the whole political bureau and even without reporting to the Central Com­ mittee which debated the situation on the coast on December 14th. The drama of the situation amounted to the fact that the character of the events, especially their causes were not understood. The sources of what was happening on the coast, the general sources of the existing tension were sought exclu- 3 sively in the action of a~ocial elements. Even in the situation that arose then, the evaluation that these events had counter­ revolutionary traits was being forcefully imposed. Acceptance of such a standpoint would not only have been erroneou4, but disastrous in its consequences. The workers' demonstrations on the coast which were the starting point, like the manifestations of discontent in other parts of the country, were not aimed against the socialist system and its fundamental principles. Such was the social and political background, such was the character of the December events. In the coastal area, they took on a tragic character. A total of 45 people were killed and died of wounds following the clashes. A total of 1,165 were w~unded, including 564 civilians, 531 militiamen and voluntary militia reserves, 70 soldiers and officers of the Polish army. One hundred and fifty/People received bullet wounds. three It is obvious that the sources of the December crisis should not be sought only in the bitterness caused by the price rise and the way it was introduced. The crisis had been growing for many years, and its reasons were deeper. Its main source was the weakening and grave infringement of the links, necessary in our system, between the party leadership and the working class and other strata of the working people. For many years, dissatisfaction had been growing at the social aad econo­ mic policy, at the manner in which party and state affairs were handled. This dissatisfaction turned into a crisis of con­ fidence in the Party and Government leaderahip. That is why the December crisis can be described, first of all, as a crisis of confidence. Crisis was growing in this form among party mem­ bers, among party activists, who were ever more critical of the policy of the leadership. However, their criticism was treated as mere grumbling and rejected. Under such circumstan­ ces, information was distorted. The social and economic reality was lees and less understood. The departure"from the principle of satisfying the needs of the society ever better was the basic policy mistake of the Party and Government leadership in recent years, This, in turn, meant that the socially r~cessary proportions between the growth of the oatput of p-:.. oci1.1.ction. tileans and the 0rol·:th of the production or consumer ,zood;:;, that is, foodstuffs r'.l}.d :l.ndustrial conm,.;·!ler articles, were infringed ever more gravely each year. The average increase in real earnings, which was below 2 percent, was, in fact, hardly noticed by the population. The general feeling was that there was a stagnation of real earnings, and for certain groups of workers there was even a drop in real incomes. 4 The stagnation of real earnings and the growing tension on the market of consumer goods were accompanied by an aggravation of certain other social problems, of which the housing problem was one of the main. The incorrect approach to the living conditions of the working people also affected the policy concerning other social

problems. For many years, for instance 7 investments in the health service were drastically limited. It would not be right, l,but just the contrary, harm­ ful, to minimise the achievements of the work of our nation - the working class, the peasants and intelligentsia, the achie­ vements of the policy of(the party. Our nation has created new material and spiritual values. But it is also true that the social costs of development were too high in recent years, while the growth rate in many domains was unsatisfactory. In recent years an actual weakening of the role of centrally planned economic management took place. Serious defor­ mations occurred in the work of the planning commission which should be the general staff of the country's economics, function­ ing on the basis of profound knowledge of the laws of develop­ ment, economic calculus and scientific forecasting. The faulty style and incorrect methods of management were promoted also by the passive attitude of the Government. From th~conclusions should also be drawn for our future work. The whole of the economic and social policy ot the recent years was very adversely affected by the lack of long­ term concept of the socio-economic development of the country. The situation of the Party becgme particularly diffi­ cult as social dissatisfaction increased. The worsening moods in various milieus aroused the concern of the Party, especially its activists. The leadership, losing its ti~with the Party and failing to reach out for the tremendous resources of the Party's political forces, imposed administrative methods of action on the Party. The cadres policy, too, was subordinated to an ever greater extent to these assumptions and resulted in a restriction of independence and initiative. All this was bound to have an adverse effect on the ideological life. Precisely because of neglect in some sectors of the ideological front, revisionist notions and views on socialist construction, the role of the Party and a number of other problems were born. It must always beremembered, said E. Gierek, that revisionism can grow and take root chiefly in conditions of a vacuum in ideological life. It can gain political influence . ' '

5 only when we are losing it. Therefore the struggle against ossification in ideological life is just as important as, and in fact inseparable from, the struggle against revisionism. Correct resolutions were adopted at the 5th Congress of the Party. They proclaimed the need for an orientation towards a modernization of the national economy, the necessity of developing ideological life, the basing of the cadres policy on proper criteria, and other correct goals. But the Congress resolutions were not implemented. The actual takeover by the Party leadership of many functions, which should fall within the terms of reference of the Government, weakened and deformed the role of polilical leadersUip. The delimitations of responsibility of institutions and persons became blurred. The role of the Political Bureau, the Secretariat and the Central Committee itself was reduced. Instead, the so-called inner-circle leadership emerged, composed of a few persons. It is not yet possible to make a full and comprehen­ sive evaluation of the situation in the past years, an evaluation of the policy of the former leadership. This requires a longer span of time. This applies particularly to evaluation of the role of Comrade Wladyslaw Gomulka. This should be a just evaluation, but it is very difficult to arrive at such an evaluation under the pressure of the recent events, bitterness and the current troubles. Without underestimating by any means his personal merits and services to the Party and the State, we must say that, unfortunately, somewhere in the middle of the 1960 1 s, after the 4th Congress, a growing crisis in the Party and State leadership was becoming more and more evident.

All causes and sources '··of the recent events, h~wever sharp their evaluation may be, amount only and exclusively to departures from the correct political line of the Party, from leninist norms of its functioning. Assessed from a histo­ rical perspective of the destinies of our nation, the general line of building socialism in Poland under the leadership of the Party remains the correct and inviolable line. Showing the only right road of the struggle for natio­ nal and social liberation, showing the road of alliance with the land of the Soviets, our Party led out the Polish people from the abyss of world war TWo, from the most aifficult period in its one thousand-year old history. The political thinking of our Party guaranteed reconstruction of an independent Polish State within just and favourable frontiers. E. Gierek pointed out next that the most important and urgent of all tasks was to ensure the development of pro­ duction and higher labour productivity and, against this background, improve the living conditions of the working people, to improve the social situation. ' .

6 We are sparing no efforts to guarantee better market supplies of food and industrial articles. We shall make new investments in the consumers' industry, especially those which are most necessary, based on the processing ofi our national raw materials. As for wages, they have not risen enough in the past five-year period and this situation must be changed, We have decided to suspend the system of material incentives which was to take effect as from January 1st as the basis of the wages system in industry. There were some correct ideas in this system, but in its concrete shape it actually provided for restrictions in the growth of wages, as well as for a reduction of employment. The housing problem is the next big social problem which we have to solve more quickly and effectively. One of our first decisions was to imrnediately expand the scope of housing construction. Accordingly, next year 15 thousand families more than this year should receive new flats. We consider the necessity to improve the situation of working women as one of the most important problems, Edward Gierek said. The basic meaning of a socialist economy consists in serving man, in order to meet his material needs. We shall carry on our economic policy in accordance with this principle.

However 1 it would be a mistake to limit individual and social life t~ the consumption ofmaterial goods only, as is the case in capitalist countries. No less important in the life of every man is the feeling of social security, that is, the conditions in which he works, the aims to which he devotes his knowledge and energy, the prospects which he sees for himself} his chil­ dren and his country. It is also necessary to undertake with greater energy the liquidation of such phenomena as the lessening of social discipline and the weakening of the authority of the apparatus and the links of people's power? two phenomena that have un­ doubtedly appeared in recent years. Social opinion is alarmed by hooligansm, parasitism, bribery, dishonest enrichment, lack of respect for social property, etc. There is a need for a complex programme of struggle for social order and discipline. We have taken a number of decisions concerning living conditions and other matters, Edward Gierek said. First we have made changes as regards the use of the existing means. Now we need time to gather more means, to settle the most urgent social problems, to take steps going farther, and to work out a programme of their further regulation. We are being frank: 7

too much should not be expected in the near future, and therefore unrealistic demands and postulates should not be put forward for the~ can bring nothing but tensions and disturbances in our life. Let us consider all problems coolly and in a businesslike manner, with the greatest concern for their proper solution. E. Gierek stressed that the working out of a strategy of further social and economic development is an extremely important matter. We shall propose to the Central Committee that at one of its plenary meetings it should discuss the targets until 1975. At the same time, we will be working on the development programme for the years until 1980. We will be taking up and implementing long-range tasks in close cooperation with the Soviet Union and other fraternal socialist countries, tightening and developing economic ties of all types which are beneficial for each of our countries and for the socialist community as a whole. The question of the inter­ national division of labour within the CMEA and striving for a bigger specialization of production come to the fore in this connection. The modernization of the national economy, the embar­ king upon the road of scientific-technical revolution must be the general line of long-range strategy. At stake is not a slogan for slogan's sake, but the real contents. We must proceed to a technical reconstruction of a num­ ber of industrial branches. The problems of the countryside occupy an important place in the long-range social and economic development. The Party's policy brought about a considerable development of agricultural production. The basic premises of this policy remain in force. The PUWP together with the United Peasant Party will be creatively carrying on the hitherto line in the field of agriculture. We want to speed up thedevelopment of a broadly conceived motor industry in Poland. The development of this industry natu­ rally means a further development of the network of roads and services. In the next few years, we should start building high­ ways which would link the main i ndustrial centres of the country.

The physi~al development of the country is a big pro­ blem. It is a matter of working out plans for the development of industrial and transport belts such as the Vistula line, the Nysa and Odra lines and others. The development of urban complexes, satel lite towns, recreation-touri st regions, etc. must be planned. The Political Bureau and the Government will set up a team of outstanding specialist-theoreticians, as well as practi­ tioners from various fields, to modernize the system of management which must be closely linked with the premises of the development . ..

strategy. This team should work out a global concept of the system of functioning of the economy and stages of its realiza­ tion, a concept to be adapted to the premises of the strategy of social and economic development of the country in the next 10- 15 years. We see the problem of work time among many other important issues which should be contained in the 1ong-range programme. In the next few years, we will be creating material, technological and organizational conditions which will permit a shortening of work time. We want to open up prospect of transi­ tion to a five-day working week. An important matter, E. Gierek continued, is the correct solution(of the problems of the younger generation. For five years a young generation of Poles, born, brought up and educated in People's Poland, has been entering adult life, We are faced with the task of taking full advantage of this tremendous source of youthful energy, for further socialist development of the Motherland, This is not only a question of creating new job·sof which about 1,500 thousand were provided in the past five-year period and 1,900 thousand should be ensured in the current five­ year period. We shall revert to those matters at a special meeting of the Central Committee, among other things, on the basis of a report on the situation and problems of th~~oung generation, on changes in the model of educa~ion. We ha asked specialists in various fields to draw up such a report. As a result of these studies, we shall start working out changes in the system of edu­ cation in Poland. Its basic premise should be general secondary education for all to be achieved before the end of this decade. E. Gierek said next that further development of socialist building in Poland is inseparably linked with the development of socialist democracy. Our democracy, he said, has not and can­ not have anything in common with the bourgeois-liberal system of a free interplay of political forces. Drawing on the best progfessive and democratic tradi­ tions of the Polish nation, our system develops forms p~ democra- tic life, which are in keeping with that system, whose mbst profound contents is expressed in the leninist idea of the co­ participation of the masses in governing the country. In point is the question that these forms should be developed and enriched in practice. Our Party is determined to proceed along this road - to guarantee conditions for the functioning of the principles of socialist democracy in all spheres of life. Trade unions have a big role to play in the functioning of our social system. Concern for working conditions· for social matters, for proper human relations in work enterprises shpuld be their basic duty. Parallel to that, trade unions should create an atmosphere fostering the growth of labour productivity, ...

9 implementation of production tasks which, as is known> is of decisive importance for the creation of material values necessary to improve the living standards of the working people. Represen­ tation of the broadly conceived interests of the working class and of the developmental needs of the national economy - is an inseparable entity. Thus, trade unions should actively co-partici­ pate in the implementation of the social-economic policy of the Party. Trade unions themselves, their Central Council, should discuss the matter of improving the forms and methods of their work to adapt it better to modern needs. The Party will promote the development of democracy within trade unions. Ve shall promote also the raising of the role of workers• self-governments in work enterprises. Immediately after the 7th Plenum, we initiated the prac­ tice of talking with the working class and other milieux of the working people. We shall continue and perfect this practice. We shall also apply other methods of investigating public opinion on various questions, We shall solve important social problems after we have consulted the milieu which they concern. We initiate dialogues of this kind, and we should always do so, especially when the problems are difficult. Such were our meetings with ship­ yard workers in Szczecin, with shipyard and other workers in the Gdansk three-town conurbation. Consultations with factory personnels, with various milieux should be a constant practice in our social life. Among numerous voices in the discussion that followed the 7th Plenum were correct postulates to strengthen the role of the representative authorities, especially the Seym. The· Seym adopts laws which define the framework of law-abiding activity of state authorities, social institutions and individual citizens. Laws should correspond ever better to the needs of life. It is also necessary that Government information and reports concerning impor­ tant problems be discussed in the Seym forum. The institution of interpellation should be taken advantage of more frequently. In this way, the role of the Seym will grow, both in the field of law-making and control over Government activity. The press, radio and television have a great role to play in our social life, in the development of socialist demo­ cracy. We should ensure a broad range of press idbrmation. The press, radio and television should provide place for the confron­ tation of opinions and stands on various questions, which would serve social and economic development. In the field of culture, by ensuring conditions for a broad development of cultural production, the basic aim of the Party is to support patriotic commitment of this production in the life of the nation, to deepen the socialist consciousness of the society. ..

10 We see the necessity of creating a climate of confi­ dence propitious to cultural production and its dissemination. It is also necessary to ensure, as the country's economic growth permits, appropriate means for the development of a material base that would serve the cultural enrichment of the society. Our Party, E. Gierek went on to say, is continuing a correct foreign policy in all the basic issues. In all the essential problems of the struggle for the consolidation of the position and unity of socialist states and the whole inter­ national communist and working class movement, in the struggle sor security and peace in the world, our ~arty. has been coope­ rating with the CPSU and other fraternal parties. Together with other countries, members of the Warsaw Treaty, Poland has bean working for detente in Europe, putting forward among other things the initiative to convene a confe­ nence on security and cooperation on our continent. Thanks to the Moscow Treaty of August 12th,l970 which initiated the process of normalization of relations between socialist countries and the Federal Republic of Germany and thanks to the determined stand of our State, it came to the con­ clusion: on December 7th, 1970 of the treaty o.n the foundations for normalizing ·relations between Poland ·and the FRG. Thi's treaty is of great importance for the consolidation of security in Europe. The successful and all-round development of friendly relations between Poland and France plays an important role in the deepening of the detente process on our continent. This was strongly reaffirmed in the Polish-French Declaration of Friend­ ship and Cooperation signed in November last. Also our relations with other countries are shaping favourably. In all the most important matters, our Party and country take part in the achievements of the peaceful policy of the socialist states. We take an active part in the anti­ imperialist front of the forces of socialism, democracy ana peace. We are receiving great and valuable assistance from our tested Soviet friends. Our talks with Soviet leaders showed unity of views on all the key problems. The Polish People's Republic will continue to do everything to tighten incessantly the ideOlogical, political, economic and cultural ties with the fraternal socialist coun­ tries. 11 E. Gierek said next that the December events had given rise to questions concerning guarantees for the future, hence the creation of such conditions in which proper methods of solving social problems would be applied. All guarantees for tre future boil down to making sure that the Party carries out its functions of the leading force in line with the marxist-leninist ideology. On the basis of the programme adopted by the Congress, the Central Committee of the Party will map out socio-economic targets and define the means and ways of implementing them. As the leading political force the Party should therefore: - map out our socio-economic and political goals, - constantly engage in profound ideological work, based on the marxist-leninist ideology, on political work among the masses, - direct a broadly-conceived cadres policy, - exercise political control of the implementation of the goals mapped out, verify them in practice, analyse social problems. The guiding role of the Party can be fulfilled only when the Party itself functions on the basis of the leninist principle of democratic centralism. Among other things we wish to make it a rule to periodically carry out general discussions on the situation of the Party, the State, the economy, and social life at meetings of the Central Committee of the Party, It is particularly important to ensure a broad partici­ pation of workers as well as peasants in the Party authorities. Our development, declared E. Gierek, is taking place in a struggle, by overcoming difficulties and contradictions. We are building socialism in Poland in conditions of a sharp inter­ national class struggle against forces of imperialism. This has a bearing also on various internal problems. We should actively oppose all attempted action by hostile forces. The enemy makes use of our errors and faults, and penetrates wherever we give way. In view of that, a firm and persevering drive for higher effecti­ veness and efficiency of our own work is of essential importance also for the political struggle. The changes made by the 7th Plenum have initiated a profound renovation of the policy, of the methods and style of work. This allow the Party better to put into effect its gene­ ral line of socialist building. The momentous importance of the tasks facing us, importance for the further development of socialist building in Po}nd, urges us to consider the convening of the 6th Party Congress at an earlier date. We shall include that problem in the agenda of the next plenary meeting of the Central Committee. .. "'· i • , , ... .

• 12 We can and should do everything in our power to develop the spirit of renovation which is beginning to emerge in our society. People want to work in a new way, more effectively, more rationally, with better results. We have now conditions to achie~e greater social unity around the basic problems of the nation now being solved. If we attain that we shall set free a great force dynamizing social-economic progress. This is a great task facing the Party. .• ~.; COMMUNIQUE ADOPTED BY THE CONFERENCE OF MINISTERS OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF WARSAW TREATY MEMBER-STATES

Held in Bucharest on February 18 and 19, 1971 was a Conference of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of member states of the Warsaw Treaty Organisation - the People's Republic of Bulgaria, the Hungarian People's Republic, the German Demo­ cratic Republic, the Polish People's Republic, the Socialist Republic of Rumania, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. Proceeding from the Statement on questions of stren­ ghtening security and of developing peaceful cooperation in Eu­ rope, adopted by the meeting of the Political Consultative Com­ mittee of Warsaw Treaty member-states on December 2,1970 in Berlin, the Ministers exchanged information and views on the progress of preparations for convening the all-European confe­ rence. Taking into consideration the positive development in inter-European relations in recent years, the participants in the Conference note with satisfaction that certain shifts have been achieved along the road towards an easing of tensions on the European continent as a result of the efforts exerted by socialist countries and the contribution made by other states. The proposal to convene the all-European conference, advanced by socialist countries, meets the growing support of the peoples of Europe and of the European public whi ch rightly hold that this Conference will be a major stage on the road of strengthening peace and security in Europe, of organising an all-round and mutually advantageous cooperation between European countries. The Ministers of Foreign Affairs believe that a practi cal and constructive approach to concrete p r oblems with the aim of accelerating the holding of the conference on ques­ tions of security and cooperation in Europe is possible and necessary in the present conditions. It was noted that the efforts undertaken lately by the states coming out for the convocation of the all-Euro­ pean conference f acil itate progress in prepari ng it. I n the course of bilateral contacts conditions were created for tran­ sition to preparatory work on a multilateral basis for convening the all-Euxpean conference. The task now i s not to drag out the transition to this new and more active phase of preparing the all-European conf erence. The s ocialist countr i es represented at the Confe­ rence again confirm their support for the initiative of the Government of Finland in respect of holding in Helsi nki prepara­ tory meetings of all i nterested states and their readiness to .. 2 participate in such meetings at any time and to empower for this purpose their appropriate representatives. The Ministers of Foreign Affairs stress that the speediest holding of such preparatory meetings is caused by the necessity of turning to a practical preparation of all-European conference and will make it possible to discuss and to reach agreement on questions connec­ ted with its convocation. At the same time attention was drawn to the fact that those circles which are not interested in a further detente in Europe are intensifying opposition to the convocation of the all-European conference. This manifests itself in the setting forth of various preliminar y conditions of its convocation with the purpose of complicating preparatory work and in the linking of the question of convening the conference with other problems since this would be a serious obstacle for convening the con­ ference. Also directed at the promotion of this line and at inten­ sifying the arms race in Europe are the decisions of the recent session of the NATO Council in Brussels. All this slows down the development of favourable processes in Europe which accord with the interest of the peoples' of the European continent and with the interests of peace. In this situation the need arises of adopting addi­ tional measures to remove the obstacles that are being created in the cause of convening the all-European conference. On instruc­ tion of their governments the Ministers of Foreign Affairs express again the firm determination of the states participating in the Conference to facilitate the speedies conclusion of pre­ paratory work to convene the all-European conference. The govern­ ments of these countries call on the governments of al l interested states to exert further efforts in this direction. The socialist countries represented at the Conference will further exert constructive efforts directed at the develop­ ment of normal and mutually advantageous relations between all states of the conti nent, will come out for the establishment and consolidation of an atmosphere of peace, for ending the

arms race 1 for easing tensions and for cooperation in Europe and in the whole world. The War saw Treaty member-states consider it impor ­ tant to stress again the big significance for tbecause of European and international security of the establishment of equal rela­ tions between the German Democratic Republic and other states which have not yet established such relations. Relations based on gene­ rally accepted norms of international law should be established between the GDR and the FRG. An ending of opposi tion to accepti ng the GDR into the United Nations and other international organisa­ tions wou~ also be in the interests of easing tensi ons. The participants in the Conference consider it to be their frat ernal duty to give the GDR every assistance in these matters and will take appropriate step s in this respect. Bucharest, February 19, 1971 ; POLISH PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC PE::RMANENT MISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS 9 EAST 66'" STREET NEW YORK , N.Y. 10021 \31j r\ t)- 1\/ J)

The Secretary-General of the United Nations United Nations Headquarters NEW YORK,N.Y.l0017

., ,..

' ' . ~ -IL. (f.~ , ~ UJ~. (k,~. 9~ AIDE !~MOIRE I h./it'

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Polish People's RepQblic presents its compliments to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Finland and has the honoQr to SQbmit hereby the opinion of the Polish Government on the results of the discussions, which have been held hitherto on the convening of the EQropean Conference on Se- cuTity and Cooperation.

The Government of the Polish People's Republic highly appreciatesthe results of the exchange of opinion

between the inteJ~·ested States on the convocation of the EQro- pean Conference on SecQrity and Cooperation. Since the consul- tative political committee of the Warsaw Treaty issued two Jears ago the "Budapest Appeal" with the proposal for the holding of a conference which would consider the most SQbstan- tial problems of secQrity and co-operation in EQrope - an active exchange of opinions has been held between the Govern- ments of the interested States.

VirtQally all the States of OQr continent have been engaged in the all-European dialogue on the above subject. The problem of the European Conference on Security and Co- operation has not been overlooked in most important political docwnents or in the statements of the heads of States, the representatives of Govel'nments and other eminent personalities of political life in Europe. ..

2

Furthermore, this question has been considered by the appropriate organs of the existing multilateral groupings and assemblies and has also become one of the most essential ques­ tions of bilateral intergovernmental political talks.

The discussions on security and co-operation have become a factor promoting the detente on the European continent by the mere fact that they were continausly held, in spite

of the pe:ciodical set-backs caused i. a. by linking the pa:ctici­ pation of some States in the all-European multilateral prepa­ rations to the Conference with the preceding solutions of some specified issues. 'Ihese discussions have created a favourable atmosphere for the conclusion of a greements serving the cause of security and co-operation in Europe, among which the treaties signed by the USSR and Poland with the Federal Republic of Germany are of substantial significance.

The Gove r nment of the Polish People's Republic has noted with satisfaction that the opinion that the Conference may constitute an impo.L·tant instx·ument in shaping the system of security in Europe, based on the principles of mutual con­ fidence and co-operation of states and nations, has been conunon­ ly shared and that it has been found expedient to convene such a conference.

The exchange of opinions has led to the conver gence of attitudes in many substantial issues with regard to the conve­ ning of the conference. 3

Firstly - the opinion that all the European States should par ticipate in the Conference, including the German Democratic Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany as well as the USA and Canada - with full and equal rights, has been commonly sha1·ed;

Secondly - it has been commonly recognized that the most suitable place to convene the conference would be Helsinki - in accordance with the invitation of the Government of the Republic of Finland;

Thirdly - no reser vations have been raised as to the need for the conference to establish an organ which would act by virtue of the obtained full powe r s;

F9urthly - there has appeared an unifonnity of views concerning the pr inciple that the age nda of the conference ought to ensure the optimal conditions of its success and create the premises for the subsequent conferences aimed at the solution of further issues of secur ity and co-operation in Europe. Furthermor e, a considerable rapprocheme nt of attitudes concerning the agenda of the f irst conference has been achieved and it has been recog nized - in spite of the int£oduced p r e­ conditions - that the way to the conference leads through multi­ lateral p repa ratory proceedings .

The Government of the Polish People's R2public consi­ ders that the f avourable r eco:cd of the exchange of views which have been held up to now consti tutes quite a sufficient basi s .. .-

4

for starting in the nearest future the multilateral preparatory proceedings serving the conference. A similar opinion was formu- , lated in the comm~nique adopted by the meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Warsaw Treaty States which took place in Bucharest on 18-19 February 1971.

An unanimous confirmation by the interested States of this advantageous outcome of the dialogue held so far would create favourable premises for detailed exchange of views with regard to the agenda and the procedure of the conference.

A suitable for m of the multilate~al preparatory procee- dings for the conference is foreseen in the proposals of the Government of Finland to carry out appropriate consultations in

Helsinl~i. The Government of the Polish. People's Republic expres- sed its support of those pr oposals in its r eply to the aide­ memoire of the Government of Finland circulated in November 1970.

If other Governments find it advisable, the Government of the Polish People's Republic would also be ready to consider the possibility of its par ticipation in the subsequent bilater al consultations or in the consultations of groups of interested States in Helsinki - assuming that those consultations may accelerate the general p r eparatory process leading to the conference. The Government of the Polish People's Republic wishes to point out that the composition of groups of States already prepared to start multilateral preparator y discussions would by no means prejudge the final composition of the full

multilateral consultations with the participation of all the States which are to take part in the European conference...... ·

5

The Goverrunent of the Polish People 1 s Republic is p:cepared to consider with favourable attention all other organizational pro­ posals aimed at the acceleration or improvement of the preparatory proceedings.

The Government of the Polish People's Republic desires to express once more its appreciation and support of the consequent action of the Government of Finland in favour of the European Conference on Security and Co-operation.

The Government of the Polish People 1 s Republic hopes that the common action of Poland and Finland in this matter will bring about the expected results for the benefit of all the nations of Europe.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Polish People's Republic avails itself of this opportunity to renew to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Finland the assurances of its highest consideration.

1-Tarsaw, 17th of April lgr 1 Unofficial translation of the Aide-Memoire L ~ f.~-~ro-tQ. 1.. from the Government of the Polish People's ~~t;~. Republic to the Government of the U.S.A. ~.. ,..,.,,. AIDE MEMO IRE

Radio Free Europe, with headquarters located in Munich, has been for many years now carrying an activity directed against Pol and and other socialist countries. For a number of years, in our bilateral contacts we have called the attention of the US Government to the detrimental activity of the ru~E. The matter was inter alia extensively dis­ cussed and adequately substantiated by the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Polish People's Republ ic, Mr. Jozef Winie­ wicz in the talk with the Director of the USIA, Mr. Frank Shake­ speare, onYJuly 4, 1969, during his visit to Poland. As it is known, Poland, along with most other European states, spares no efforts to remove the sources of tension in Europe and to create a political c l imate favourable to the development of an all-round, friendly cooperation among all the countries of our continent. We noted with interest the decl arations of the US Government on its intention to expand and i mprove relations with the socialist countries of Eastern Europe, contained in President Nixon's Report to the Congress on US Foreign Policy for the 1970's, of February 25, 1971, as well as in the Report of the Secretary of State, Mr. Rogers, of r~rch 25, 1971. It should therefore be pointed out with al l the s t ronge r emphasis that the subversive activi ties of RFE are in flagrant contradiction with those intentions, they constitute a shocking r emnant of the cold-war. era, incompatibl e ~'lith the principl es of international coexistence and with the spirit of detente which motivates the nations of Europe. The irrefutable evidence in possession of the Polish a uthor ities proves that Radio Free Europe conducts not only a propaganda campaign, but also intelligence and sub~\i"ersive activities for wh ich it make s extensive use of the network of its chapters and offices located in a numb er of European countries. With regard to Poland RFE appli es various illegal methods, i ncl uding i ntelligence channels , to obtai n infor mat i on which is us ed i .a. for i ts anti-Pol ish subversive brpadcasts . While it attempts to organize in Poland a network of illegal informants - i t also works through its chapters and offices

./. 2

located in various European countries. The task of these offices among other-things, cons ists in soliciting Polish citizens that temporarily stay in those countries, in order to obtain from them by various methods - the desired information. As reported in the American pr ess[e.g. International Herald T".cibu.ne of Janua (·y 25, 1971; Newsweek of February 15, 1971; Washinr.;ton Daily News of March 3, 1971; New Yorl:: Times of March 8, lg( 1], quoting congressional souj:ces and the debate in US Congress [Janu.ary 23, lg('l], Radio Free Europe carries under the guise of a "private" institution an activity for the benefit of the Ame r ican intelligence service, by which it is almost totally financed, guided and controlled. 'l"he fact of' int:coduction in the US Senate of a draft bill intended to subject RFE to the process of authorization and appropriation of funds by the Congress confi:cms that even American politicians do not conside:c RFE to be a private institution.

The activities c)f RJi'E are in c l ear cont ::L~ adiction with the gener ally accepted standards of international relations, while the nature off these activities, directed against the Polish People 1 s Republic, heavily weighs on relations be tv-Teen our t1•.JO countries. The discontinuance of the present RFE activities would have an essential and positive influence on the Polish­ American r elati ons, as we l l as upon the effor ts a imed at basi ng international relations on lasting foundations of a mutually beneficial cooperation, mutual confidence and han-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. I n view of the above, the Government of the Polish People 1 s Republic expects the US · Government to unde:('take necessa­ ry steps with a view to put an end to the activities of Radio Free Europe.

Warsaw, 25 May 1971. Unofficial translation of the letter from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Polish People's Republic Dr. Stefan J~drychowski to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany Mr. "Halter Scheel, dated 26 May 1971.

Dear Mr. Minister,

With reference to the talks that we had with regard to the radio station Free Europe as a factor impeding the process of normalization that has been initiated between our countries, I wish once more to return to this question of essential impor­ tance for the relations between the Polish People's Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. Radio Free Europe, with Headquarters in Munich, on the territory of the Federal Republic of Germany, has for many years been conducting propaganda activities directed against Poland and other socialist countries. At a time when most European countries do not spar e their efforts to eliminate the sources of tension in Europe and to create a political climate favourable to the development of an all-round friendly cooperation among all countries of our continent, the activities of Radio Free Europe constitute a discording remnant of the period of cold war, incompatible either with the principles of international coexistence or with the spirit of detente, which provides inspiration to the nations of Eur ope. This matter is of particular importance for the relations bet·ween the Polish People's Republic and the Ii'eder al Republic of Germany. In the cour se of negotiations between delegations of the Polish People's Republic and the Federal Republic of Ge r many, which resulted in the conclusion, on December 7,197 o of the Treaty on the bases of no1·malization of relations betl'leen our two countries, the Polish party repeatedly pointed out that the process of normalization that had been initiated 1'/ould be seriously impeded as a resul t of the activities of the radio station Free Europe. The explanations on this matter obtained from the T;Jest German par ty cannot be accepted as satisfactory. "F:ceedom of information" and "private ovmership of the radio station~ can hardly be adduced, as the matter concerns the acti­ vities of the radio station financed by CIA, working with the consent of the GDvernment of the Federal Republic of Germany on its territory , directed against Poland and acting against the process of normalization that has been initiated betl'leen our two countries. The GDvernment of the Polish People 's Republic stresses with utmost emphasis that the attitude of the authorities of

./. 2

of the· Federal Republic of Germany tov.rards the existence on its ter ritory of' the radio station Jtri~ Europe will be for us one of the criteria for judging the "1'11'1.1 of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany with regard to the full normaliza­ tion of relatiorowith the Polish People's Republic. The subversive activities of Radio Free Europe acquire additional significance in view of the coming Olympic Games in Munich. For there is no doubt that the activities of this radio station constitute a factor interfering with the atmos­ phere of preparation and of an unimpeded progress of the Games. Polish sport authorities while accepting the invitation to take pa:ct in the Olympic Games, drew the attention of the represerta­ tive of the o~ganizing committee of the Olympic Games to the dangers ensuing to them from the detrimental activities of Radio Free Europe and expressed the conviction that on its par t the Committee will take all efforts in o:cde1· to eliminate the activities of Radio Free Eu:cope from Munich - the venue of the Olympic Games in 1972. 'rhe question is all the more serious and should be even more stressed in view of the fact that the activities of Radio Free Europe are not limited to the field of detrimental , propaganda. Irrefutable evidence possessed by Polish authorities demonstrates that next to propaganda campaign, Radio Free Europe is also conducting intelligence and subversive activities aimed at the Polish People's Republic and other socialist countries. Under the sign-board of a"private"institution Radio ?ree Europe carries activities for the benefit of American intelligence service [CIA], by which it is almost totally finan­ ced, guided and controlled. American intelligence officers di­ rectly manage the oper ation of the Headquarters of Radio Free Europe in Munich as well as of its offices and chapters located in other European countries. About 80% of the material gathered by Radio Free Europe through var ious channels is conveyed to American intelligence Headquarters in the form of reports. Radio Free Europe is therefore paying great interest in intellig~e material and information. It is worth pointing out that the 1nterests of Radio Free Europe de not concern the sit~ation in the socialist countries alone.

As far as Poland is conce~ned Radio Free Europe uses various methods of obtaining information both for the needs of Ame r ican intelligence service and for its own anti-Polish subversive broadcasts. On the one hand it i s t r ying to organize a network of illegal informants in Poland, on the other it is soliciting Polish citizens on temporary stay in the Federal Republic of Germany and in - ~oth er European countries [by means of its offices and chapters in those countries] in order to obtain the ab )"l.'e mentioned information. •

3

The activities of Radio Free Europe are incompatible either with the generally accepted rules of international coo­ peration or with the principles on which relations between Poland and FRG should be based.

Please,accept the assurances of my consideration.

/-/ J~d rychowski DEPARTMENT OF roUTICAL AND SECURITY _Ph.P/vb COUNCIL AFFAmS • i 28 May 1971 Political Affairs Division

NOTE ON FOLAND I. INTERNAL

A. Introduction

1. Poland comprises an area of 312,700 sq.loh. (1.20,633 sq.miles) in her present frontiers tSection II,A, below) and a population estimated in January 1969 at over

32 million inhabitants (29,776,00CJ at the December 1960 census).

2. 95% of the population is Roman Catldic. There have been frictions between

Church and State since World War II, notably in 1966, when celebrations and counter­ celebrations of the Polish millennium were held. However, in December 1968 Cardinal

Wyszynski was permitted to visit the Vatican; and the new Premier, Mr.Jaroszewicz recently said that he would wrk for a full normalization of relations with the

Church (para.l5 below).

3. Although Poland's statehood dates back to 966, she was partitioned three times in the eighteenth century between Russia, Austria and Prussia. The Soviet

Government by a Decree of 1917 recognized Poland 1 s right to independence. In

June 1919 the Treaty of Versailles recognized the independence of Poland. On

1 September 1939 Germany invaded Poland and, on the 17th, Soviet troops entered

Western Ukraine and -w·estern Byelorussia which were parts of eastern Poland after 1921.

After the German attack on the Soviet Union, the Germans occupied the whole of

Poland. By March 1945 the country had been liberated by Soviet and Polish forces.

4. A Conference of Polish leaders in June 1945 in Moscow, including representa­ tives of the Provisional Polish Government, already rvcognized by the Soviet

Union, and of Democratic leaders from Poland and from abroad, agreed about the formation of a provisional Polish Government of National Unity; and a Cabinet was formed in Warsaw on 28 June 1945. At the General Election held in January

1947 the Government bloc obtained an overwhelming majority of seats in the Seym,

Poland's Parliament. In February 1947 Mr.Boleslaw Bierut was elected President of the Republic and Mr.Josef Cyrankiewicz, Secretary-General of the Socialist

Party, formed a Cabinet, with Mr.Wladyslaw Gomulka (Communist) as Vice-Premier.

5. In September 1948 President Bierut replaced as Secretary-General of the

Communist Party Mr .Gomulka, who was also relieved of his Government post in

January 1949. In December 1948 the Communist and Socialist Parties were merged

into the PUWP. In March 1954 Mr.Bierut was appointed First Secretary of the

Party1 s Central Committee. Edward Ochab became First Secretary of the PUWP on

the death of Mr.Bierut (March 1956) but was replafed by Mr.Gomulka, recently

re-admitted to party membership, in October 1956.

6. Following Mr.Gomulka1 s fourteen continuous years in office, and in the

aJtermath of disturbances in Baltic ports, the Central Conmittee of the Polish

United Workers• Party, on 20 December 1970, accepted the resignation of the First

Secret~ and elected Mr.Gierek to succeed him. On the same evening the new First

Secretary said that the causes of the disturbances included "ill-considered

economic ideas" and that 11the iron rule of the economy ani our policy in general

must always be to face the facts, to consult the working-class and the intellectlJlls,

and to re~pect the principle of collective leadership and d:mlocracy in the life of

the party and the activity o:f the supreme authorities."

B. Constitution

7. An interim Constitution, adopted in February 1947, amended that of 1921,

which was altogether replaced by the Constitution approved by the Seym (Parliament)

on 22 July 1952.

8. The new Constitution of the Polish People's Republic, "a republic of the working people" consisting of 91 Articles, abolished the office of President of

the Republic, substituting that of President of the Council of State - the 3. creation of which had been one of the main features in the interim Constitution. The~ and the Council of State were •cognized as the "supreme organs of

State authority," to which the Council of Ministers (Cabinet) was responsible.

9. At its first session the Seym wuld elect the Council of State, consisting of a president, two deputy presidents, a secretary and 11 members. The Council of State would inter alia exercise the right to order elections, lay down interpretations of the law, make appointments to diplomatic, civil, and military posts, and ratify and denounce international treaties. Between sessions of the

Seym, the Council of State would have power to issue decrees with the force of law, but these would require confirmation by the Se.y.m to which the Council was accountable for all its activities at the next session.

10. On economic and social mtters, the Rep.zblic which held a monopoly of mining, transport, banking and foreign trade, would conduct the country 1 s ecooomic life in accordance with a national Economic Plan aimed at developing the oountry1 s productive forces, raising living standards, and consolidating the country's power and independence.

11. The People's Councils are the local organs of State authority.

C. Present Leadership

(i) Polish United Workers 1 Party \PtJ\tw-p)

12. Mr.Gierek (57), First Secretary since he succeeded Mr.Gomulka on 20 Decem- ber 1970, worked in the mines in France and - after military s ervi.ce in Poland - in Belgium, where he organized resistance to the German occupation. After returning to Poland in 1948 he occupied various PUWP posts in the Katowice region. he Shewing talent as an organizer, administrator and economist, Lis characterized

Jj Elected for four years on the basis of one cteputy to every W ,000 citizens. 4. in the West as the spokesman of the "Technocrats" who advocate1 radical ecooomic reforms.

(ii) President of the State Council

13. Former Prime Minister Cyrankiewicz (59) was elected President by the Seym on 23 December 1970. Mr.Cyrankiewicz, a lawyer by profession, joined the Socialist

Party before the war. An escaped war-prisoner, he joined the resistance movement against the Nazi occupation of Poland and was sent to Auschwitz. He helped bring about the union of the Socialist and Communist parties as the FUWP in 1948 and has been a member of the Politburo ever since. Becoming Prime Minister in 1947 he held the office for the next 23 years except in 1952-1954 when he was Deputy

Premier.

(iii) Cabinet

1.4. Prime Minister since 23 December 1970, Mr.Jaroszewicz (61), a teacher, joined the Conmunist par6y before the war and escaped to the Soviet Union after the German invasion. He joined the Polish arll\Y formed in the USSR in 1943, rising to the rank of general. Since 1960, he has concentrated on economic questions.

He became a Deputy Premier in 1959 - a post he held until his accession to the

Premiership.

15. In his first speeches as Premier Mr.Jaroszewicz said that "we must recon- sDruct and strengthen the indispensable links of ccnfidence which should always unite us with the working class;" and that the Government would work for full normalization of relations with the Roman CathOl.c Church.Y

16. The ·rtve Deputy Premiers include two holders of the same posts in the

Cyrankiewicz Cabinet, namely Eugeniusz Szyr and Zdzislaw fomal (48) a member of the United Peasant Party. The new Dejluty Premiers are Franciszek Kaim, Y On 4 May 1971 Cardinal Konig., the Archbishop of Vienna, said that the Poles in former German territories had a right to live there,a new symptom of an improvement in Poland 1s relations with Roman Catllll.icism - also in evidence during the recent visit of Mr.Skarzinski, Director of the Office for Cults, to the Vatican.(Le Figaro, 21 May 1971). 5. previously Minister for Heavy Industry, Jan Mitrega who continued as Minister for

Mining and Industry and Wincenty Krasko, who is in charge of Cultural Affairs.

17. Stefan Jedrychowski (58) already foreign minister since December 1968, had been until then Chairman of the Planning Commission.

18. While the posts of Defence, Foreign 'l'rade and Finance continued to be held respectively by General Wojciech Jaruzelski, Janusz Burakiewicz and Josef Trendota, new ministers are Tadewsz Wrzaszczyk (formera.y director of the consortium for the motor industry) for en~ineering, and, for heavy industry, Wlodzimierz Lejczak

(formerly deputy minister in the same ministry).

D. Economic development

19. As pointed out in an official Polish bulletin, "within a short period Poland has made up the economic backwardness inherited from bygone centuries and she is getting closer to advanced countries that have behind them several decades of economic developnent.nY

20. Contemporary economic developnent, to a large extent, had to start from scratch due to war destructions. In the agricultural field, in the regained territories in Western Poland,almost 80% of arable land were uncultivated, 500,000 farms had been destroyed and there was almost no cattle left. The rehabilitation of agricultural .production in the immediate post-war years was based on land reform and, more recently, on the developnent of the fertilizer industry. While 80% of arable lance belong to private owners - in many cases le&8 than 5 hectares - state farms occupy 2,7 million hectares.

21. At the same time, over the last two decades 5 million Poles left the over- populated countryside. - As a result over 50% of the population is now in the towns (25% in 1921) and Poland belongs to a group of countries, the

'jj La Pologne contemporaine, June-July 1969. 6.

econcaic structure of which is dominated by industrial production - which, by

1968, increased 13 times as compared with 1938. Industrial production made up

54% of the national income in 1968 (37% in 1950). Three main branches- energy,

mechanical construction and chemicals - make up 40% of total industrial production (1.4% in 1950).

22. Coal is the most important natural resource, 'With Poland as fifth producer

and second exporter and increasing emphasis on mechanized mining \'tork. Next in

importance are sulphur and copper.

II. INTERNATIONAL

A. The frontiers of Poland and her foreign policy - from Yalta and Pctedam to the Polish-FRG Treaty (December 1970)

23. The new frontiers of Poland resulted from two 83ts of arrangements. To the East the leaders of Britain, the Soviet Union and. the United States in February

1945 at Yalta agreed that the eastern frontier of Poland should . follow the Curzon line, 'With digressions from it in some regions of 5-8 kilometers in favour of

Poland. Subsequently a Treaty on the delimitation of the Sov:it.-Polish frontier was signed in Moscow on 17 August 1945. Besides several small deviations from the Curzon line to the advantage of Poland, the Soviet Union ceded tl«> larger districts, one about 50 miles north-east of Lwow and the other 1Btween Brest-Litovsk and the Lithuanian frontier. Yet another frontier rectification was agreed upon in May 1951. In the words of Trybuna :Wdu, Poland ceded •~a predominantly agricultural area"!±/ and received 11an area of great importance to our nat:ional econoJey.11

24. In the west, also at Yalta, it was recognized that Poland must receive substantial accessions of territory m the north and west. At Potsdam in August

!±/ Allowing a railway line to run entirely through Soviet territory. 7.

1945 the three heads of Government agreed that, pending the final determination of Poland 1 s western frontier in a peace settlement, the area under the administration of the Polish state should be based on the Oder-Neisse line. There were Ja ter differerx: es of opinion on this matter between Western Allies. 'While British and US proposals for modifications in Germany's favour were rejected by Poland, the position of France, inspired by General de Gaulle, was that no single step could benefit a European d'tente as much as West German recognition of Europe's territorial status guo in its most sensitive aspect.21 Different attitudes were also taken by the two Germanies. Whereas the German Democratic Republic, in June

1950, reached an agreement with Poland on the demarcation of the Polish-German

State frontier on the Oder-Neisse line, the FRG Government denounced that agreement, stating that 11 the decision on the Eastern territories at present under Soviet or

Polish administration can and will be made only in a future peace treaty with the whole of Germany. 11 However, the Polish Government ended the state of war with

Germany in February 1951, declaring that the Polish People's Republic like the

Soviet Union 11 desires to contribute to a peaceful stabilization of relations in

Europe and to the normalization of its relations with Germany, 11 ard that, in

11 addition to strengthening still further the 11 bonds of friendship with the GDR ,

Poland also 11 considered it possible to normalize her relations with the FFD,. 11

25. With Mr.Rapacki as Foreign }ofinister (April 1956 - December 1968) Poland initiated a plan for a nuclear- free zone in Europe, for which the &ov.iet Union declared i ts support on the occasion of Mr.Rapacki's visit to Moscow at the end of January 1958. Mr. Rapacki 1 s approach to European security was that 11 through the contribution which a real d'tente in Central Europe could make to the progress

On 25 March 1959 President de Gaulle said that he was in favour of the Oder­ Neisse line as the pennanent frontier. On l3 October 1959 Prime Minister Debr' made a similar statement;, and the French stand was oolemnly reiterated during de Gaulle's 1967 visit to Poland. s. of disarmament," his nuclear-free zone plan "could contribute to a rediE"ection of the German question; from the deepening of controversies at least to their alleviation; from a path leading to a conflict to a path leading to peaceful

solutions. u

26. In December 1963 Mr. Gomulka advanced a proposal 'Which, it was explained, was not aimed at superseding the Ra.packi plan, but was conceived as the first step towards the complete ban of nuclear weapons in Europe. As proposed by Mr.liomulka, nuclear armaments were to be frozen at the present level throughout Poland,

Czechoslovakia and the t-wo Germanies. It was probably with tmse two initiatives in mind that Mr.Rapacki proposed in the General Assembly, on 1.4 December 1964, the convening of a Conference on European Security.

27. Poland's efforts for a d~tente, although not completely fulfilled even now, may be regarded as one of the contributing factors to the current relaxation of tension. Yet, this was an extremely slow process, as for many years there were no signs that one of the prerequisites, a normalization of Polish-FRG relations, as envisaged by the Polish statement of February 1955, could be achieved. The Federal

Republic in Notes of 25 March 1966 did express a readiness to enter into under- takings 11 not to use force to settle international disputes" with Eastern Governments, including the Soviet Union and Poland. Even then, however, the Federal Republic was by no means reconciled to any strengthening of the territorial status guo.21

28. On the other hand, the great significance of the Polish-r~ Treaty of 7

December 1970 is that normalization of their relations has now been based on that status guo. The FRG Goverrunent did maintain that it had "not modified its legal viewpoint, .. 11 but the text of the letters exchanged between Bonn and the three

Y As showed by the following p3.ragraph in the Notes of March 1966: "If, when the occasion arises, the Poles and the Germans enter into negotiations on frontier questions in the same spirit that led to the conciliation between Germany and her Western neighbours, then Poles and Germans will also find their way to agreement. For in this question neither emotions nor alone the power of the victor, but rather reason, must JI'evail." 'lJ Namely that the FRG could not prejudge an eventual peace treaty, and that the rights of the Allies were reserved, according to the Federal spokesman,Herr Ahlers. Western Allies on Allied rights was submitted for approval to the Polish Government .Y

In the Treaty itself the greatest possible emphasis was placed on the respect of the present frontiers through the following provisions. Not only did the preamble express an awareness "that the inviolability of frontiers and respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all States in Europe within their present frontiers are a basic condition for peace11 , but, in the various articles the parties stated "in mutual agreEIJlent that the existmg boundary line ••• shall constitute the western State frontier of the People1 s H.epublic of Polam;" they reaffirmed "the inviolability of their existing frontiers now and in the future and undertake to respect each other's territorial integrity without restrict:ions; 11 and they declared "that they have no territorial claims whatsoever against each other and that they will not assert such claims in the future."

B. Poland and the Soviet Union

29. Post World War II Soviet-·-Polish relations may be defined as an enterprise in setting aside the remnants of past conflicts and ensuing bitterness and estab

.lishing an entire'~¥ new relationship, arising from ideological ties and the belonging to a Socialist Community - based on an extended Co-operation in the military, political and economic fields, through Treaties, agreements and }:arti- cula.rly close contacts between state and party leaderships of the member countries.

30. Owing to the efforts of Mr. Gomulka, bilateral relations with the Soviet

Union were re-arranged through an Agreement of 18 November 1956 am a separate

Military Convention of 17 December. It was agreed that "the temporary presence of Soviet troopsY must in no way infringe Polish sovereignty or lead to their interference in the internal affairs of the Polish People1 s Rep1blic.11 While y A.a insisted by the French Government, a pos ition which was reportedly appreciated in Warsaw (Le Monde). y In pointing out that such temporary presEDce was still desirable, references were made, inter alia to the fact that it had mt been possible to reach concerted decisions that wuld give sufficient guarantees agamst the rebirth of German militarie:IJI. as well as to "the necessity for the presence of Soviet troops in Germany in conformity with international treat i es and agreements." 10.

Mr. Gomulka was emphasizing the specific features of Poland 1 s road to socialism,

there was a large area of Soviet-Polish agreement on the general validity of the

broad principles of socialist contruction in the Soviet Union. Nevertheless there

remained differences of opinion, at least temporar,y, as shown for instance, in

the respective interpretations of the Hungarian uprising, until Mr.Gomulka, by

mid March 1957, reversed his stand am referred to such events as a counter-

revolution.

31. 'rhe year 1958 marked a turning point. Following negotiations, notably

during 1'ir.Gomulka1 s visits to Moscow in October-November 1958, dealing with "all

11 the most important questions in relations ••• between the two countries1 1Q/ Polish-Soviet relations improved considerably, as "the idea of an alliance and

friendship with the Soviet Union • •• cleared from the errors of the period of 1 cult

of the individual' acquired new attractiveness and was taken into the hearts of

the LPolisb/-- nation."

32. In the following decade, a new ~olish Soviet Treaty of 8 April 1965, replacing

a 1945 Treaty am signed by Messrs. Brezhnev and Gomulka, expressed solidarity

against the West German "threat", proclaimed the integrity of the state frontier of

Poland along the Oder and the Lusatian Neisse - "one of the main factors for European

security;" and pledged mutual assistance, including military, in the case of an

aggression on the part of the West German forces of militarism and revenge and of

any other state which would enter into an alliance with them. 'l'he 1965 Treaty1

based on "equality of rights, r espect for sovereignty and non-interventi on in internal

affairs," also provided that the parties would "negotiate and consult each other on

all major international problems."

!QJ In Mr. Gomulka • s words. 11.

c. Rel..a.tions with other Socialist countries and multilateral collaboration.

33. Such relations in many cases paralleled those with the Soviet Union.

Especially in the case of the German Democratic ReJllblic and Czechoslovakia, wb:>se

leaders criticized various aspects of lOland 1 s policies in 1956-57, there was

marked improvement following Mr.Gomulka's 1958 visits to Moscow.

34. Poland sided with the Soviet Union in its differere es with the People's

Rep1blic of China; and i•tr. Gomulka, despite his apparent dislike of multilatetal

ties among the Communist parties, supported the 1964 Soviet proposal to convene

an international conference to deal with tle Chinese problem. warsaw has, nevertheless

continued to be the seat of US-PRC meetings aimed at improving rel..a.tions between

the two countries.

35. Poland has entered into agreements of friendship, cooperation and mutual

assistance with Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, the German Bemocratic Republic

11 and Romania which, in the Polish view1 strengthen the security of Socialist countries

as a whole am create favourable comd.itions in the various fields of mutual CO·

operation."

36. 'l'he Polish Goverrunent also attaches great importance, in spite of earlier

reservations, to multilateral co-oper~tion, notably militaryW and political

through the organs of the Warsaw Treaty. Of particular importance, in the Polish

view, were the resolutions of the Political Committee of July 1967 (Budapest)

concerning European security; of March 1968 (Sofia) on non·-proliferation of nuclear

armament and Viet-Nam; and of !Viarch 1969 (Budapest) on improving the Warsaw Treaty

machinery and on European security and co-operation. Poland has been active:cy

promoting the Warsaw Pact proposal of a European Security Conference.

W Poland's military strength for 1969-70 was reportedly Z75,000 (Azmy, 185,000; Navy, 20,000; Air Force, 70,000). 37. Polish solidarity with the Warsaw Pact was shown on the occasion of the

Czechmslovak crisis in 1968. In the e,ye of Mr.Gomulka a Czechoslovak policy of

allowing West German economic and political penetration presented "a direct

strategic threat to Poland from the south. 11W

38. In the economic field, the co-operation organ is the Council for mutual

economic assistance established in January 1949. The Council's main task consists

in mutual assistance for the economic development of the Socialist countries, auch as exchanging information, technical assistance, the delivery of raw materials,

products, industrial equipment and transport facilities. As pointed out by the

official renew, "la Pologne contem:p9raine, 11

The roads leading to the.building of socialism that have been adopted by a particular country, cannot be imposed over another country. On the other hand, thEff can be a source of inspiration for other countries buildmg socialism. Numerous documents of the Socialist countries containing the agreements between Allies underscore their new type of relationships, based on mutual comprehension, non-intervention and the respect of each sovereignty • 11

39. While Polish foreign policy, including her relationship with _~ the other

Warsaw Pact members and her solidarity with them in the Czechoslovak crisis, were dominated by a search for sectn'ity against Germany, it remains to be seen to what

extent a normalization of relations with the Federal Rep.tblic, if consolidated through ratification of the December 1970 Treaty, would affect Poland 1 s attitude towards individual Socialist partners and/or the various aspects of integration within that camp.

D. Relations with the ·~iest

40. H.elations with the United States, where an estimated 6.5 million Poles are

li~, were hampered at an early stage by post-World War II differences on basic w Neal Ascherson, "Poland Is place in Europe, 11 The vlorld Today, .I.Jecember 1969,p.528. JJJ Ia Pologne contemporame. -·

1.3.

Polish territorial and political matters. Nevertheless, after 1957 the United

States became the chief source of ecohomic aid for Poland by providing on a yearly

basis large quantities of surplus agricultural comnodities which Poland could

purchase under very favourable terms on long-term credit. After 1964, Congress limited

Poland to five-year credit in the purchase of surplus agricultural commodities.

41. Following General de Gaulle's return to power in 1958, France's relations

with Poland at first lagged behind those with other East-European countries.~

Although there was no official statement on the subject, a plausible interpretation

was that General de Gaulle, in his campaign of rapprochement with the East.,. made a

start with States which were not separated from West Germany by "imnediate

differences", such as the Oder-Neisse line. There were also economic difficulties

as the balance of trade was too much in France• s favour and Poland was eager to export

more machines and complete installations.

42. French-Polish relations, already more cordial at the time of the visit of

Premier Cyrankiewicz to Paris in September 1965 arrl of Foreign Minister Couve de

Murville to Warsaw in May 1966, were made even warmer by the journeys to Poland

of General de Gaulle (September 1967) and, in the Pompidou era, of Premier Chaban-

Delmas (November 1970). To the extent that inter-state relations may be influenced

by personal and historical factors, France seemed to maintain her position as l2/ Poland's longest-stand:ing friend. In tarticular, while French trade with Poland

lagged behind British-Polish · ~ Polish-FRG exchanges, France could be regarded as

Poland's most active political partner amongst Western powers -as shown again by

As noted as late as February 1965, while high officials from Bulgaria, Czecho­ slovakia, Hungary and Homania had visited l''rance in the last few months, there had been no such visitors from Polarrl. French-Polish Trade and Cultural Agreements were signed respectively in October 1965 and May 1966. 14.

the recent visit of French Secretary of State far Foreign Affairs Jean de Lipkowski

to Warsaw on 26 April - 1 May 1971. The two }:Brties were pleased with pre}:Bratory

work for the European Security Conference, but "stressed the need for removing the

obstacles which are delaying such preparations."

43. Following the visit to Poland of the British Foreign Secretary Stewart in

September 1965 there was, in the words of "The 'l'i.JJ5 11 a "better comprehension of

l-'oland' s anxieties and preoccupations with the German problem. 11 In trade relations

the United Kingdom in 1969 was Poland 1 s first Western customer, preceding, by a

narrow margin, the Ferieral Republic, which was followed by France, Italy and the

United states.W

44. Generally speaking Poland has been concerned with acpanding trade with the

West as well as with Socialist countries. There has been continuing interest in

preserving old markets in Western hurope and securing an outlet for new exports

to EEC and EFTA countries. Inconclusive talks were held with the EEC Commission

(March 1965 - April 1966); and Poland participated in the Kennedy round of tariff

negotiations. In 1966 after a decade of informal relationships with GATT Poland

became a full member. Poland has also entered into various forms of co-operation

with individual Western firms, such as IBAG of the Federal Republic (1965 agreement

on joint ownership of a company to handle Polish machinery imPort-export) and Fiat

of Italy (manufacture of automobiles in Poland under a licensing aiTangement).

E. United Nations ard Other Inter-Governmental Activities

45. Among the principal organs of the United Nations, Poland is serving a tenn

on the Security Council ending on 31 December 1971; Poland is a member of the and Disarmament CommitteeLof the Committee of Twenty-Four. It is understood that the

Polish Deputy Foreign Minister, Josef Winiewicz, will be a candidate for the

Presidency of the General Assembly at its XXVIIth Sessioo. Poland has also been !§/ Polish Perspectives, February 197l,p.57 ll

15.

represented on the International Court of Justice since 1946.

46. Active Polish participation in the work of the Economic Commission for

Europe has been described1Z/ as concentrated on several basic problems, the first

of which is to avoid European disintegration into two enemy regions. Other targets

consist in increasing economic co operation and organization with the participation

of all European states whatever their regime; increasing multilateral co-operation

mainly in the scientific and technical problems; and, fourthly, limiting and

removing obstacles in trade exchanges (customs and quotas) through privileged,

non-discriminating clauses. Such is the direction in which the numerous proposals and

initiatives of Poland ...in EEC were l«lrking.

47. Poland (together with Canada and IndB) has been a member of the International

Control Commissions far Viet-Nam, Cambodia and le.os since their inception in 1~,

and has in recent years shown interest on various occasions in attempting to revitalize

the work of the Commissions or to employ them as instrumEilts for facilitating a

negotiated settlement of the Indochina conflict.

F. Cultural Activities and Exchanges

48. Poland's cultural ties embrace over eighty countries in all five continents,

which may be divided into three groups. First there are 41 countries with which

lOl..and has bilateral conventions (39) or agreements (2) on cultural exchange and

co-operation. ~econd, various forms of exchange am co-operation are conducted

with a number of countries, without an inter-government agreement, through individual

cultural and artistic organizations. Thirdly, there are various types of multi­

lateral exchange, stemming from Poland1 s participation in UNESCO and the 67 non ·

governmental international organizations affiliated to it which deal with cultural

am artistic matters. 11.) La Pologne contemporaine. ' :

16.

49. A nwnber of renowned international artistic events take place in Poland,

such as the Chopin piano competition, the Warsaw Autunm Festival of Contemporary

Music and the graphics' Biennale in Cracow.

CONCIDSION

50. The present challenge to Poland 1 s statesmen is to continue the new policy

of close association with other Socialist States, while normalizing her relations

with the Federal Republic of Germany, ani sa,(eguarding the positive heritage of

Polish-French and Polish-American relationships. As shown by the Treaty of

7 December 1970 which in the words of Josef W1niewiczW 11turns a page of

history11 and the recent visit of Premier Chaban-Delnas to Poland, Poland may be

regarded as having gone a long way towards greatly consolidating her position

through developing multilateral relations with Socialist countries and promoting

independent relationships with selected partners in the West. Her remaining

problem is to give the working-man a greater share in the benefits of her

extraordinarily fast developmentl2/ so as to forestall a recurrence of the

recent social disturbances. The latest statements by the new leadership have

been placing the Elll.phasis on the production of consumer goods.

W Polish perspectives, F'ebruary 1971, p.6.

J1lJ Unemployment has been a problem in Poland.