Mental Models of Employment and the Psychological Contracts of Indonesian Academics: an Exploratory Study

MENTAL MODELS OF EMPLOYMENT AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL CONTRACTS OF INDONESIAN ACADEMICS: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY

LINDA LAMBEY

SE. Ak (Bachelor in Accounting) MBA in Management MA in Economics Grad Cert of Business Research

A thesis submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

The University of Newcastle, Australia March, 2015

DECLARATION

This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institutions and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text. I give consent to the final version of my thesis being made available worldwide when deposited in the

University’s Digital Repository**, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968.

**Unless an Embargo has been approved for a determined period.

______Linda Lambey

March 27, 2015

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

‘Glory to God in the highest heaven, and peace to men who enjoy His favour’, I would like to extend my greatest gratitude to God for His blessings and mercy.

I wish to thank my supervisors, Dr Jennifer Waterhouse and Dr Brendan Boyle who have provided excellent advice, support and help.

My gratitude also goes to Professor David Guest for his valuable comments and inputs during ANZAM Conference 2013.

A massive thank you goes to the Directorate General of Indonesian Higher

Education (DIKTI), the University of Newcastle and Associate Professor Suzanne Ryan for providing me with scholarships and research funding.

In particular, I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to Dr Marcus Rodrigs,

Dr Tod Moore and Dr Jo Hanley for giving me the opportunity to teach their courses throughout these years.

My sincere thankfulness goes to Michael Chen, Dunyu Liu and Bronwyn

McCredie who helped me to believe in my own potential and voice. My thanks also go to my friends Elni, Selfy, Puritud, Hawzhin, Sarah, Muqqadas, Kumar, Rungnapa,

Sidsel, Ly, and my other beloved Indonesian friends who were alongside me throughout this time. My sincere appreciation is extended to Sister Anne and Sister Mary in Saint

Patrick’s Church Wallsend for your friendships and continuous prayers, and also to the

Ministry in Indonesian Bethel Church Newcastle.

Finally, I have to acknowledge a great debt to my wonderful son Bobby, my late parents who had taught me with their values of life and loved me unconditionally, my brothers and their families for their constant prayers, support and love.

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MENTAL MODELS OF EMPLOYMENT AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL CONTRACTS OF INDONESIAN ACADEMICS: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY

ABSTRACT

This study explored the mental models of employment and the psychological contracts of Indonesian academics. The objectives of this study were to explore the mental models of employment and the psychological contracts, explore the contents of the psychological contracts including the nature of it, with whom it is held and the impact organisational change and the Indonesian context.

This study applies a qualitative exploratory approach as the most appropriate methodology that acknowledges context and the “actors” perception of the research phenomena of interest. It consists of in-depth semi-structured face-to-face individual interviews, drawings and their descriptions, as well as the analyses of documents and field notes. The data were collected from academic staff located at three selected public and three private universities in Manado city, the capital city of North Sulawesi province in Indonesia.

The study concluded that academics’ mental models of employment and the psychological contracts were shaped by experience and longevity, cultural values, religion and education. The findings demonstrated that academics had a long working memory of the personal relationship and employment relationships with their supervisors. It also highlighted that cultural value of obedience was in the form of obedience to employers because it was a part of their cultural value to obey employers and or because the obedience to employers was instructed by regulations - TUPOKSI

(government requirements on academic work). In addition, religion and beliefs in God influenced academics’ cognitive schemas of their employment relationship by a mutual

iv understanding that employees and employers are there to serve God. Finally, education influenced academics’ mental models in relation to how they perceived and understand their employment and the psychological contracts.

The study also highlighted academics’ employment and psychological contracts were significantly impacted by government legislation i.e. Pancasila and the work duties outlined in TUPOKSI. There was a belief in long-term employment from which numerous expectations emerge about the nature of the relationship between superior and subordinate. In terms of the nature of psychological contracts, it was found that the elements of psychological contracts of Indonesian are interrelated and interdependent.

Transactional outcomes are anticipated from seemingly relational contracts. In terms of the content of the psychological contracts, this study found that because of the longevity of the employment relationship, expectations arose about the relationship between employer and employee in that it should be considered to be one of friendship or partnership. The cultural and legal context also gives rise to a hierarchical employment relationship within which agreeableness and harmony are prized. Trust is expected to develop and was identified as a product of the longevity of the employment relationship, and more importantly, it is also created through long term evidence of obedience to rules. Furthermore, four primary reasons were identified to explain with whom academics established their psychological contracts: hierarchical and/or decision- making power, friendship, expertise and agreeableness/harmony of relationship. Finally, the study found that the university system changes may not affect their employment relationships because of academics’ obedience to regulations, good relationships with their supervisors and their faculty’s ability to generate income. Academics believed that their employment relationships would not change as long as they continued to obey the

v rules and do their teaching. Management would take care of the changes and that they have faith and trust in their leaders.

This study provided new insights into mental models and psychological contracts field of research. Not only does this study strongly support the extant notion that mental models are socially established through experience, religion, socialisation, culture and educational, but it also reveals that formal regulation in Indonesia has a considerable impact on thought process about ‘how things works. In terms of psychological contracts field, this study found that relational elements of the psychological contracts are leveraged to achieve transactional outcomes. In addition, this study identifies that there should be an individual to establish reciprocal relationship, with whom academics consider best positioned to fulfil the content of their psychological contracts and consider the supervisor as the university’s representative.

Finally, this research is the first study to explore the mental models of psychological contracts and the contents of academics’ psychological contracts in Indonesia.

The findings of the study are beneficial in terms of the lessons learned for managerial practices. They provide useful knowledge and understanding of the sufficient reciprocity in academics’ employment relationships to increase their productivity and commitment which may improve Indonesian universities’ performances as a stated goal of the Indonesian government.

PRESENTATION AND PAPER RELATED TO THIS THESIS

1. Lambey, L., Waterhouse, J., & Boyle, B. (2013) Understanding Relationships in the Psychological Contracts of Indonesian Academics, Conference Publication, 27th Annual Conference of the Australian and New Zealand Academy of Management (ANZAM), Hobart, Tasmania, December 4-6, 2013.

2. Lambey, L., Waterhouse, J., & Boyle, B. (2014) Mental Models of Psychological Contracts of Indonesian Academics in changing times, Presented at The Employment Relations (ER) & Human Resource Management (HRM) Group at the University of Newcastle, August 1, 2014.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

DECLARATION………..………………………….………………………….. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT………………………….………………………….. iii ABSTRACT………………………………………….………………………… iv PRESENTATION AND PAPER RELATED TO THIS THESIS …………….. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS…………………………….………………………… viii LIST OF TABLE…..………………………………….……………………….. xi LIST OF FIGURES…………………………………….…………………….… xii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW…………………….. 1 Introduction…………………………………………………………….. 1 Background to the research…………………………………………….. 1 Conceptual Framework……………………………………………….… 5 Research Design………………………………………………………... 9 Mental Models of employment and the Psychological Contracts……… 12 Psychological Contracts………………………………………………… 13 Discussion, Implications and Conclusions..…….……………………… 15

CHAPTER TWO: CONTEXT…………………………………………………. 19 Introduction…………………………………………………………….. 19 Indonesia at a glance…………..….…………………………………….. 20 Indonesian State Philosophy………………………………………….… 22 Education in Indonesia…………………………………..……….……... 24 Types of Indonesian Higher Education………………………….……… 27 Indonesian Academics’ Career Advancement..………………………… 28 Indonesian Academics’ Main Tasks and Functions..…………………… 31 The Importance of universities and academics……..…………………… 32 Problems and efforts to improve the Indonesian Higher Education..…… 34 University system changes……………………………………….……… 38 Conclusion……………………………………………………….……… 41

CHAPTER THREE: LITERATURE REVIEW..………………………………. 43 Introduction…………………………………………………………….. 43 Conceptualising Mental Models….…………………………………….. 43 Mental Models and Cognitive Mapping..…………………………….… 47 Linking Mental Models and Psychological Contracts……………...... … 48 Conceptualising Psychological Contracts……………....……….….…... 49 Implicit and Explicit Contracts………………………………….……… 55 Linking Relationships to Psychological Contracts……………………… 56 The Understanding of Trusts, Obligations and Promises within Psychological Contracts……………………………………………….… 58 The Different Perspectives of employer representatives in organisations.. 61 The Contents of Psychological Contracts………………………………... 63 Psychological Contracts Breach and Violation…………………………... 66

viii Psychological Contracts in Public and Private Organisations….………... 69 Mental Models of employment and the Psychological Contracts of Indonesian Academics…………………………………………..………... 71 Conclusion………….…………………………………………….……… 76 Research Questions……………………………………………….……… 79

CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH METHODS…..………………………………. 81 Introduction…………………….……………………………………….. 81 Research Paradigm…………….….…………………………………….. 81 Data Collection Methods………………..…………………………….… 83 Interviews………………………..…………………………….… 83 Drawings and their descriptions....…………………………….… 84 Documents…………………….....…………………………….… 85 Sites of Location and Universities………..……………………………… 85 Gaining Research Access.………………..…………………………….… 88 Choice of Participants……..……………..…………………………….… 89 Data Collection Process……..…………..…………………………….… 92 Interviews Process..….…………..…………………………….… 92 Drawings and their descriptions....…………………………….… 93 Documents…………………….....…………………………….… 93 Data Analysis………………..…………..…………………………….… 94 Analytical Strategy.….…………..…………………………….… 95 Credibility of the Research……....…………………………….… 97 Ethical Issues.………………..…………..…………………………….… 98 Conclusion.………………..…………..……………………………….… 99

CHAPTER FIVE: RESEARCH FINDINGS ON MENTAL MODELS OF EMPLOYMENT AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL CONTRACTS…...... ……… 101 Introduction…………………….……………………………………….. 101 Experience and Longevity….….….…………………………………….. 102 Cultural Values…………..….…………..…………………………….… 113 Religion …...………………..…………..……………………………..… 120 Education …...………………..…………..…………………………...… 128 Conclusion.………………..…………..………………………………… 131

CHAPTER SIX: RESEARCH FINDINGS ON THE PSYCHOLOGICAL CONTRACTS OF INDONESIAN ACADEMICS…………………………...... 133 Introduction…………………….……………………………………….. 133 The Nature and Content of the Psychological Contract………………… 135 The Nature of the Psychological Contract: Legislative and Policy Obligations……………………………………………………… 135 The Nature of the Psychological Contract: Hierarchy………….. 138 Obligations and Expectations: Communication……….……….. 141 Expectations: The Working Environment – Social Aspects and Physical Facilities……………………………………………….. 146 Expectations: Career Advancement and Education……………. 148 Expectations: Work and Pay……………………………………. 152 ix Expectations and Obligations: Religious Fulfilment……………. 156 Expectations: Reassurance, Recognition and Advice……..……. 158 Conclusions about the Content of the Psychological Contract…. 160 The Psychological Contract: With Whom and Why….………………… 162 Hierarchy, Positional Power and Decision Making…………….. 163 Friendship……………………………………………………….. 165 Task and Knowledge Dependency..…………………………….. 167 Conclusions about with whom academics have their psychological contracts…………………………………………………………. 169 The Impact of Change on Psychological Contract…….………………… 170 Conclusion…………………………………………….………………… 174

CHAPTER SEVEN: DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSION.. 177 Introduction…………………….……………………………………….. 177 Discussion, Implications and Conclusion on Mental Models of employment and Psychological Contract……………………………………………… 178 Discussion, Implications and Conclusion on and Psychological Contract and the potential impact of change…………………………………………… 183 Limitations…………………….………………………...……………….. 188 Conclusion…………………….………………………...……………….. 189

REFERENCES….……………………………………………………………….. 192

LIST OF APPENDICES…..…………………………………………………….. 211 Ethics Approval..……………….……………………………………….. 212 Information Letter…………………………………………………….…. 215 NVivo Nodes…..……………….…………………………………….….. 218

x LIST OF TABLE

Table 2.1 Functional and Rank of Indonesian academics……………………….. 29

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1 Map of Indonesia……………………….………………………….. 20 Figure 2.2 Pancasila and the Five Principles………………………………….. 23 Figure 2.3 Flowchart of the election of Dean…………………………………. 30 Figure 5.1 Examples of Drawings…………………………………………….. 105 Figure 5.2 Examples of Christian Values……………………………………… 122

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Chapter one: Introduction and Overview

Introduction

This chapter provides an introduction to the research project and an overview summary of the entire thesis. In addition to presenting the background to the research and the rationale behind it, an overview of the study context is summarised from

Chapter two. A summary of Chapter three is also presented, which provides an outline of the theoretical framework, research gaps and research objectives. The methodological discussion from Chapter four is also summarized before the findings from Chapters five and six are briefly discussed. Finally, the implications, limitations and conclusion of this research are summarized to provide a summative overview of Chapter seven.

Background to the research

Universities have increasingly important roles in the development of knowledge and regional economic development where they create human capital by educating students and training people who are already employed (Charles, 2006). In addition, higher education employers have increasing expectations in regard to the knowledge and intellectual skills development of their employees so that such employees can be effective and efficient in their working life (Bradshaw, 1989) and be able to produce quality graduates in response to a rapidly changing world (Lee, 2000). Academics, therefore, have a very important role to play in society, requiring them to be highly qualified and well- motivated in their role as the human assets of universities (Siddique,

Aslam, Khan, & Fatima, 2011). In this context, this study explores the mental models of employment and the psychological contracts and the content of the psychological

1 contracts of Indonesian academics including the nature of it, with whom it is held and the impact organisational change and the Indonesian context.

Mental Models: Mental models are the lenses through which people see the world. They embody ‘how individuals see the world, how individuals know and think about the world and how individuals act in the world’ Chermack (2003, p. 410). An individual’s mental models are subjective perceptions about their lives, including their relationship with their employer (Brantley, 2009; Conway & Briner, 2005; Guo, 2009;

Mao & Liu, 2008). Mental models influence experience and are also influenced by experience (Chermack, 2003). In light of this, understanding the mental models of work will also require understanding the factors and experience that shape mental models.

Werhane (2008) and Labedz & Lee (2011) explained that mental models, in which individuals perceive, organise and learn, are also socially established through religion, socialisation, culture, and educational upbringing; or information exchanges and professional education. The way people think and behave, known as human cognitive abilities, are directed to social life where social life is richly cultural and these abilities cover many knowledge dimensions that moderate human behaviours (Ntuen,

2006). In light of this, the mental models of the psychological contract will be shaped by a broad set of factors directly and indirectly related to the employment relationship of Indonesian academics, factors that this study seeks to explore.

Psychological contracts: Psychological contracts are beliefs in a reciprocal obligation between the individual and the organisation (Rousseau, 1989) and as indicated above, psychological contracts are formed by people’s mental models of their employment relationship (Rousseau, 2001). Therefore, individuals interpret their psychological contracts discretely and their psychological contracts are constructed individually (Conway & Briney, 2005). In addition, organisational entities are viewed

2 as complex and there are uneven expectations of the parties within organisations

(Cullinane & Dundon, 2006). Guest (1998) suggested therefore that it is necessary to clearly identify the content of psychological contracts. The contents of psychological contracts are elements such as opportunity for promotion and advancement, power and responsibility, pay, recognition, support, work environment, job security, training and career development, and workload (Rousseau, 2000). Rousseau (2004) then classified the contents into relational, transactional and hybrid (balanced) contracts.

Relational contract refers to long term relationships because employees focus on good relationship with their employers (Coyle-Shapiro & Kessler, 2003). This contract creates loyalty and stability in which employees and employers build commitment to fulfil needs to one another and open ended commitments to the future, including employees tend to work overtime without being paid, help their colleagues and support their organisational change (Rousseau, 2004). On the other hand, transactional contract is a monetary motive; employees tend to perform in ways consistent with how they are paid. Employees and employers are likely to terminate the contract if it fails to meet their needs (Rousseau, 2004). Hybrid or balanced contracts combine commitments between the willingness of employers to develop workers and the willingness of workers to be flexible and adjust if economic conditions change (Rousseau, 2004).

Organisational change: Organisational change can lead to change in employers’ and employees’ understanding of psychological contracts (Khalid & Rehman, 2011) and consequently an inherent instability to mental models of psychological contracts

(Adamides, Stamboulis, & Kanellopoulus, 2003; Bellou, 2007; Grady, Magda, &

Grady, 2011; Khalid & Rehman, 2011; McGreevy, 2003). Further, McCourt & Eldridge

(2003) identified that management concepts applicable in developed, western

3 economies need to be tested and assessed critically in other settings especially as those context change.

In light of the discussion above, the exploration of the psychological contract construct with Indonesian academics provides an opportunity to make two important contributions. Firstly, to add new empirical insights to the field of research from a developing country context, and secondly, to explore the applicability of extant theory in a context that may alter mental models of work and the content of psychological contracts. As a consequence, understanding the context and its impact is important.

Cognizant of this, chapter two considers the potential impact of the study context.

The Indonesian context: Chapter two outlines the Indonesian context as the contextualisation of the study, a review of its philosophies and religions, statistics, particularly its higher education systems, regulations, university system changes and pressures that may influence Indonesian academics’ mental models of their employment relationship and their psychological contracts. As chapter two explains, the Indonesian university system has been ranked poorly in international rankings and it is known to function within a well-defined regulatory framework (DIKTI, 2010; Ikhwan & Masjid,

2006; Quacquarelli Symonds Index, 2013). Indonesian academics are obligated to do

Tri Dharma. Tri Dharma is determined by Indonesian Government Regulations or

Undang-Undang Number 12 year 2012 and dictates that Indonesian academics are obligated to teach, do research and do community services (Handini, 2013). Indonesian academics have experienced many pressures brought on by Government: status changes, efforts to improve their quality in teaching, researching, serving the society, communication skills, develop better ICT skills, develop wider networking and to become more outward looking (DIKTI, 2008, 2010; Susanti, 2011; Tambunan, 1998;

University of Gajah Mada, 2011). However, the Indonesian academics work in a

4 resource poor context i.e. the limited equipment, education and compensation provided to Indonesian academics to fulfil their roles (Deliusno, 2012; Gultom, 2005; Idrus,

1999; Lisnayetti, 2006; Marginson & Sawir, 2005). Moreover, Indonesian academics have previously experienced several university system changes as an attempt to improve higher education, thus these constrained circumstances are likely to place significant pressure on them and have resulted in significant uncertainty in the environment and management of universities. In this context, research to examine the mental models and psychological contracts of Indonesian academics is timely. Indonesians are instructed by their state philosophy, Pancasila, in their everyday life and as traditional customs that they should possess religion, attain an agreement through consensus (or musyawarah) and prioritize obligations more than rights. Given these religious beliefs, cultural and social contexts, Indonesia provides a different context in which to explore academics’ mental models and psychological contracts.

Conceptual Framework, Research Gaps and Research Objectives

Chapter three undertakes a comprehensive literature review related to mental models and psychological contracts and provides the theoretical foundation for the research.

An underlining factor for the interest in the psychological contract is the search for better and new ways of managing employment relations to meet the needs and interests of both employees and employers (Dadi, 2012). Few scholars have already addressed the relationships between mental models and psychological contracts explicitly or implicitly (Barker, van Schaik, & Hudson, 1998; Glick, Chermack, Luckel,

& Gauck, 2012; Marcum, 2009; Pugh, Skarlicki, & Passell, 2003; Rousseau, 1995a;

Zhao & Parry, 2012). The critical question of how do work related mental models shape 5 individuals’ employment and the psychological contracts is still under researched. It has been agreed that the human cognition that constructs the perceptions in psychological contracts varies in different contexts (Brantley, 2009; Cassar & Briner,

2009; Mao & Liu, 2008) which suggests that the mental model concept and the psychological contract concept are closely related and might rationally and usefully be considered in unison. Perceptions and cognition of employment based mental models are both factors that shape the psychological contract and are perhaps shaped by it. The content of psychological contracts is likely to be shaped by factors that reflect context i.e. National cultural context being an obvious variable that is likely to have an impact.

Indeed Shen (2010) had argued that university academic’s psychological contract is in much need of research across different nations. Others note that perception of difference between key parts of the psychological contract such as promises and obligations depends on the social context and that social context varies across cultures and nations

(Cassar & Briner, 2009).

Rousseau (1989) reconceptualised psychological contracts as individual beliefs in reciprocal obligations between the individual and the organisation which are risen from exchange promises. However, there are debates suggesting that people perceive differently promises and obligations as one may perceive obligations more binding than promises or the opposite way (Cassar & Briner, 2009; Ellis, 2007; Koh, Ang, & Straub,

2004). For example, there is argued to be lack of clarity within studies actually differentiate the concepts well about understandings of the promises and reciprocal obligations within psychological contracts (Conway & Briner, 2005; Coyle-Shapiro &

Kessler, 2000; Guest, 1998; Sutton & Griffin, 2004). This difference is amplified in studies across different nations (Cassar & Briner, 2009).

With the importance of perception and context acknowledged in the literature on psychological contracts, this study seeks to directly account for both (i.e. the source of perceptions - mental models of employment - as well as the cultural and administrative context that shape those mental models at the outset). Therefore, this study sets a research objective as follows – Research Objective 1: To explore how work-related mental models of Indonesian academics shape their view of employment and psychological contracts.

Secondly, there is a debate surrounding the contents of psychological contracts, because some authors came up with different contents of psychological contracts in non-academic professions (Coyle-Shapiro & Kessler, 2003; de Jong, Schalk, & de

Cuyper, 2009; Grimmer & Oddy, 2007) and a need to explore academics’ psychological contract in different national settings has been called for (Shen, 2010; Tipples,

Krivokapic-Skoko & O’Neill, 2007). In addition, authors acknowledge that psychological contract is important in the study of employment relations because the psychological contract can fill the gap caused by the missing formal employment contract (Shore & Barksdale, 1998; Tsui & Wang, 2002). However there is no exploration of the psychological contract construct of Indonesian academics and therefore, this study can enrich the literature regarding Indonesian academics’ psychological contracts. Furthermore, insights into the applicability of extant theory in a previously underexplored context may provide epistemological contributions, in that assumptions and understanding about how psychological contracts function has been primarily established in Western contexts.

In addition, there is a lack of clarity in literatures surrounding who acts as the representative of the organisation because the meaning of a contract concept is a two- way reciprocal agreement and therefore cannot be considered in relation to only one

7 party (Guest, 1998; Herriot & Pemberton, 1997) and thus, it is argued that it must be an individual to be responsible for negotiating and maintaining the reciprocity exchange relationship (Conway & Briner, 2005; Guest, 2004). In addition, there is a lack of consistency in the literature because different studies revealed different parties as the representative. For instances, Tekleab and Taylor (2003) and Rousseau (2004) found that supervising manager or immediate supervisor is the most accurate direct representative of the organisation because employees will perceive their psychological contracts are breached by the organisation, if their immediate supervisor leaves the organisation. Other studies indicated managers or supervisors, in general, as the ones who are responsible for developing their employees’ commitment and trust to the organisation (Lester, Turnley, Bloodgood, & Bolino, 2002; Tansky & Cohen, 2001;

Whitener, Brodt, Korsgaard, & Werner, 1998). In light of the above, the second research objective is as follows – Research Objective 2: To explore Indonesian academics’ employment and their psychological contracts.

University system changes in Indonesia have caused the institutional instability which impacts mental models and changes individuals’ perceptions of their psychological contracts (Bellou, 2007; Grady, Magda, & Grady, 2011; Khalid &

Rehman, 2011), yet little empirical work has been conducted to explore the impacts of changes on the psychological contracts (Conway & Briner, 2005). In light of this, there is a need to explore if academics’ psychological contracts may have changed due to changing situations such as privatisation attempts in the Indonesia context (Shen, 2010;

Tipples et al, 2007). Related to the commentary presented above, this study sets a third research objective – Research Question 3: To explore how changes in the university context affect mental models of employment and psychological contracts.

Research Design

Chapter four discusses the research methodology, justification for the research paradigm selected, respondents, data collection and data analysis. As a key priority for this study is to apply a methodology that acknowledges context and the “actors” perception of the research phenomena of interest, a qualitative exploratory approach was most appropriate.

For data collection, in-depth semi-structured qualitative face-to-face individual interviews were conducted. In addition to the questioning of interviewees, drawings of academics’ perceptions or mental models of their employment and psychological contracts were requested, which is a technique used for cognitive mapping (Kurland &

Pea, 1985; Labedz & Lee, 2011; Panagiotaki, Nobes, & Potton, 2009); Vosniadou &

Brewer, 1994; Zhang, 2008a, 2008b). With these drawings and descriptions of their drawings, tacit perceptions could be codified for analysis. Analysis of organisational documents and field notes was also conducted (Ryan, 2012; Zhang, 2008a, 2008b).

The justifications for employing a qualitative approach are two-fold. Firstly, qualitative research is particularly useful in areas where little is known of the phenomenon under investigation. There is little understood in regard to the mental models of employment and psychological contracts in the context of Indonesian academics. Quantitative methods such as existing survey instruments were deemed inappropriate as they test extensive current understanding of a topic (O'Donohue, 2007).

Moreover, in relation to psychological contracts, Conway and Briner (2005) argue that questionnaire surveys have instrument biases in that they do not specify the time horizon from which the respondents recall events about fulfilment and breaches of their psychological contracts. Nor do surveys differentiate and uncover the meaning of explicit and implicit promises and identify clearly who is considered the employers

9 within the employment relationship. Secondly, qualitative methods enable the acquisition of in-depth and intimate information about academics as individuals, to investigate how and why they behave, think, and make meaning of their employment relationship as they do (Ambert, Adler, Adler, & Retzner, 1995) and to explore and interpret the individual’s perspective on their psychological contracts (O'Donohue,

2007) because every individual carries within their head a mental model of the world which is a subjective representation of external reality including psychological contracts

(Wilson & Rutherford, 1989). Thus, exploratory qualitative research was considered most appropriate.

The justification for the use of in-depth interviews is that they produce data of individual interpretations about their employment and the psychological contracts. It is important to account fully for the views of employees within organisational context as their psychological contracts are constructed individually (Conway & Briner, 2005;

Rousseau, 1989). Moreover, drawings are useful to elicit and illustrate structural aspect of people’s perceptions or mental models (Gray, 1990; Vosniadou & Brewer, 1994;

Zhang, 2008a, 2008b), to reveal the people’s mental images (Chiou, 2009) and to determine mental representations that relay on knowledge (Storey, Fracchia, & Muller,

1999). The combination of interview, drawings and document analysis was undertaken to achieve triangulation because the researcher can corroborate findings across data sets to reduce the impact of potential biases (Bowen, 2009) and may enhance the quality of analysis (Patton, 1999).

The approval of the Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC) was obtained from the University of Newcastle Australia. The consent and information forms for the interviews were translated from English to Bahasa Indonesia, verified by Konsulat

Jenderal Republik Indonesia (KJRI) or Consulate General of the Republic of Indonesia in Sydney, Australia.

This study interviewed in six universities which consists of three public and three private universities in Manado city, a province of North Sulawesi. Sampling staff at all levels forty seven (47) respondents were interviewed: two Rectors, one Vice

Rector, three Deans, two Vice Deans, two Directors, eight Heads of Departments

(Disciplines), five Heads of Study Programs, one Faculty Senate member, three

Secretary of Disciplines, one Secretary of Study Program, one Secretary of Vice Rector, seven Senior Lecturers, eight Lecturers and three part time lecturers.

The interview data were analysed by using content analysis and methods of inductive analysis in which themes were emerged from the data instead of searching for pre-determined patterns (Cin, 2013). Qualitative content analysis was also used to analyse text data in the form of drawings and documents such as manuals (Cin, 2013;

Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). Interview transcripts were identified and labelled into descriptive or interpretive codes. The codes were then revisited and developed into a listing of codes and themes. The respondents’ drawings and descriptions were also grouped into themes or categories (Zhang, 2008a, 2008b). Themes were examined in part by relating them back to the research questions and how they relate to each other with a view to revealing larger findings and to discover when more data analysis was needed (Hays & Singh, 2012). The major themes emerging in the data were highlighted in bold and italics in the findings chapters to improve readability. As summarised in the overview of the findings chapters that follows.

Mental Models of employment and the Psychological Contracts

Chapter five presents the themes emerging from the analysis of the data on how work related mental models shape employment and the psychological contracts. The findings demonstrate that academics’ mental models of employment and the psychological contracts were shaped by experience and longevity, cultural values, religion and education.

In summary, it is explained that, given that academics identified how their longevity in work experience, cultural values and religion influenced their mental models of psychological contract, the findings support the notion that mental models or cognitive schemas are socially established through experience, religion, socialisation, culture and professional education (Labedz & Lee, 2011; Werhane, 2008). It was found that the academics in this sample had a long working memory of the personal relationship and employment relationships with their supervisors. The influence of experience on cognitive schemas (or longevity of experience in this study) is recognised within the literature and was a strong feature of the data in this study.

The findings also demonstrated that cultural values of obedience shaped academics’ mental models of psychological contracts in two ways. Firstly, the cultural value of obedience was in the form of obedience to employers because it was a part of their cultural value to obey employers and or because the obedience to employers was instructed by regulations - TUPOKSI (government requirements on academic work).

That respondents consistently raised TUPOKSI as their explanation of factors that sharped their perception of employment and psychological contracts, indicated that they believed that it both influenced the content of their psychological contracts in their current work as well as acting as a more fundamental driver of perspectives in the profession (i.e. for all academics in Indonesia).

This chapter also reports that academics’ mental models, in relation to how they perceived their psychological contracts, are formulated through religion and beliefs in

God. Religious organisational values drove academics’ cognitive schemas of their employment relationship. Based on the evidenced in this chapter, mental models of work and the psychological contract is shaped strongly by a mutual understanding that employees and employers are there to “serve God”. Finally, the impact of education was discussed as a minor theme in the data.

Psychological Contracts

The next finding chapter in the thesis presents the findings relating to psychological contracts by exploring the contents of academics’ psychological contracts, with whom academics view they have their psychological contracts and why and the impact of change.

In summary it was found that, there is a significant impact of government legislation i.e. Pancasila and the work duties outlined in TUPOKSI. These legislated and explicit arrangements combined with long-term employment are the foundation of the relationship Indonesian academics identified as having with their employer. It was found that there is a belief in long-term employment from which numerous expectations emerge about the nature of the relationship between superior and subordinate.

In terms of the nature of the psychological contract, the interaction between the different elements of the psychological contracts and the expectations of reciprocity are outlined, noting that a complex mix of elements exists whereby relational elements of the psychological contracts exist within an institutional context that necessitates these relationships and where those relationships are leveraged to achieve transactional outcomes. Therefore, one of this chapter’s key findings is that, rather than observing a

13 clear distinction between relational and transactional elements or even their co-existence in what would be understood as hybrid contracts, the elements of psychological contracts of Indonesian academics are interrelated and interdependent. In other words, there is no such thing as a purely relational or transactional contract; nor is there evidence of hybridity as currently understood in the literature. Transactional outcomes are anticipated from seemingly relational contracts.

In terms of the content of the psychological contract, it is found that because of the longevity of the employment relationship, expectations arose about the nature of the relationship between employer and employee in that it should be considered to be one of friendship or partnership. The cultural and legal context also gives rise to a hierarchical employment relationship within which agreeableness and harmony are prized. Within this context various expectations in regard to exchanges between employer and employee emerged. Trust is expected to develop and was identified as a product of the longevity of the employment relationship but, more importantly, it is also created through long-term evidence of obedience to rules.

In terms of with whom the psychological contract is held a diversity of employer identities was revealed. However, more significant to our understanding of with whom the psychological contract is held, thematic analysis identified three primary reasons for choosing with whom psychological contracts are formed: (1) Hierarchical and/or decision-making power; (2) Friendship, and (3) Expertise.

Finally, this chapter also reported on how the university system changes may affect academics’ mental models of their psychological contracts. Findings demonstrate that the university system changes may not affect their employment relationships because of academics’ obedience to regulations, good relationships with their supervisors and their faculty’s ability to generate income. It was found that academics

14 believed that nothing would change as long as they continued to obey the rules and do their teaching. Management would take care of the changes and that they have faith and trust in their leaders.

Discussion, Implications and Conclusion

The final chapter outlines the discussion, implications and conclusion from this study through a discussion of its contributions. The limitations of the study are acknowledged at the outset.

The major limitations of this study are those common to qualitative studies, including an inability to statistically generalize the findings to the larger population, sample size, and the difficulties associated with data analysis and presentation.

Interviewing respondents though their second language was a challenge and the need to apply a methodology that acknowledged both context and process, while rewarding, was labour intensive and resource consuming. With more time and greater access to a broader sample the strength of generalisations to theory could be enhanced. The conceptual challenge of examining both the mental models of work (the source of them) and their impact on the psychological contract must also be acknowledged i.e. the likelihood of a strong correlation between the construct of ‘mental models of work’ and

‘psychological contract’ is acknowledged. However, beyond the obvious analytical challenge presented by the interrelatedness of these constructs, their joint examination in this study also represents a novel contribution. That respondents could articulate a distinction between factors that shape their mental models as well as the impacts on the employment relationship and psychological contracts at work, was a strong validation of the utility of exploring the impact of both in unison. Indeed one implication for future research is that scholars examining the nature and content of psychological contracts at

15 work should account for the influence of mental models shaped by a variety of factors outside the workplace in their study designs. Through its study design, this study provided new insights into two related fields of research - mental models and psychological contracts. A summary is provided here.

Firstly, in relation to the mental models research, while this study strongly supports the extant notion that mental models or cognitive schemas are socially established through experience, religion, socialisation, culture and educational upbringing (Labedz & Lee, 2011; Werhane, 2008), it also reveals that formal regulation in Indonesia has a considerable impact on thought process about ‘how things works’

(Johnson-Laird, 1986) in this developing country context. The implications for future research into mental models in developing country contexts are discussed, including the need for careful consideration by researchers of the formal manifestation of cultural values such as regulation. Going forward, researchers also need to carefully consider their epistemological assumptions about how mental models of work and psychological contracts function and indeed their content, since our understanding is currently based primarily on research in Western developed economies. The importance of this conclusion is exemplified in the findings relating to the interaction between the different elements of the psychological contract in Indonesia, whereby relational elements of the psychological contract exist within an institutional context that necessitates these relationships and where those relationships are leveraged to achieve transactional outcomes. This leads to the second clear scholarly contribution of this research.

Rather than observing a clear distinction between relational and transactional elements or even their co-existence in what would be understood as hybrid contracts, the elements of psychological contracts of Indonesian academics are interrelated and

16 interdependent consequent to cultural and contextual factors that are not accounted for in extant research.

Thirdly, this study contributes through its refinement of our understanding of the fulfilment of psychological contracts. Academics establish their psychological contracts with their supervisor whom they consider best positioned to fulfil the content of their psychological contracts and consider the supervisor (who can fulfil their psychological contracts) as the university’s representative, irrespective of the supervisor’s position in the hierarchy. This study clearly identifies that there should be an individual (as the organisation’s representative) to establish reciprocal relationship with employees and who is considered as the representative, since there is a lack of clarity and debate surrounding this in the literature (Conway & Briner, 2005; Guest, 1998, 2004; Herriot

& Pemberton, 1997).

A fourth clear contribution made in this study is the empirical contribution, in that it is the first study to explore the mental models of psychological contracts and the contents of academics’ psychological contracts in Indonesia. Exploring academics’ mental models of their psychological contracts and their contents can help policy makers understand sufficient reciprocity in academics’ employment relationships to increase their productivity and commitment which may improve Indonesian universities’ performances - a stated goal of the Indonesian government. The practical implications for Indonesian university managers are also palpable, in that this study provides new insights into the requirements (or lack thereof) of Indonesian employers to meet their commitments in the psychological contract with academics. For example, based on the evidence presented in this thesis it is concluded that cultural and contextual factors provide Indonesian employers with far less demanding employees than what might be expected in Western contexts. Furthermore, the regulatory context that

17 provides such explicit direction to Indonesian academics has practical implications for employers, in that they should be aware that this explicit regulatory context provides a framework for work in Indonesian universities, such that their role as employers in articulating a psychological contract beyond regulation is surprisingly limited. The implications for employment relations in Indonesian Universities are discussed further in the final conclusion.

Chapter two: Context

Introduction

This chapter presents contextual and institutional factors that may influence

Indonesian academics’ mental model of their employment and the psychological contracts. According to Rousseau and Fried (2001, p. 1), “Contextualization entails linking observations to a set of relevant facts, events, or points of view that make possible research and theory that form part of a larger whole”. Behavioural scientists have recognized the importance of effort devoted to understanding the dimensionality of contextual factors (such as region, culture and industry) that affect human behaviour

(Johns, 2006). How individuals experience, organize and perform their work are a complex function of a country’s distinct climate, economy, culture and so forth (Van De

Vliert & Van Yperen, 1996). Thus, it is necessary to describe the context of study in order to provide more accurate predictions of individuals’ behaviours across different nations, organisations and sectors (Di Tecco, 2012) and to concentrate on observing and explaining behaviour within the particular specified context (Roberts, Hulin, &

Rousseau, 1978).

This chapter will first describe the Indonesian context, particularly its higher education system including statistics, regulations and recent university system changes.

The chapter then provides a review of philosophies (including religion), statistics, regulations, pressures and changes that may influence Indonesian academics’ perceptions of their employment relationships. Thus, through the contextualisation of the study, it may be shown that these factors impact on Indonesian academics’ mental models of their employment and the psychological contracts with their universities.

Indonesia at a glance

Indonesia is an Asian country that for 350 years from 1596 was a Dutch colony before being colonised by the Japanese for approximately 3.5 years prior to the country’s independence on August 17, 1945. Indonesia has eight main islands

(Sumatera, Java, Kalimantan, Bali, Sulawesi, Maluku, Nusa Tenggara and Irian Jaya) and is divided into 33 provinces including the three special territories of Jakarta,

Yogyakarta and Aceh. Its surface area is 1,905 thousand square km with a total population of 248 million in 2013 (DFAT, 2014).

Figure 2.1 Map of Indonesia

Source: http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/middle_east_and_asia/indonesia_pol_2002.jpg

Due to its geographical position Indonesia became a meeting place for the world religions brought by traders, warriors, government officials and their clerical staff

(Chalmers, 2006), with the result that Indonesia now contains a mix of Buddhism,

Hinduism, Confucianism, Islam and Christianity (Ver Berkmoes, Atkinson, Brash, 20

Butler, Noble, Skolnick, Stewart, & Stiles, 2013). Islam, however, is the dominant religion with 87.2 % of its population being Islamic in 2012. As a consequence

Indonesia is the world’s largest Muslim country (Barton, 2001; DeSilver, 2013).

Politically, the Indonesian parliament consists of two houses: People’s

Deliberative Assembly or Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR) as the highest political body and People’s Representative Council or Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat

(DPR)(Chalmers, 2006). A governor and its own legislative body head each province

(Gouri, Cooper, & Spilling, 2012). However, Governor and local elites have been granted autonomy through decentralisation. B.J Habibie (a former Indonesian President) passed two laws regarding decentralisation or local autonomy: Law or Undang-Undang

(UU) Number 22 of 1999 and Number 25 of 1999. UU Number 22 of 1999 sets out that local government is responsible for the provision of education and agricultural development, cultural affairs, the environment, health, land and public works, while UU

Number 22 has authorised local government to generate their own revenue with new sources of regional revenue (Seymour & Turner, 2002). In other words, these laws have shifted functions and fiscal resources from central to local government by providing more fiscal resources for local government, including to manage and finance higher education institutions in each province (Kirana Jaya & Dick, 2001).

Indonesia’s economy has gone from being the world’s 27th largest economy in

2000 (nominal GDP) to 16th largest recently (Abdul-Latif Halimi, 2014). It has been resilient against the global financial crisis and continues to grow with macroeconomic stability (Warjiyo, 2013). This resilience is evidenced by economic growth in Indonesia slowing to zero during the Asian financial crisis between 1997-1999, but recovering to

4% in 2000 and has experienced steady growth since due to increased revenues from oil and timber during the Presidency of Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono (DFAT, 2014; Gouri

21 et al, 2012; Sugiyarto, 2014). However, Asian Development Bank (2014) reported that

Indonesia’s economy experienced slowdown in 2014, because of weakness in exports, particularly commodities, including deceleration in fixed investment and government spending. Its growth in GDP at 5.2% in the first half of the year was the slowest since

2009. Indonesian Government then has set up their policies to restrain domestic demand and to rein in inflation and the current account deficit to keep Indonesia’s economy subdued that year (Asian Development Bank, 2014).

Indonesian State Philosophy

Indonesian democracy is based on Pancasila or Five Principles as a way of life for its people. The five principles are (1) faith in God, (2) humanitarianism with respect to humankind as a whole, (3) nationalism and unity between its many ethnic populations, (4) government and (5) social justice (Ver Berkmoes et al, 2013).

Indonesian people are instructed in Pancasila in school, it is socially practiced and is implemented in government work and throughout people’s lives (Gouri et al, 2012).

Indonesians are instructed by Pancasila that they should possess religion, attain an agreement through a consensus (or musyawarah) and prioritize obligations more than rights (Giblin, 2003; Gouri et al, 2012; Tjarsono, 2013).

Figure 2.2 Pancasila and the Five Principles

Source:http://www.ipd.or.id/pancasila-the-key-to-the-national-consensus-in- indonesia.htm

As an important part of the Pancasila philosophy, religion is a cultural element that bridges both the regional and the national spheres and plays a role in the everyday life and traditional customs of the Indonesian people (Ver Berkmoes et al, 2013).

Religion is compulsory in the school curriculum and this status was reasserted in the

Education Law of 2003. The religious curriculum is designed to nurture the religious commitment of students and students are instructed that their religion is the only truth

(Raihani, 2013). It is obvious that Indonesian academics have been nurtured and reinforced with religious life since their childhood and in day to day life. Thus, this religion element may potentially shape their mental models of employment relationships. Research Question 1 is intended to explore how Indonesian academics’ mental models shape their employment including this religion factor.

In addition, most Indonesian children have been raised and educated within a cultural and social context of obedience in which they have been raised to listen and to abide by their elders’ commands and requests because elders are seen as wiser, more intelligent and experienced and thus command respect. Young people are instructed that they cannot express ideas that may contradict their parents’ (Zulkifar, 2013). These cultural values are reinforced in school where children are more likely to be knowledge receivers, not knowledge seekers. Children therefore hesitate to express their critical and or creative thinking, to ask questions or make comments to their teachers or about their teaching materials (Zulkifar, 2013).

Cultural and social contexts are situational factors that shape the very meaning that underlies organisational behaviour and attitudes including employment relationships (Johns, 2006). For instance, the culture of obedience in which Indonesian children are raised can translate into respect for employers where employees may not express ideas that contradict their employers’ ideas. In addition, employees may have also refrained from expressing their dissatisfactions regarding their employers’ decision and policy because they do not want to contradict their employers. Thus, work conflict between employee and employer in their employment relationship is less likely to occur under such circumstances, or at least it will be much less expressed.

Education in Indonesia

Indonesian education has been late to develop due to colonial neglect and poor economic performance during the first two decades of its independence in 1945 (Gouri et al, 2012; Hill & Wie, 2012). It had a very low primary school retention rate in 1960 with 68% of the population aged 15 years and over not completing their primary education. The average number of years of schooling at that time was only 1.6 (Hill &

Wie, 2013). Joko Widodo has been the country’s new president since October 20, 2014.

Under his presidency, three separate ministries are involved to oversee education in

Indonesia. Primary, junior and secondary schools are organised by the education ministry, whilst madrassas or Islamic schools are controlled by the religious-affairs ministry. The president has now made the ministry for research and technology responsible for universities and polytechnics (The Economist, 2014).

Consistent with the evidence of higher social rates of return to education in primary education, there was a striking rise in primary school enrolment due to the oil price increases during the 1970s and 1980s (Suryadarma & Jones, 2013). In addition, the school program of Instruksi Presiden (INPRES) or the Presidential Instruction

Block Grant, implemented in the 1970s, boosted the number of general primary schools across the nation (Raihani, 2013). Thus, Indonesian education enrolment has increased rapidly since 1970 with the most significant rises in primary and secondary education occurring between 1975 and 1985 (Hill & Wie, 2012, 2013).

The Indonesian Government has made consistent efforts to improve its education and made notable improvements by implementing a number of key policies and programs (Raihani, 2013; Suharti, 2013). In order to expand access and improve quality for basic education, Indonesia introduced a comprehensive package of education reforms over the last 15 years (Al-Samarrai, 2013). As a consequence, the numbers of schools have significantly increased, including an increase of 63% in public junior secondary schools (Suharti, 2013). There have also been improvements in educational attainment with the average number of years of schooling among the population aged 15 years and over increasing from 6.2 years in 1993 to 8.08 in 2012 with only 13.90% of the population aged 15 years and over in 2012 not completing their primary level education (Biro Pusat Statistik, 2012; Suharti, 2013). Underlying this improvement was

25 the legislating of six years compulsory education in 1984 which was increased to nine years in 1994 (Suharti, 2013).

There is a constitutional obligation on Government to spend at least 20 percent of the national budget on education overall (Al-Samarrai, 2013; Hill & Wie, 2012).

According to Bambang Brodjonegoro, the Minister of Finance, Indonesian government has proposed spending a total of Rp 408.5 trillion ($40.85 billion) on education in 2015 or 20.39 percent of the national budget. 37.8 percent of this total or Rp 154.3 trillion will be allocated in Federal Government Budget and 62.2 percent or Rp 254.2 trillion will be allocated in Local Government Budget (Beritasore, 2014). Despite this,

Indonesia’s public expenditure on higher education was only 0.3 percent of GDP in

2012 compared to other ASEAN countries such as Malaysia 1.7 percent, Vietnam 1.2 percent, Singapore 1.1 percent, Thailand 0.7 percent, Japan and South Korea 0.6 percent

(Hill & Wie, 2013). This limited investment has contributed to poorer quality of

Indonesian higher education.

Most of the growth of Indonesian universities has occurred in the last quarter of the twentieth century driven by several factors. The increased demand for higher education in the 1970s corresponded with Indonesia’s high economic growth due to an accelerating process of industrialisation in the export industry that led to increasing demand for skilled workers (Wicaksono & Friawan, 2011). In addition, there was an increase in the number of students graduating from primary and secondary schools as a result of increased commitment to education by the Indonesian Government (Hill &

Wie, 2013).

Tertiary institutions need autonomy and academic freedom to thrive

(Suryadarma & Jones, 2013) however, Indonesian Government policy continues to adopt a highly interventionist approach (Hill & Wie, 2013; Wicaksono & Friawan,

2011). Limited academic autonomy has created a lack of accountability and responsibility to society and has had an adverse impact on the quality and efficiency of tertiary education (Wicaksono & Friawan, 2011).

Types of Indonesian Higher Education

Indonesian higher education has a dual system: academic and vocational.

Academic programs consists of a four-year undergraduate degree (Bachelor or Strata 1), two-year master degree (Strata 2) and a three-year doctorate program (Strata 3), while vocational education offers training programs with a duration of study from one to four years (Wicaksono & Friawan, 2011).

The higher education sector in Indonesia was governed by the Ministry of

Education and Culture (MOEC) and the Ministry of Religious Affairs (MORA)

(Soejatminah, 2009; Wicaksono & Friawan, 2011). Under the new president, it is now governed by the Ministry for Research and Technology (The Economist, 2014). The mission of Indonesian higher education is regulated by UU Number 15 of 1961 and formulated into the Three Pillars of National Higher Education or Tri Dharma

Perguruan Tinggi, which are to learn, research and serve the community (Wicaksono &

Friawan, 2011).

Indonesian higher education is administered by the Indonesian Directorate

General of Higher Education (DGHE) or Direktorat Jenderal Pendidikan Tinggi

(DIKTI) (Wicaksono & Friawan, 2011). DIKTI was established in 1975 by the Ministry of National Education (MONE) to manage and coordinate Indonesian public and private universities in teaching, research and service to society, including student affairs. The

Ministry of National Education (MONE) changed into the Ministry of Education and

Culture (MOEC) from October 2011. DIKTI has been merged into the Ministry of

Research and Technology since October 2014 (Gabrillin, 2014). There were 120 public universities in 2014 (Fathia Nurul HAQ, 2014) and 2,882 private universities in 2013 across Indonesia (Sembiring, 2014). The number of academics employed in public and private universities in Indonesia was 174,875 in 2013 (KOPERTIS VII, 2013).

The enrolment rate in university education in 2009/2010 was 18.36% of the total population aged between 19 and 24 (25,366,600 people) (DEPDIKNAS PSP, 2010).

According to Sukermi, Special Staff of the Ministry of Education and Culture for Media

Communication Affairs, the total university student population in 2012 was 4,273,000 with an Indonesian government target of 30% gross average enrolment rate or

4,673,000 students by 2013 (JPNN, 2012). A program established by the Indonesian

Government in 2010 to increase the participation rate in university education is Mission

Viewfinder or Bidik Misi. The aim of this program is to support students with excellent academic achievement in high school but who cannot afford to pursue their tertiary education. Such students are granted waiver of tuition fees during their study in university and monetary allowances of 6 million rupiahs per semester (AUS 600)

(Prasetyo, 2014).

Indonesian Academics’ Career Advancement

Indonesian academics in public universities have a career trajectory covering multiple levels during their long life career as academics. In general, Indonesian academics’ career currently starts at Level 3 B and the highest level is Level 4 E. In accordance with regulation from the Minister of Empowerment of State Apparatus and

Bureaucratic Reform or Menteri Pendayagunaan Aparatur Negara dan Reformasi

Birokrasi Number 17 year 2013, Indonesian academics are eligible to have their career advancement level raised every 2 (two) years as long as they have fulfilled the required

28 credit points (Ministry of Empowerment of State Apparatus and Bureaucratic Reform,

2013). The cumulative credit points are attained from fulfilling their Tri Dharma activities: teaching, doing research and community service. The assessment of their career advancement level papers is evaluated by the Head of Department (Discipline) and approved by the Dean. Below is the table of Indonesian academics’ career level for their entire academic career life.

Table 2.1 Functional and Rank of Indonesian academics

No Functional Position Rank (Pangkat) Level Cumulative Credit (Jabatan Fungsional) (Golongan) Points (Angka Kredit Kumulatif) A Expert Assistant First Rank Junior Level 3 B 150 (Asisten Ahli) Seperintendant (Penata Muda Tingkat 1) B Lector (Lektor) Superintendant (Penata) Level 3 C 200 C Lector (Lektor) First Rank Level 3 D 300 Superintendant (Penata Tingkat 1) D Chief Lector (Lektor Administrator Level 4 A 400 Kepala) (Pembina) E Chief Lector (Lektor First Rank Level 4 B 550 Kepala) Administrator (Pembina Tingkat 1) F Chief Lector (Lektor Junior Administrator Level 4 C 700 Kepala) (Pembina Utama Muda) G Professor (Guru Middle Administrator Level 4 D 850 Besar) (Pembina Utama Madya) H Professor (Guru Senior Administrator Level 4 E 1050 Besar) (Pembina Utama) Source: http://fk.ub.ac.id/kepegawaian/en/kenaikan-pangkat-dosen-pns/definisi- kenaikan-jabatan-fungsional-dan-pangkat-dosen-pns-2/tabel-jabatan-fungsional- dan-pangkat-dosen-pns/

Apart from their roles as academics, Indonesian academics may also be positioned at different points in the hierarchy or organisational structure. The Dean is the highest management leader in the Faculty and elects his or her subordinate academics to be in supervisory positions such as Head of Discipline, Secretary of

Discipline, Head of Study Program and Secretary of Study Program. Academics may

29 also be elected as Dean, but they must meet the requirements and pass the process of

Dean’s election. For example, requirements to be Dean at University of Gajah Mada are

(1) must be a permanent academic staff, an Indonesian citizen and must hold the spirit of Pancasila, (2) mentally and physically healthy supported by a medical record statement, (3) holds a Doctoral degree from a recognizable university and accredited by

DIKTI, (4) must hold good morals, integrity and commitment, (5) possesses leaderships and managerial skills, (6) must have sufficient knowledge of higher education and managing a higher education institution, (7) has been positioned in any hierarchical organisational position for at least two years, (8) has never been convicted of any criminal offence, and (9) is under the age of 61 years (University of Gajah Mada, 2012).

The candidates for Dean are selected by academic staff, Rector and Faculty Senate

Members. The flowchart of electing the Dean is below (Figure 2.3).

Figure 2.3 Flowchart of the election of Dean

3 names of Dean List of Nominees General Election of Dean candidates by Candidate academic staff

Assessment and Election of Dean by Rector

1 (One) Name of Assessment of Dean Candidates by 2 names of Dean Elected Dean Faculty Senate Candidate Members

Source:http://www.itb.ac.id/focus/focus_file/Lampiran%20SK%20Rektor%20No%201 70,%20tentang%20Bagan%20Alir%20pemilihan%20Dekan.pdf

Indonesian Academics’ Main Tasks and Functions

All permanent Indonesian academics in public universities are government employees. Their first time appointment as government employees are officially and formally signed by the Indonesian Minister of National Education in the form of

Decision Deed of Government Employee Appointment or Surat Keputusan

Pengangkatan Pegawai Negeri Sipil (SK PNS). Under normal conditions, once academics are appointed as government employees, they will be government employees for life or until they retire. Being government employees, academics are bound by

Indonesian Government rules including their employment contracts. For instance, the salary of Indonesian academics as government employees is regulated by Indonesian

Government Rules of Peraturan Pemerintah (PP) No. 41 of 2009 and the qualification of

Indonesian academics is regulated by PP No. 19 of 2005 (DEPKEU, 2009).

Indonesian public universities can employ non-government employee academics and private universities can employ government employee academics. However, government employee academics must attain the approval from the Rector of their universities prior to their employment with private universities (Universitas Andalas,

2012). For non-government employee academics who are employed by public universities, their appointment is officially signed by the Rector and they have their employment contracts with their employing universities (Universitas Sebelas Maret,

2012). This is similar to academics in private universities who are appointed and employed by those private universities and therefore, their appointment is officially signed by the Rector and they have their employment contracts with those private universities. All these contracts are formal, legal and explicit contracts of employment contracts as per the laws of governments (Skinner, 1982). Legal contracts are enforceable in a court of law (Roehling & Boswell, 2004). There was 40.79 percent of

31 academics in public universities are non-government employees in 2005 (Madris,

2011). Those non-government employees have the same rights as government employees if they work 40 hours per week and or comply with their TRI DHARMA at least 12 SKS per semester (Maruli, 2013).

Indonesian academics have their Main and Functional Tasks or Tugas Pokok dan Fungsi (TUPOKSI). TUPOKSI is determined by each institution but based on regulations made by DIKTI. TUPOKSI differs depending on position. As a result of this regulation, Indonesian academics work and perform obviously under such obligations.

Therefore, their mental models of employment relationship are likely influenced by their TUPOKSI.

The Importance of universities and academics

East Asian societies have experienced some economic, social and political development through globalization and are attempting to restructure their higher education sectors in response to the need for global competence (Hok, 2008; Trumbach,

Hartman, & Lundberg, 2009). Social and economic development (in terms of productivity and economic growth) are driven by a need to create national wealth and employment in all industries through the development of a knowledge based economy

(Kefela, 2010; OECD, 1996).

The emergence of the knowledge based economy is identified through the increased dynamism of higher education (Paunica, Matac, & Manole, 2011) because knowledge based economies are measured by skill levels (Daniels, 2011). Human knowledge helps wealth creation by producing goods and services efficiently and effectively through available natural resources (Kefela, 2010) and the adoption and dissemination of new technologies (Summers, 2011). The development of such

32 knowledge is through sophisticated education at the undergraduate level and extending into graduate level education (Summers, 2011).

According to Subandi Sardjoko, Director of Education of National Planning and

Development or Badan Perencanaan dan Pembangunan Nasional (BAPPENAS) in

2013, the poor quality of Indonesian education reduces the country’s competitive ability among ASEAN countries (Beritasatu, 2013). He further specifically explained that

Indonesian human resources do not have a sufficiently wide range of skills, abilities and capabilities. It is therefore the task of Government and higher education institutions to educate and develop the Indonesian people into competitive and excellent human resources within the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC).

In Indonesia, universities are therefore seen as playing an important role in the country’s economic development. Some scholars have identified the functions of universities variously, such as education (Smenk, Teelken, Eisinga, & Doorewaard,

2009), provision of knowledge and skills (Reimers, 2009), development of students to be productive citizens (Yousuf, Imran, Sarwar, & Ranjha, 2011) and preparation of students for their occupational future (Grande & Simons, 1967). Broadly speaking, education is very important for economic development (Sukirno & Siengthai, 2011;

Yusuf & Mukhtar, 2011) as it enhances economic competitiveness and supports national economic continuance through education (Harley, Muller-Camen, & Collin,

2004; Hsuan & Fang, 2011). It is not only through the taught curriculum, however, that universities contribute to economic and social development, but also by university leaders and academics producing research that addresses the needs of regional and local economies, and transferring the resultant knowledge to the community for the benefit of community life (Biedenkopf, 2009; Harley et al, 2004; Smenk et al, 2009; Trumbach et al, 2009).

In common with their counterparts worldwide, Indonesian academics are evaluated by their research, teaching and service to obtain tenure and promotion

(Kremer, 1990; Park, 1996). The most important determinant of quality education is the quality of academics and their performance (Adriaenssens, De Prins, & Vloeberghs,

2006; Hill, Lomas, & MacGregor, 2003).

Problems and efforts to improve the Indonesian Higher Education

According to the Quacquarelli Symonds (QS) index, Indonesian universities rank poorly by world standards. The University of Indonesia (UI) and The University of

Gajah Mada (UGM) as the two highest ranked universities in Indonesia did not rank in the top 3000 globally in 2013 and actually declined compared to their 2012 positions

(Quacquarelli Symonds Index, 2012, 2013). No Indonesian university was ranked in the

Shanghai Jiao Tong 500 Universities 2010 or the Times Higher Education Index 2011 and 2012 (Shanghai Jiao Tang University, 2010; Times Higher Education, 2010).

In 2009, a report prepared for the United States Agency for International

Development (USAID) identified that Indonesian education is of low quality and represents a development constraint (ADB, 2009; Evans, Flora, Goodpastor, Shepherd,

& Tolo, 2009). The poor quality of education is a contributing factor in Indonesia’s

Human Development Index (HDI) ranking of 121. HDI is an index used to measure economic and social development. Its indicators are life expectancy, educational attainment and income (UNDP, 2013a). Indonesia’s ranking is lower than neighbouring countries including Singapore, 18; Brunei Darussalam, 30; Malaysia, 64; Thailand, 103; and the Philippines, 114 (UNDP, 2013b).

The poorer quality of education in Indonesia compared to neighbouring countries is a complex issue with a number of contributing factors including the limited

34 qualifications held by teachers and lecturers, lack of education facilities (such as up-to- date library books and laboratory facilities), low salaries of teachers and lecturers, low achievement of students, and increasing tuition fees (Ramadhan, 2013; Wicaksono &

Friawan, 2011). Only 5.2% of Indonesian academics have Doctorates and 32.8% and

62% of Indonesian academics respectively have Masters Degrees and Bachelor Degrees as their highest qualification (Arisbudi, 2011). As a response to low wages, many

Indonesian academics have jobs outside their universities and therefore have considerable workloads (Ramadhan, 2013; Setiawati, 2009).

Most Indonesian academics have poor English language skills, insufficient access to research funding, poor academic support facilities (Idrus, 1999; Lisnayetti,

2006), a lack of information communication technology (ICT) skill and infrastructure

(Gultom, 2005; Marginson & Sawir, 2005) and contend with poor internet speed connection in Indonesia which is the slowest in the Asia Pacific region (Deliusno,

2012).

The research publication record of Indonesian academics is also low, with less than 10% of Indonesian academics (12,000 out of about 150,000) having undertaken research (DIKTI, 2011b). Indonesian academics’ social science research publication

(based in country) was approximately 12% for the period 1956-2011, the lowest percentage compared to the seven major developing countries - e.g. China (21%) and

India (25%) (Hill & Wie, 2012). This poor research outcome may be ascribed to a lack of funding for research (Lisnayetti, 2006). Obtaining non-government funding is now becoming a significant challenge for universities worldwide, due to declining government funding and increasing competition to win funding as the numbers of universities increase (Hsuan & Fang, 2011). One source of non-government funding in

Indonesia is The Sumitomo Foundation (Japan) which, since 1991, has offered research

35 funding to academics at the University of Padjajaran (UNPAD) in Bandung. To date, only seven academics have applied for research funding from this source, and none have been successful in obtaining funding (Maulana, 2013).

One explanation for this poor result is that Indonesian academics have low motivation to do research (Harahap, 1999; Puspita, 2013; Sidik, 2011) because they spend too much time teaching (Sidik, 2011). These poor research outcomes have implications for the quality of teaching because it is generally recognised that quality research universities are also the best teaching universities because academics can use their research to teach and teaching can strengthen researchers’ ability ‘to expound and clarify their thinking’ (uz Zaman, 2004, p. 9).

To overcome this problem, it is an obligation now for Indonesian academics to produce at least one research publication outcome per year and the research must be presented to a national or international research forum to obtain reviews and suggestions for further development of the research (DIKTI, 2011a; Fadhil, 2013). To support this, the Indonesian Government has provided competitive research funding to academics since 1989 and the Indonesian Government recently increased the budget for

Indonesian public universities from IDR 2.7 billion (AU$ 270 million) in 2013 to IDR

3.2 billion (AUS 320 million) in 2014 to finance Indonesian academics’ research and other operational expenses within universities (DIKTI, 2013a; Sumantri, 2014). This increase in expenditure for education has taken place despite the Indonesian

Government’s budget deficit of 1.69% of GDP or IDR 175.3 billion (AU$ 17.53 billion)

(DEPKEU, 2012; Perwitasari, 2014; World Bank, 2011). The system has, however, been rorted by academics who have plagiarised others’ works (Suara Pembaruan, 2013).

Since 1976, the Indonesian Government has offered postgraduate scholarships to study in Indonesian universities (DIKTI, 2013b). Approximately 29,632 academics

36 have studied Master and Doctorate degrees in Indonesian universities as of 2012

(Hamid, 2013). The higher number of academics who have studied in Indonesian universities may, however, be problematic. Because Indonesian universities rank so poorly, the quality of education for those academics may also be poor with the result that this may exacerbate and perpetuate the problem of low quality education in

Indonesian universities.

To improve the educational qualifications of academics, in 2008 the Indonesian

Government introduced postgraduate scholarships to allow academics to study abroad.

As of 2012, 3,803 academics have studied Master and Doctorate degrees in 27 countries worldwide (DIKTI, 2013b). A study by Novera (2004) that explored Indonesian postgraduate students in Australia found that Indonesian postgraduate students experienced (1) difficulties with English as it is not taught sufficiently in Indonesian education (2) difficulties in learning different styles of writing and modifying their own approach to meet Australian university requirements.

As a consequence of the continuous effort of the Indonesian Government to improve the poor quality of Indonesian universities, Indonesian academics are currently being called on by their Government to improve the quality not only of teaching, researching and serving society, but also to improve their verbal and non-verbal communication skills, develop better ICT skills, develop wider networking, and become more outward looking (DIKTI, 2010; Rachman, 2003).

The information provided in this section suggests that Indonesian academics work in significantly constrained circumstances. Indonesia therefore provides a very different context in which to explore employment relationships. In addition, Indonesia’s culture and state philosophy create a distinctive environment in which to examine the mental models of psychological contracts of academics. The performance pressures,

37 particularly demands for skill development in a resource poor environment, are likely to place significant pressure on Indonesian academics. Therefore, there is an importance of understanding Indonesian academics’ mental models of their psychological contracts to provide a practical reason for this study so that academics can be more appropriately managed, be more motivated and potentially perform better (Holland, Hecker, & Steen,

2002; Rousseau, 1995b; Westerman & Yamamura, 2007). By understanding academics’ mental models of their psychological contracts, this study may provide sufficient knowledge to their employers to better manage and motivate their employees. Research

Question 2 is aimed to explore Indonesian academics’ mental models of psychological contracts and their contents.

University system changes

As a part of a raft of economic reforms, the Indonesian Government sought to liberalize the national economy between the mid-1980s to 1990s, however, it was the financial crisis in 1997 that forced the Indonesian Government to further delegate and liberalize the national economy, including attempts to widely privatize universities

(Mallarangeng, 2002; Tambunan, 1998). Moreover, following a US$42 billion bailout by the International Monetary Funds (IMF) pressure was brought on the Indonesian

Government to implement such changes based on a Memorandum of Economic and

Financial Policies (MEFP) signed on October 31, 1997 between the Indonesian

Government and the IMF (Djiwandono, 2000; Lau & McInish, 2003). It was believed that privatization would improve the efficiency and productivity of the university sector, reduce subsidies from government and generate tax revenue for the government. The

Indonesian Government commenced the privatization of public universities in 1999, beginning by changing the status of Public Universities (PU) to State-owned Legal

Entities (SHE) (Wicaksono & Friawan, 2011). The transition was to occur over the period 2000 to 2013 with all public universities becoming SHE-PU by 2013. Being

SHE was proposed to result in public universities having more autonomy in their human resource recruitment, financial management, infrastructure management, and decision making (Yulida, 2010). Universities were to remain non-profit entities and their focus on improving accountability, transparency, and quality assurance was to continue

(Kusumawati, 2010). SHE forced public universities to finance more of their own operational expenditures from sources other than the Indonesian Government. As a result, tuition fees increased and tuition fees at SHE-PU became more expensive than most existing private universities (Susanti, 2011; Wicaksono & Friawan, 2011).

Due to public protest and criticism from educational experts and practitioners, students, and students’ parents, SHEs were subsequently cancelled in March 31, 2010 after referral to the Constitutional High Court of the Republic of Indonesia (Anjarsari,

2009; Tarigan, 2013). At the time, only seven public universities had reformed under the SHE system: the University of Indonesia (UI), the University of Gajah Mada

(UGM), Bandung Technology Institute (IPB), Bogor Agricultural Institute (IPB), the

University of North Sumatera (USU), the Indonesian Education University (UPI) and the University of Airlangga (UNAIR) (Tarigan, 2013). Specifically, the court identified that SHE was in conflict with Article 31 of the 1945 Constitution or Undang Undang

Dasar (UUD) 1945 which states that every citizen of Indonesia has the right to education and that the government shall allocate 20% of its state and regional budget for education (Kuswanto, 2012; Ramadhan, 2013). As a result the regulation of the management and operation of public universities reverted back to conform with

Government Rules No. 17 and 66 of 2010. These rules require public universities to allocate 20% of their total new students places for potential students who would not

39 normally be able to afford to attend university and that the Indonesian Central

Government and Local Government finance a certain percentage of public universities’ expenditures (Susanti, 2011).

On July 13, 2012, following significant parliamentary debate, the Indonesian

Government officially determined a new law or Undang Undang (UU) no. 12 of 2012 for Indonesian Higher Education and the status of public universities have become

General Service Entities or Badan Layanan Umum (BLU) (DIKTI, 2012b; Tarigan,

2013). According to the Minister of Education and Culture, this rule requires the

Indonesian Government along with Local Government to finance public universities, therefore public universities will not be commercialized and students’ parents can pay their children’s tuition fees based on their financial capability (DIKTI, 2012a, 2012b).

In light of the above this is a somewhat dynamic time to study Indonesian

Universities and Indonesian academics as the government, institutions and individuals grapple with change or the prospect of it. The latter perhaps reflects the extant reality as so few universities have taken up this change to date. In addition, organisational change and change is often perceived by employees as threatening, due to their feeling of vulnerability and fear of losing security. Thus, there is a potential importance of this study in assessing and redefining employees’ psychological contracts during and after the changes in order to reach both the desired organisational outcomes and employee job satisfaction. Research Question 3 is aimed to explore how changes in the university system context affect Indonesian academics’ mental models and psychological contracts.

Conclusion

Indonesians are instructed by Pancasila that they should possess religion, attain an agreement through consensus (or musyawarah) and prioritize obligations more than rights. The Pancasila philosophy is a cultural element that bridges both the regional and the national and thus plays a role in the everyday life of Indonesians and the philosophy reflects traditional customs. Most Indonesian children are raised and educated to listen and to abide by their elders’ commands and requests, they must respect and are not permitted to express their ideas that may contradict to their parents’ ideas. Given the explicit meaning placed on obligations, religious belief, cultural and social contexts,

Indonesia provides a different context in which to explore employment relationships and the understanding of obligations within psychological contracts.

Within education, Indonesian universities do not rank well by world standards.

The causes of this poor quality of university education are complex. The Indonesian

Government has consistently made an effort by calling on Indonesian academics to improve the quality of teaching, researching and serving society, their verbal and non- verbal communication skills, develop better ICT skills, develop wider networking, and become more outward looking. These demands for skill development in a resource-poor work environment places significant pressure on Indonesian academics.

Indonesian universities have also previously experienced several changes as a part of privatisation attempts resulting in significant uncertainty in the environment and management universities. These policy changes have resulted in significant uncertainty in the environment and management of universities (Tarigan, 2013). Institutional instability is a factor that impacts mental models and changes individuals’ perceptions of their psychological contracts (Bellou, 2007; Grady et al, 2011; Khalid & Rehman,

2011). Indonesian universities therefore provide a good context in which to explore the

41 impact of change on employment relationships. By exploring the mental models and psychological contracts of Indonesian academics this study may offer a useful way for university leaders to understand and manage the impacts of changes and potentially create better workplace relations (Tipples et al, 2007).

Chapter three: Literature Review

Introduction

The purpose of this thesis is to explore the Indonesian academics’ mental models of their employment and the psychological contracts within Indonesian universities in Manado city, North Sulawesi. To explore this relationship, this chapter reviews the relevant theories and research on mental models and psychological contracts and examines the links between mental models and psychological contracts.

The chapter justifies the choice of context in studying the mental models of employment and psychological contracts of Indonesian academics.

Conceptualising Mental Models

The concept of mental models is useful within this research as it provides a way of understanding how mental models shape psychological contracts within the employment relationship. Mental models, introduced by Forrester in 1961, are perceptions held by individuals of any given situation (Chermack, 2003).

According to Chermack (2003, p. 410) mental models are:

the lenses through which we see the world’. They embody ‘how individuals see the world, how individuals know and think about the world and how individuals act in the world’.

Senge (1990, p. 8) stated that mental models are:

deeply ingrained assumptions, generalizations, or even pictures or images that influence how we understand the world and how we take action. Very often, we are not consciously aware of our mental models or the effects they have on our behaviour.

Jih & Reeves (1992, p. 39) defined mental model theory as:

an attempt to model and explain human understanding of objects and phenomena during learning (and other activities).

An individual’s mental models relate to perceptions and are subjective since different people have different perceptions (Mao & Liu, 2008). Individuals must process an enormous amount of complex information and mental models are the means by which humans make sense of and perceive the world (Johnson-Laird, 1983a). Mental models are about the mental frameworks people use for strategic thinking (Malan,

Erwee, & Rose, 2009).

The importance of mental models is that individuals’ beliefs within mental models can lead them to estimate and manage their complex environments to fit a given situation. It is because these mental models have ‘a value and reality all their own’, that they drive individuals’ expectations, preferences and reasoning within their interactions

(Westbrook, 2006, p. 564). Johnson-Laird (1983b, p. 397) emphasised that mental models play important roles in ‘representing objects, state of affairs, sequences of events, the way the world is, and the social and psychological actions of daily life’. The nature of mental models is to allow individuals to make conclusions and assumptions, to know and understand phenomena and events, to make decisions, to choose what action, to take and to control its implementation and to encounter activities (Borges & Gilbert,

1999). For example, Bazerman (1994, cited inChermack, 2003, p. 414) proposed the process of decision making in general which is ‘define the problem, identify the criteria or objective of the decision, weight or prioritize the criteria of decision, generate alternative courses of action to solve problem, evaluate the alternative on each criterion or objective and compute the optimal decision’. It is clear that mental models help with decision making by influencing individuals to see, think and act in the world

(Chermack, 2003).

An individual’s mental models can change over time (Hill & Levenhagen, 1995;

Werhane, 2008) because of changes in the environment within which individuals

44 interact (Barr, Stimpert, & Huff, 1992). Mental models influence experience and are also influenced by experience (Chermack, 2003). Rousseau (2001) indicated that past experience can change individuals’ mental models. As well as experience, Werhane

(2008) and Labedz and Lee (2011) found that mental models, in which individuals perceive, organise and learn, are also socially established through religion, socialisation, culture, and educational upbringing; or information exchanges and professional education. Ntuen (2006) stated that human cognitive abilities (the way people think and behave) are directed to social life where social life is richly cultural and these abilities cover many knowledge dimensions that moderate human behaviours.

Mental models are changed and revised in the process of continuous learning experience in life (Chermack, 2003; Werhane, 2008). Human learning is said to be influenced by three sets of factors: personality factors (knowledge and experience), affective factors (motivation and attitudes) and physiological factors (ability to control hand movement by vision and ability to distinguish fine details) (Jih & Reeves, 1992).

The contents of mental models can be cognitive maps that are created by individuals when interacting with situations and take actions toward those situations

(Chermack, 2003; Labedz & Lee, 2011). Discussion on mental models related to cognitive mapping is presented later in this chapter. The discussion is considered important for this study because it can lead to the understanding of the linkage between mental models and psychological contracts.

There are three lenses through which to analyse and represent mental models:

‘the relationship between mental models and language, the relationship between words and meaning and the nature of social knowledge or shared meaning’(Carley &

Palmquist, 1992, p. 602). Mental models use language to represent and express how

45 individuals perceive and conceive their activities in their relation to the world (Johnson-

Laird, 1983b).

Details of the world are complex and human minds cannot carry all; there are images, assumptions and stories saved in human minds that are bound by mental models. Mental models then can be as simple as generalizations and lower than the level of awareness (Senge, 2007).

Individuals’ perceptions related to their self-perceptions are important in shaping their ethical behaviour and their readiness for learning, training and attaining progress

(Morgan, 1993). Studies on the mental models of professionals indicate that perceptions are products of mental models possessed by individuals to act and that these vary among professions. For example, the mental models of Human Resource professionals are formed in conjunction with strategy formulation to lead HR’s professionals’ strategic contributions. These mental models are developed through experience and education (Labedz & Lee, 2011). Mental models for teacher education students formed through new perspectives on theories of ‘practice relationships, professional collaboration, critical thinking, self-directed learning and knowledge building’ and developed through problem based learning experience (Askell-Williams, Murray-

Harvey, & Lawson, 2007, p. 259). For school principals, on the other hand, new mental models needed to be established to address changes in principals’ roles, knowledge base and responsibilities for innovating educational processes (Lawson, 1999).

As people will hold and value mental models as the beliefs that lead them towards their actions, mental models will influence the way people understand their own life activities (Jih & Reeves, 1992), including their perceptions of the employment relationship (Kase & Zupan, 2007). In a very different working environment such as that encountered by Indonesian academics (as discussed in the previous chapter), where

46 it is important to understand the nature of employment and psychological contracts, it is also important to understand the fundamental factors of those contracts; the mental models of the individuals that shape and form people’s psychological contracts within the employment relationship. This provides justification to explore the mental models of

Indonesian academics.

Mental Models and Cognitive Mapping

Mental models and cognitive mapping are often used interchangeably (Spicer,

1998), however, some scholars have defined them separately. Chaney (2010, p. 94) defined cognitive mapping as ‘a methodological tool which enables us to comprehend the mental representations of a given individual at a particular moment in time”.

The relation between mental models and cognitive mapping is that mental models are ‘cognitive representations or constructs of situations that may be real, imagined, or hypothetical’ and cognitive mapping is a method for those examining mental models (Glick et al, 2012, p. 488). Spicer (1998) emphasized that mental models are a conceptual construct and represented as a cognitive map. An analysis based on cognitive maps can help to understand the process of structuring or restructuring the mental model (Nassreddine & Anis, 2012) and allow the researcher to attain, draw, analyse and compare mental models (Spicer, 1998). Moreover, this relationship is supported scientifically by cognitive scientists as they believe that the human brain constructs mental models as discussed earlier in which the human brain is utilized ‘to handle new, unfamiliar or complicated situations or problems’ (Montante, 2006, p. 39) .

As described earlier, mental models are individually constructed and represented as cognitive maps, therefore every individual’s mental model is just one of a number of possible mental models and ‘the cognitive map is only one of a number of possible

47 cognitive maps that could represent the mental model, which in turn, is only one of a number of possible mental models’ (Spicer, 1998, p. 128). As a cognitive product, mental models can be presented as a drawing (Chaney, 2010; Labedz & Lee, 2011;

Spicer, 1998) in which drawings can provide evidence of individuals’ mental images

(Chiou, 2009).

Linking Mental Models and Psychological Contracts

Put simply, mental models are a framework for individuals to understand the world (Senge, 1990) to determine what individuals perceive and how they react based on their knowledge, beliefs, values, experience and norms (Barker et al, 1998; Marcum,

2009; Pugh et al, 2003; Zhao & Parry, 2012). Therefore, mental models impact all the different parts of individuals’ lives including their working life (Eckert & Bell, 2005;

Glick et al, 2012).

Psychological contracts are perceptions of mutual obligations between employees and employers in which exchanges within the employment relationship are anticipated (Rousseau & Tijoriwala, 1998). Psychological contracts are formed by people’s mental models of their employment relationship or the formation of psychological contracts are affected by cognitive styles (Rousseau, 1995a, 2001).

Therefore, individuals interpret their psychological contracts discretely and their psychological contracts are constructed individually (Conway & Briner, 2005).

A number of studies have evidenced this finding. For instance, a study by Coyle-

Shapiro and Kessler (2002) found, consistent with existing empirical evidence, that in order to reciprocate perceived employer fulfilment obligations, employees cognitively adjust their obligations to the employer and fulfil those obligations. Similar to this,

Morrison and Robinson (1997) and Pugh et al, (2003) also indicated that employees’

48 perceptions of psychological contract breach or violation were the result of their cognitive assessment that their employer failed to provide to them what they had been promised. In relation to psychological attachment, Ng, Butts, Vanderberg, De Joy &

Wilson (2006) said that the cognitive effects of interdependent tasks, common goals and organisational symbols more likely influence employees to see themselves and their organisation as ‘one’.

However, to our knowledge, there is not any research on academics’ mental models of psychological contracts. This study is intended to fill these gaps and Research

Question 1 is set to explore academics’ mental models of psychological contracts.

Conceptualising Psychological Contracts

In 1960, Argyris used the term ‘psychological work contract’ to explain the relationship of a group of employees with their foreman (Argyris, 1960). The study found that the foreman managed the employees so that they behaved in the desired manner by guaranteeing and respecting the informal employee culture. Levinson, Price,

Munden, Mandl and Solley (1962) discussed the concept of the psychological contract and posited that the components of it are the mutual expectations between employees and their employer. Employees’ expectations refer to job satisfaction achieved through practicing their specific skills, attaining good social relations in the work place, job security and economic rewards, while employers’ expectations are that employees should work so as to maintain cost efficiency, upgrade their skills to be positioned at supervisory level and demonstrate their flexibility to dedicate themselves to the company. Schein (1965) emphasized that both employees’ and employers’ expectations involved not only how much work should be performed in exchange for a determined

49 amount of money, but also included rights, privileges and obligations between employees and their employer.

Rousseau’s (1989) ground breaking work on the psychological contract contributed significantly to current understanding of the concept and has been widely accepted in both academic and practitioner literatures (Bankins, 2011; Roehling, 2008;

Roehling, Cavanaugh, Moynihan, & Boswell, 1998). Rousseau’s reconceptualisation identified psychological contracts as individuals’ beliefs of an exchange agreement between them and their organisation. It marks a shift in emphasis from expectations to promises and obligations. Rousseau discussed two types of promises: explicit (verbal or written and therefore obvious) and implicit promises that are said to arise out of repeated behaviours over time. Obligations arise through a party’s contributions and actions leading to a requirement for reciprocity on the part of the other party. The norm of reciprocity is an explanatory mechanism for understanding the employment relationship (Hu, Tetrick, & Shore, 2011; Shore & Tetrick, 1994). Hu, Tetrick and

Shore (2011) defined employee’s and employer’s perceptions of promises and obligations in the typical employment relationship as being that employers provide money and other compensation along with job security and training in exchange for employee’s time, expertise and effort. Tekleab and Taylor (2003) argued that a quality relationship between employers and employees needs to exist in which there is a high level of communication about reciprocal promises and obligations so as to enhance the level of agreement on these promises and obligations. The better the quality of the employer-employee relationship, the better information that is shared on reciprocal promises and obligations and the less likely violations of the psychological contract will occur. Coyle-Shapiro and Kessler (2000) emphasized that disagreement may occur when employers and employees have different understandings of the promises made

50 and reciprocal obligations between them. The existence of good relationships is crucial to a good work environment (Herrington, Scott, & Johnson, 2005), thus it is important to understand what is understood by promises and obligations. Whilst there has been significant literature and research about promises and obligations, few studies actually differentiate the concepts well (Conway & Briner, 2005; Guest, 1998; Sutton & Griffin,

2004). Thus, there is a need to explore promises and obligations that form the building blocks of psychological contracts so as to improve understanding of the concepts

(Cassar & Briner, 2009).

Whilst other research predominantly discussed promises and obligations in psychological contracts, Atkinson (2007) argued that trust is also fundamental to the psychological contract. Trust is considered as a general positive attitude and can influence one’s interpretation of social behaviours within an employment relationship

(Robinson, 1996). Trust creates cooperative behaviour and reduces harmful conflict within an employment relationship (Rousseau, Sitkin, Burt, & Camerer, 1998). Trust influences significantly the experience of psychological contract breach (Robinson,

1996). Failure to fulfil reciprocal obligations creates violations or breaches. Fulfilment of psychological contract can be regarded as a hygiene factor or motivating factor (Li,

Zhang, Restubog, & Huang, 2012). Breaches of psychological contracts occur when an individual believes that the organisation or employee has failed to respond to one’s contribution in the exchange relationship within the psychological contract (Rousseau,

1989). Common reactions when the psychological contract is violated are employee’s negative work attitude and behaviour (DelCampo, 2007; Morrison & Robinson, 1997) and often departure from the organisation (Turnley & Feldman, 1999). Where psychological contracts are based on trust, violation may lead to emotional reactions and feelings of betrayal (Robinson & Rousseau, 1994). Further, trust in the development

51 of the psychological contract is argued to be under-explored (Robinson, 1996) and there are few studies about what causes employers to behave in a way so as to build trust with their employees (Whitener et al, 1998).

Related to the commentary presented above, this study is intended to fill these gaps by exploring the perceptions of trust, promises and obligations and differences between promises and obligations, if any, within psychological contracts. Specifically, it is aimed to explore mental models that form the building concepts and understandings of trust, promises and obligations in psychological contract. In light of this, Research

Question 2 is set to explore the objectives.

The perceived obligations and promises of each party to the other are formed as the contents of the psychological contracts (Herriot, Manning, & Kidd, 1997). Rousseau

& Tijoriwala (1998) differentiated the contents of psychological contracts into transactional, relational and hybrid or balanced. Neil and Schalk (1998) argued that it is very worthwhile to know about the content of the psychological contracts in order to know the specific needs and thus specific psychological contracts of employees. The content of psychological contracts differ in terms of organisational roles, organisations and national culture (Rousseau & Tijoriwala, 1998) and are specific to a time and a person, even in the same organisation (Smithson & Lewis, 2000). Moreover, literature and research are still lacking about the contents of psychological contracts because they could contain thousands of different items (Neil & Schalk, 1998). Currently, little is known about the content of university academics’ psychological contracts and their fulfilment (Shen, 2010).

Related to the commentary presented above, this study is intended to fill these gaps by exploring the content of Indonesian academics’ psychological contracts and

52 their fulfilment. In light of this, this study sets Research Question 2 in order to explore such objectives.

As described earlier, Rousseau reconceptualised psychological contracts as individuals’ beliefs of an exchange agreement between them and their organisation

(Rousseau, 1989). An underlining factor for the interest in the psychological contract is the search for better and new ways of managing employment relations to meet the needs and interests of both employees and employers (Dadi, 2012). Workers are more likely to conceptualise their employment relationship with specific organisation members (Hui,

Lee, & Rousseau, 2004) and numerous individuals can act as organisational agents or representatives (Turnley & Feldman, 1999). It is important to know who organisational members consider as the organisational representative or employer with whom they hold their psychological contracts. The importance of identifying the organisation’s representative is that employers may make promises about what employees can expect to receive from the organisation and that person forms the target of employees’ reciprocation (Morgan & King, 2012; Turnley & Feldman, 1999). Further, the perceived employer may not be the same in the minds of all employees. The reciprocity that operates between the employee and the organisational representative involved is underexplored (Coyle-Shapiro & Shore, 2007).

Organisational change may influence significantly employees’ psychological contracts (Maguire, 2002). As employees experience the changing working environment conditions and gain experience in their working life, they are more likely to reassess and reconsider their obligations and their employers’ obligations as well (Robinson, 1996;

Rousseau & McLean Parks, 1993). Psychological contract breach is more likely created by organisational change (Cassar, 2001; O'Donnell & Shields, 2002; Robinson, 1996).

The psychological contract framework can be deepened by enlarging it to accommodate

53 more various work relationships, including the impact of organisational change into work relationships (McLean Parks, Kidder, & Gallagher, 1998).

Individuals form psychological contracts thus there are as many possibilities for different contracts as there are employees and matched organisational representatives.

That said, however, research has shown that different groups of employees with different psychological contract perceptions and evaluations can be identified

(Conway& Briner, 2002; Coyle-Shapiro & Kessler, 2002). Considering this and further,

McCourt & Eldridge (2003) identified that management concepts applicable in developed, western economies need to be tested and assessed critically in other settings, as well Shen (2010) indicated that more understanding of university academic’s psychological contract is needed to be researched across nations. An exploration of the psychological contract construct in Indonesian academics provides such an opportunity.

To date research has been conducted on psychological contracts in universities in several national contexts (see, for example, Abdullah, Hamzah, Arshad, Mat Isa &

Ghani, 2011; Aydin, Yilmaz, Memduhoglu, Oguz & Gungor, 2008; Dabos & Rousseau,

2004; Krivokapic-Skoko, O’Neill, & Dowell, 2009; O’Neill, Krivokapic-Skoko, &

Dowell, 2010; Shen, 2010; Tipples et al, 2007). Abdullah et al (2011) and Dabos and

Rousseau (2004) emphasized that mutuality and reciprocity should exist where employees and employers have the same beliefs and understanding of their exchange obligations, so there will be beneficial outcomes for both in their employment relationship. Tipples et al (2007) found that academics’ psychological contracts are formed by professional aspects of commitment to make a contribution to society, their discipline and student learning. Krivokapic-Skoko et al (2009) identified the need for universities and academics to be sensitive to possible differences in their exchange obligations to prevent breaches of psychological contracts. Further, studies by O’Neill

54 et al (2010) identified the existence of quite divergent views of obligations as perceived by academics and their employer university while Aydin et al (2008) and Shen (2010) found that these divergent views led to the psychological contracts of academics being violated by the university because the university did not meet the implicit terms of the exchange relationship. A more detailed discussion on these aspects of psychological contracts is presented below.

Implicit and Explicit Contracts

‘Contracts are mental models or schemas of the employment relationship’

(Rousseau & Tijoriwala, 1998, p. 680). Contracts bind and regulate individuals and organisations to work together to achieve organisational goals (Robinson, Kraatz, &

Rousseau, 1994). They bring stability and enforceability to relationships (Fineman,

2001). As discussed earlier, psychological contracts are defined as an unwritten, implicit contract or mutual obligation between employees and employers within their exchange relationship (Rousseau, 1989). Psychological contracts are important in the study of employment relations because the psychological contract can fill the gap caused by the missing formal employment contract (Shore & Barksdale, 1998; Tsui &

Wang, 2002). For example, a study by Li, Zhang, Restubog and Huang (2012) found that despite Chinese workers having labour contracts and their legal labour protection is weak, they are engaged in higher levels of work performance because their psychological contracts are fulfilled. Rousseau and Tijoriwala (1998) also found that if the psychological contract obligations are fulfilled, employees will be satisfied and committed.

Indonesian academics are instructed by their main tasks and functions

(TUPOKSI) as outlined in Chapter two. TUPOKSI is highly prescriptive thus research

55 that examines the content and importance of the psychological contract in Indonesia may enrich the literature in regard to whether Indonesian academics’ psychological contract fulfilment can fill gaps caused by aspects missing in their formal contracts of employment.

Linking Relationships to Psychological Contracts

Rousseau (1989) defined the psychological contract as individuals’ belief in reciprocal obligations and promises of an exchange agreement between them and their organisation. Another view of the psychological contract is that it can be defined as the quality of the relationship between employees and employers (Lopez, 2008). Although there is growing interest in the body of theoretical and empirical research on psychological contracts, scholars have devoted limited attention to understanding the meaning placed on relationships by employees. The quality of such relationships is very important to the success of organisations because they influence firm performance

(Herrington, Scott, & Johnson, 2005; Wang, Tsui, Zhang, & Ma, 2003). Research suggested that negativity in the employment context contributes to relationship conflict

(Ismail, Richard, & Taylor, 2012). Conversely, a good quality relationship is more likely to create good communication about reciprocal obligations between employees and employers and such conditions will tend to enhance their agreement on those obligations (Tekleab & Taylor, 2003). A high quality exchange relationship is formed by a high degree of mutual trust, respect and obligation; this relationship may lead employees to perform beyond their job descriptions (Bauer, Green, & Bauer, 1996;

Graen & Uhl-Bien, 1995). A good quality of relationship can reduce the employees’ experiences of breaches of their psychological contracts (Suazo, Turnley, & Mai-

Dalton, 2008). Managers can therefore come to understand how they might enhance the

56 quality of their relationships with their subordinates (Graen & Uhl-Bien, 1995;

Whitener et al, 1998).

Hu, Tetrick and Shore (2011) suggested that East Asians emphasize an holistic cognitive process within their relationships, whilst Americans emphasize a more analytical process. Moreover, they explained that East Asians tend to emphasize more on their social exchange relationships with their employer and will still be committed to the organisation although the organisation does not reciprocate promptly. Americans tend to deal with different dimensions of reciprocity separately and their social exchange relationships with their employer are more likely to be not as ‘personal’ as that of East Asians’.

Lopez (2008) also indicated that employees who do not have good relationships with their employers may transfer to another department to avoid their employers but may choose to stay within the same organisation. She argued such a situation does not seem to be adequately explained by the governing definition of the psychological contracts within employee-employer relationships. Within psychological contracts, there is therefore a need to understand employees’ perceptions of their relationships at work (Dadi, 2012; Lopez, 2008). Organisations in the West have been the primarily focus of the employment relationship literature (Wang et al, 2003). Further, human cognition that constructs the perceptions in psychological contracts varies in different contexts (Cassar & Briner, 2009) and different groups of employees with different psychological contract perceptions and evaluations have been identified (Conway and

Briner 2002; Coyle-Shapiro 2002). This study can therefore provide an opportunity to enrich management knowledge and theories beyond western contexts.

The Understanding of Trusts, Obligations and Promises within

Psychological Contracts

As described earlier, trust plays an important role in psychological contracts. If the psychological contract between employees and employers is committed and implemented effectively, it will strengthen trust connection between employees and employers (Li et al, 2012). Trust can be a twofold factor. If there is a strong tie of trust between employees and employers, it will lead employees to perform their work beyond their job descriptions and reduce employees’ perceptions of breaches within their psychological contracts. On the other hand, because of this high mutual trust, the breaches of psychological contracts can cause significant harm to the employee- employer relationship.

Rousseau (1989) noted that the construct of psychological contracts is from an individual’s belief that once a promise has been made, a contribution has been offered and accepted, and an obligation to provide a benefit arises. Guest (1998) questioned whether all individuals in the employment relationship were aware of these perceived promises and obligation. Roehling (2008) stated that different researchers have different opinions about what constitutes a psychological contract in regard to promises and obligations.

When individuals believe that they have made promises as part of an employment relationship, they want something in exchange from that relationship

(Rousseau & Tijoriwala, 1998). They also believe that there is a mutual obligation between employee and employer (Robinson, Kraatz & Rousseau, 1994). Roehling

(2008) noted that employees believe that they have obligations towards the organisation although they may not perceive there has necessarily been a promise made that causes

58 the obligation, because they think there are either social, moral or legal requirements that bind them.

Psychological contracts appear from interaction and communication in social contexts where culture is expressed (Nicholson & Johns, 1985). Robinson and Rousseau

(1994) found that the terms obligations and promises, when used in conjunction with the concept of psychological contracts, are sometimes used interchangeably. However obligations and promises are different in the way people perceive them (Ellis, 2007) and can be culturally bound. This view is supported by Cassar & Briner (2009) who also indicated that the perception of difference between promises and obligations, within psychological contracts, depends on the social context and that social context varies across cultures and nations.

Further, Cassar (2001) suggested that employers should try to understand the employees’ perceptions within their employment relationship and seek to manage their obligations. According to United States law, ‘a contract is described as a legally enforceable promise’ and legal contracts are legal obligations raised from promises

(Shiffrin, 2007, p. 209). Laws undoubtedly influence employees’ beliefs about what is allowed in a relationship within an organisation (Thomas, Au, & Ravlin, 2003).

Therefore, people in the United States perceive promises as more binding than obligations, whilst a study of individuals in Malta found that promises were less binding than obligations; and promises are obligatory if they are derived from obligations in a mutual agreement (Cassar & Briner, 2009). As discussed in chapter two, Indonesia is the world’s largest Muslim country with about 90% of its population being Muslim

(Dessoff, 2011; Federspiel, 1991; Gupta, Surie, Javidan, & Chhokar, 2002; Welch,

2007). Based on Muslim law, a contract is ‘an agreement that defines the rights and obligations of the parties’ who made the contract (Habachy, 1962, p. 461).

As described earlier in this chapter different people perceive psychological contracts differently (Ellis, 2007) because people construct their psychological contracts based on their mental models (Rousseau, 2001). One aspect of this is that such differences in perception can be related to the understanding of the two terms; obligations and promises. Obligations are understood as a two-way system of employees’ obligations to their employer and employer’s obligation to their employees

(Cassar & Briner, 2009; Koh et al, 2004). Obligations are seen as contractual and bind employee and employer’s behaviours to be more committed to each other. Promises, on the other hand, are seen as a one way system because they are less binding (Cassar &

Brinner, 2009) and they can be morally or not morally binding (Posner, 2002). An individual can make a promise to someone else without necessitating a promise in return. Further, an individual can break a promise which is not considered legally binding (Posner, 2002). Ellis (2007) thus emphasised the necessity to create contracts because contracts can provide individuals in the organisation with important information and guidelines. However, many of these understandings may not hold true across different contexts and cultures. Aside of being the world’s largest Muslim country, Indonesia has also its State philosophy, Pancasila or Five Principles as discussed in Chapter two. Pancasila has taught Indonesians to prioritize more on their obligations rather than their rights (Giblin, 2003; Suryopratomo, 2011). In light of this, it appears important to determine the perceptions and differentiation of the terms promises and obligations in this context.

The Different Perspectives of employer representatives in

organisations

Rousseau (1989) refocused the discourse on the psychological contract on the employee’s experience and made the point that it is the individuals who have psychological contracts, not the organisation because organisations cannot perceive and respond. It is an individual manager who can perceive and respond to the psychological contract (Herriot & Pemberton, 1997; Rousseau, 1989). Arguments for this understanding relate to the problem of agency. The employment contract is signed between the employee and an agent of the organisation, but it is difficult to define what is meant by the organisation (Guest, 1998). It is difficult to define who will be the individual as the organisation’s representative; therefore many U.S scholars accept

Rousseau’s redefinition that the psychological contract is solely related to employee perception. A psychological contract exists between both employees and employers because the meaning of a contract is a two-way reciprocal agreement and therefore cannot be considered in relation to only one party (Herriot & Pemberton, 1997; Guest

1998). Someone must therefore be the representative of the organisation.

Although the organisation has representatives or managers, they are also employees, who have unwritten expectations of and obligations to the organisation as well. Herriot et al (1997) noted that different representatives of the organisation may send different messages of expectations and obligations; which can be the cause of why employees might not have clear perceptions about their psychological contract or who they hold it with.

As discussed in the previous chapter, the Higher Education sector in Indonesia is administered by the Directorate General of Higher Education (DGHE) under the

Ministry of National Education (MONE) and by the Ministry of Religious Affairs

(MORA) (Soejatminah, 2009). The Directorate of Private Higher Education which is directly responsible for quality control of private universities also influences the administration of the sector (Welch, 2007). Considering the complexity within

Indonesian universities as they consist of several levels of management and bureaucracy, therefore, it is important to determine which individual an Indonesian academic considers they have a psychological contract with. Employees may form psychological contracts with a number of individuals as representatives of the organisation. This is known as double or multiple psychological contracts. Further, it is unclear yet in the literature who in the organisation is responsible for negotiating and maintaining reciprocity exchange relationship (Guest, 2004). Different studies revealed different parties as the representative, for example Tekleab and Taylor (2003) and

Rousseau (2004) found that supervising managers or immediate supervisors are the most potential direct representative of the organisation because employees will perceive their psychological contracts are breached by the organisation if their immediate supervisor leaves the organisation. Other studies indicated managers or supervisors in general are the individuals who are responsible for developing their employees’ commitment and trust to the organisation (Lester et al, 2002; Tansky & Cohen, 2001;

Whitener et al, 1998) and employees consider their manager to be able to fulfil their job security and training as their employer’s perceived obligations (Ganrose & Baccili,

2005). This study then is intended to fill a research gap by examining which representative that Indonesian academics consider they have a psychological contract with and why.

The Contents of Psychological Contracts

Rousseau placed emphasis on reciprocal obligations, which arise from an individual’s belief that individuals have expectations about what they give and take

(Rousseau, 1989). Rousseau related equity theory to these expectations as such expectations were about exchange and fairness. The psychological contract may be viewed as a special case of equity because equity-based expectations are derived from

‘social cues and internal standards of fairness’ (Rousseau, 1989, p.127), in the sense that individuals believe that if they work harder, they deserve to earn greater reward and they compare their own circumstance to colleagues in the organisation. Nevertheless, there are unclear conceptual differences between obligations and expectations.

Organisational entities are viewed as complex and there are uneven expectations of the parties within organisations (Cullinane & Dundon, 2006). Guest (1998) suggested therefore that it is necessary to clearly identify the content of psychological contracts. If employers can identify the content of psychological contracts that employees have ranked most, then employers will be able to fulfil what employees want. However, there has been little research work on conducted in exploring the content of psychological contracts (Conway & Briner, 2005; Herriot et al, 1997) and there is always the possibility to find something new for the content of psychological contracts (Tipples et al, 2007) because they are unique and a personal aspect of a contract that cannot be standardized (McDonald & Makin, 2000; Robinson et al, 1994).

Rousseau (2000) featured Psychological Contract Inventory which consists of promotion and advancement, power and responsibility, pay, recognition, support, work environment, job security, training and career development, and workload. From the outset, Rousseau defined them into two different types of psychological contracts:

63 transactional and relational (Herriot et al, 1997; McDonald & Makin, 2000; Raja, Johns,

& Ntalianis, 2004; Rousseau, 1989; Shore & Tetrick, 1994).

A relational contract consists of high affective commitment, strong member- organisation integration and stability established on the traditions and the history of the relationship (Dabos & Rousseau, 2004). It refers to employees’ perceptions that they offer loyalty to the employer and that the employer then will provide them job security.

This type of contract relates to long term relationships because employees feel they are family and belong to each other. As a result workers often do not complain; are likely to be willing to work overtime with or without payment, help other friends on the job and support organisational changes (Rousseau, 2004). Employees focus on the good relationship with their employer (Coyle-Shapiro & Kessler, 2003) and socio-emotional factors (i.e. loyalty and support) (de Jong et al, 2009; Grimmer & Oddy, 2007).

Cunningham (2010) said employees with predominantly relational obligations will have emotional attachment to, identification with and involvement in the organisation. Thus, relational contracts are more likely to be negatively related to intentions to quit and positively related to job satisfaction and commitment (Raja et al, 2004).

Transactional contracts are the reverse of relational contracts. A transactional contract is primarily a monetary one. It is in the form of economic motive, where workers are willing to work overtime for contingent pay and the employer is obligated to the employees to pay them based on high performance. Both the employer and employee are likely to terminate their transactional arrangement if it fails to meet their economic needs and to give notice before they quit without feelings of loyalty to the organisation (Rousseau, 2004). Transactional contracts also refer to low levels of organisational commitment and weak integration into the organisation that allow employees to easily exit agreements, thus resulting in relatively high turnover and short-

64 term duration of employment (Dabos & Rousseau, 2004). These contracts strongly associate with the employee’s awareness of the costs of leaving the organisation

(Cunningham, 2010).

It is however, the distinction between relational and transactional contracts that is not clear cut (Coyle-Shapiro & Kessler, 2002). There is some ambiguity to specify its nature into relational or transactional contracts, for instance training (Coyle-Shapiro &

Kessler, 2000). As a consequence, some researchers find unspecified contents or combine specific contents into an overall category (Coyle-Shapiro & Kessler, 2002;

Turnley & Feldman, 1999). Coyle-Shapiro and Kessler (2000) thus suggested identifying the content of psychological contracts as specific items. Nevertheless, those relational and transactional contracts are widely used in many studies.

More recently, Rousseau developed one more type of contract, which is the balanced or hybrid contract. Hybrid or balanced contracts are a combination of relational and transactional contracts. These different types of contract depend on the nature of work, human resource strategy and employee motives. Their patterns differentiate how workers and employers behave towards each other (Rousseau, 2004).

Hybrid contracts have ‘the open-ended time frame and mutual concern characteristics of relational agreements with the performance demands and renegotiation of transactional contracts’ (Rousseau, 2004, p. 122). They combine commitments on the part of the employer to develop workers, anticipate the worker’s flexibly and want to adjust if economic conditions change (Rousseau, 2004). Employees exchange their open-ended relational contracts with the transactional contracts of well-specified performance- reward contingencies (Hui et al, 2004). Likewise, O’Donohue and Nelson (2007) indicated hybrid contracts as uniquely complex combinations of relational and transactional terms because they aim at a long term relationship while at the same time

65 specifying performance requirements. Hybrid terms include dynamic performance requirements and career development (Dabos & Rousseau, 2004).

Those findings suggest that different types of contracts have different impacts on the employment relationship. For example, if the employees have ranked relational factors as highest their employers will be more focused on fulfilling the relational factors of psychological contracts. In Indonesia, where considerable change is occurring and where there are increasing expectations about the performance of academics, it is important to determine which contracts Indonesian academics rank higher than others, and hence whether the expectations contained within their psychological contracts are being met as a result of these changes. As discussed earlier, the contract terms cannot be consistently categorized as either transactional or relational obligations, on the other hand, there is also debate as to whether the trend of psychological contract is transactional or rational (Guest, 2007) and which factors precisely comprise academics’ psychological contract are still unknown (Shen, 2010). This study is thus intended to fill these gaps by exploring such factors.

Psychological Contracts Breach and Violation

Lately, Dabos and Rousseau (2004) emphasised mutuality as the gold standard for psychological contracts. This is because psychological contracts are more likely to be kept when employees and employers agree on the terms; then the contract becomes manifest in the degree of mutuality and reciprocity among them. Mutuality refers to the understanding that employees and employers agree on their interpretations that they have made promises and commitments; while reciprocity refers to the understanding of reciprocal exchange; each party is obligated to contribute and provide in return. To know whether an employer has already provided the return, it is important to know the 66 employees’ perceptions of the fulfilment of psychological contracts. As well as to

Indonesian academics, it is important to know their perceptions of the fulfilment of their psychological contracts due to turbulent changing times and how change might affect or damage their psychological contract. The perceived fulfilment of psychological contracts also relates to breach and violation of psychological contracts when psychological contracts are being damaged.

Psychological contracts change over time due to the changes of individuals’ perceptions as the employment relationship develops (Thomas & Anderson, 1998). If employees can deal with, for example, organisational changes, they will perceive that at least part of their psychological contracts have been replaced with a new one. For instance, usually when an organisation is preparing for a merger or acquisition, employees will feel insecure in terms of retaining ongoing employment. If the employee can survive the merger or acquisition, the new psychological contract occurs due to the integration (Bellou, 2007). Changes in the content of psychological contracts can occur with a lack of awareness, when violations of psychological contracts happen because promises and expectations are not fulfilled in reality (Guest, 1998).

Breaches of psychological contracts occur when an individual believes that the organisation or employee has failed to respond to one’s contribution in the exchange relationship within psychological contracts (Rousseau, 1989). The failure creates the imbalance within the exchange relationship (Suazo, Turnley, & Mai-Dalton, 2005).

Balance is considered important within psychological contracts (Keim & Wilkinson,

2011).

Psychological contract breach occurs because of the different perceptions of the individual and organisation. Different perceptions may result in incongruence where employers feel that they have already fulfilled their obligations while the employees feel

67 the opposite or employees’ cognition that they received less than what employers had promised (Robinson & Rousseau, 1994). Psychological contract breach can lead to intention to quit, while breach of other legal contracts can lead to intention to take legal actions in court (Maguire, 2003).

Psychological contract breach is different conceptually with psychological contract violation. Psychological contract violation is the form of emotional or affective state which may be created (but does not always) from the perception of psychological contract breach (Morrison & Robinson, 1997). Psychological contract violations lead to feelings of anger, injustice, offence, and distrust (Raja et al, 2004). Another form of violation, reneging, is where an organisation intentionally breaks the promise to its employee due to unpredictable conditions (Blancero, DelCampo, & Marron, 2007;

DelCampo, 2007; Morrison & Robinson, 1997). For instance, organisational change in the form of downsizing, restructuring and other turbulences, can result in uncertainty which makes it unclear for employees and employers about what they are obligated to do, therefore violations of psychological contracts are more likely to occur (Morrison &

Robinson, 1997; Pate, Martin, & McGoldrick, 2003).

Common reactions when the psychological contract is violated can be an employee’s negative work attitude and behaviour (Morrison & Robinson, 1997;

DelCampo, 2007), loss of employee respect for the organisation (Rousseau, 1989), lower job commitment and trust (Grimmer & Oddy, 2007), increased workplace deviance (Hussain et al, 2011), increased emotional exhaustion and decreasing job satisfaction (Gakovic & Tetrick, 2003), decreased job commitment and increased staff turnover (Suazo et al, 2005), decreased loyalty and often departure from the organisation (Turnley & Feldman, 1999; DelCampo, 2007). In worst cases there can also be legal action taken by the employee against the organisation (Rousseau, 1989;

Turnley & Feldman, 1999). In turbulent times, such as that experienced in Indonesian universities, changes in psychological contracts are more likely to occur (Keim &

Wilkinson, 2011).

Psychological Contracts in Public and Private Organisations

Public sector organisations are often seen in terms of their bureaucratic structures and being predominantly controlled by political forces (Boyne, 2002; Lucio,

2007). Employment regulation in public sector organisations is therefore often viewed as politicised, centralized and rigid (Lucio, 2007). Further, Boyne (2002) indicated that publicness has an impact on organisational environments including goals, structures and the values of managers and in return these then create differences in carrying out the basic functions of management. The nature of organisation’s ownership tends to influence preferences in management styles in that managers experience different constraints on their behaviour and choices due to the different context (Zeffane, 1994).

For instance, Castaing (2006) and Wright (2001) suggested that due to the increasing demand for high quality services with limited funding, it is more important to understand the work commitment of public servants compared to their private sector counterparts in relation to their performance. A study by Lyons et al (2006) found that private sector employees have greater organisational commitment compare to public sector employees because public sector managers tend to focus more on the process of meeting overall organisational requirements rather than the outcomes of organisational higher-level goals.

A study by Coyle-Shapiro and Kessler (2000) on UK public sector employees found that the non-fulfilment of employer obligations over time negatively influence employees’ global perceptions of the organisation’s commitment to them and as a

69 consequence, employees also reduce their commitment to the organisation. Cassar

(2001) also found that Maltese public sector employees experience psychological contract violation because their employers failed to fulfil job security and respect to employees due to ongoing debates about the future fate of the public sector as Malta was about to enter the European Union. Willems, Janvier and Henderick (2006) indicated that public sector employees in several European countries considered fair treatment in pay equity as an important issue in their psychological contract.

Interestingly, Bellou (2007) found that most psychological contract dimensions in terms of organisational obligations are roughly equally important as perceived by public and private sector employees in a study of public sector employment in Greece.

The private universities in this study are not-for-profit organisations. A non- profit organisation is defined as an organisation that is not operating for the profit or gain of its individual members. Despite there being literature relevant to people management in public and private sectors, little is known about the construct in the not- for-profit sector including psychological contracts (Cunningham, 2001). In such organisations, Alatrista and Arrowsmith (2004) indicated that the condition of tight resource constraints and environmental uncertainty can cause pressure in the employment relationship. Employees are not being committed towards their organisation. Employers thus emphasize aspects of the organisation such as mission or value statements and improved communication to establish their psychological contracts with employees (Guest & Conway, 2004). Cunningham (2010) argued that employees will also commit to their employer in order to work together to achieve certain religious, ethical or philosophical goals and they are obliged to remain in employment possibly because of their organisation’s commitment to serve a specific cause or client group.

Similarly, implementing of organisational values such as allowing employees to

70 contribute their ideas, better ways of working and participation in decision making may increase employees’ motivation, productivity and commitment to the organisation

(Kemp & Dwyer, 2001).

As shown by these studies the psychological contracts are likely to differ across employees, across organisations, across sectors and over time, therefore there is a need to enrich such literature with a study of the Indonesian context (Herriot et al, 1997).

More importantly, to date there appears to be no published comparative research on the psychological contracts of Indonesian academics in public and private universities. This study is then intended to explore the psychological contracts of Indonesian academics in public and private universities.

Mental Models of employment and the Psychological Contracts of

Indonesian Academics

Although there is much research on psychological contracts for other professions, such as the banking sector in the US and UK (Sparrow, 1996), business professionals in the US (Blancero, DelCampo & Marron, 2007), repatriates from multinational companies in Taiwan (Shu & Shu, 2007), employees from private, public, profit and non-profit organisations in Belgium (Sels, Jensens, & Van den Brande,

2004), public sector employees in the French Civil Service (Castaing, 2006), private sector organisations (sales, hotels and catering, education, health, transportation, finance and insurance, services, manufacturing and construction) and public sector organisations (operated in government, utilities, transportation, education, health and finance) in Greece (Bellou, 2007), members of British army (Thomas & Anderson,

1998), and the US workforce (Singh, 1998), at the time of writing, the research has

71 uncovered no published research on the psychological contract of academics in

Indonesia.

There is also much research undertaken on mental models for other professions such as mental models in innovative and entrepreneurial activities by Hill and

Levenhagen (1995) that found both individuals and organisations develop their mental models which affect the behaviour of organisation in ‘sensemaking’ (the entrepreneur develops mental models on how the environment works) and ‘sensegiving’ (the ability to communicate to others and gain their support); and mental models in HR professionals is shaped through their work focus on programs and policies (Labedz &

Lee, 2011). While for school teachers, the mental models are formed to address human wants, needs and problems (Lawson, 1999). However, there does not appear to be any research on academics’ mental models. To come to this conclusion, a search was undertaken on Proquest, JStor and Emerald Plus sources with combination keywords:

“mental models” with “academics”, “mental models” with “universities” and “mental models” with “higher education”. However, mental models for principals at schools

(Lawson, 1999), mental models of students and instructors in writing class (Carley &

Palmquist, 1992) and changing teaching and learning mental models of teacher education students (Askell-Williams et al, 2007) can be found.

The importance of emphasizing the psychological contracts of academics is because academics feel greater stress than general staff (Michie, Glachan, & Bray,

2001) due to the pressures experienced in universities in the changing global world, such as organisational change and restructuring; downsizing and government funding cuts (Singh, 1998; Adriaenssens et al, 2006; Tipples et al, 2007; Gillespie et al, 2011,

Abdullah et al, 2011). In addition, as with universities throughout the world, the

Indonesian higher education sector has experienced increased globalization

(Soejatminah, 2009), academics must fulfil the requirements for learning, research and community service implementations (Idrus, 1999; Lisnayetti, 2006). Other sources of pressures experienced by academics are students’ unwillingness to study well, regardless of their expectations of good marks, evaluation on academics’ performance, low salaries (Perlberg & Keinan, 1986); and job-related stress which can increase employee absenteeism and turnover; decrease productivity, cause health problems which affect employee’s performance, job satisfaction and quality of life (Perlberg &

Keinan, 1986; Adriaenssens et al, 2006). Understanding the employer and employee relationship, for exchanging employee’s effort and loyalty with employer’s payments and benefits, can help to address these issues (Aselage & Eisenberger, 2003) and reduce internal conflict (Rousseau & Shperling, 2003).

Universities have different organisational environments to business firms

(Selmer & Lauring, 2011). They are different in ‘interests, goals, priorities, values, needs and motivational instincts’, which require varied management and leadership

(Siddique et al, 2011, p. 185). A key difference in the psychological contracts and mental models of academics compared to those of other professions is the intellectual freedom that academics expect. Academics’ lives are different to a commercial working life (Bess, 1998; Dowd & Kaplan, 2005) and academics work hard to achieve tenure

(Dowd & Kaplan, 2004). Tenure is the special right possessed by academics that enables them to be employed until the age of retirement, so that academics can undertake academic activities without fear of reprisal (Thro, 2007; Wicks, 2004). This tenure is related to government policy, since higher education is considered to have a social compact as a public good (Kallison & Cohen, 2010). Governments therefore have regulations on higher education as public institutions; with judicial recognition of the right of academic freedom where academics have individual autonomy (Thro, 2007).

Academic freedom is important because it makes the central working of teaching and research truly effective (Albatch, 2001); research and teaching contribute to the development and distribution of knowledge (Thorens, 1998), and create innovation in teaching and scholarship for promoting original thought and transparency and are accompanied by job security for academics (Burke, 2006). Bess (1998) pointed out that autonomy of thought, action and expression are protected by academic freedom and there is a relationship between tenure and academic freedom. Also, tenure can influence productivity along with motivation; tenure is a stimulus to productivity, but there must be rewards and sanctions; and both intrinsic and extrinsic motivator factors that fulfil ‘basic human needs for achievement, responsibility, recognition, status, competency, personal growth and satisfaction’ (Bess, 1998, p.12). In Japan, Arimoto

(2010) emphasised the importance of combination between scholarly and business aspects of academic work in order to increase academic productivity in research and teaching. Age, education, number of years of working period, motivation, satisfaction, compensation and supervision influence Indonesian academics’ performance in teaching

(Mundarti, 2007; Soetiksno, 2009). Meanwhile, Harahap (1999) identified that academic competence, training, motivation, organisational climate and job satisfaction influence Indonesian academics’ productivity in undertaking research.

Flexibility and trust in academic freedom are aspects of work included in the psychological contracts, which academics believe are about what the university owes them as well as other aspects such as leadership and management, empowerment, fairness, recognition, career and payments. Flexibility and trust within academic freedom is recognition of the professional status of academics in Australia and New

Zealand (Tipples et al, 2007). Although universities may have academic freedom and autonomy, universities must also be responsible and accountable, transparent and

74 quality assured (Romo de la Rosa, 2007). Academic freedom is seen as decentralization at the institutional level and it means autonomy (Aarrevaara, 2010). Autonomy can be also related to academic identity in the sense that academics can control their own research destiny and acquire a distinctive identity and reputation within the growing complexity and heterogeneity of working relationships (Henkel, 2005). The purpose of university autonomy is to support the function of universities in expanding knowledge and contributing that knowledge to other services and society (Thorens, 1998).

Dabos and Rousseau (2004) found that academics who increase their productivity in research believe they will receive career advancement and promotion from the employer in return. Tipples et al (2007) indicated that the psychological contracts of academics have changed due to the changing situations experienced by universities, such as managerialism, accountability and competitive research funding.

Aydin et al (2008) found that both academics and universities as the employer experienced violated psychological contracts because both failed to fulfil their obligations for transactional and relational contracts. Employees feel they have too much workload, spend time to undertake training, work as a team and with loyalty; however the employer is not considered to favour them with fair performance-based payment, chances for education and travel, fair workload and fair rules implementation.

Abdullah et al (2011) found that there is a positive relationship between trust and collaboration for knowledge sharing among Malaysian academics indicating it is important for the employer to fulfil their relational psychological contracts to enhance their knowledge sharing. Shen (2010) indicated the contents of Australian academics’ psychological contracts are more transactional than relational. Krivokapic-Skoko and

O’Neill (2008) and O’Neill et al (2010) found that employees exchange their commitment and fulfil academic expectations with eight factors (promotion,

75 development and support, good leadership, academic life, fairness, payment, reward the performance, and good workplace relations which include participation in unions and able to work at home) from their employer.

Conclusion

This literature review contributes some key debates and topics for further discussion in the fields of mental models, psychological contract theory and academics.

Few scholars have to date addressed the relationship between mental models and psychological contracts (Barker, van Schaik & Hudson, 1998; Pugh, Skarlicki &

Passell, 2003; Marcum, 2009; Zhao & Parry, 2012, Glick et al, 2012; Rousseau, 1995), with the result that how work related mental models shape individuals’ employment and the psychological contracts is still neglected.

Thus, there has been a call for work which reflects this, as psychological contracts are individuals’ perception of their employment relationships (Rousseau,

1989) and mental models do influence perception (Jensen & Rasmussen, 2004) and shape individuals’ perception to execute their acts toward psychological contracts

(Weber, 1999).

Although there has been a significant amount of research on the psychological contract, still there are some debates and areas for further research. Rousseau reconceptualised psychological contracts as individual beliefs in reciprocal obligations between the individual and the organisation which arose from exchange promises.

However, there are debates in regard to how people perceive promises and obligations as one some perceive obligations more binding than promises or the opposite way

(Ellis, 2007; Cassar & Briner, 2009; Koh et al, 2004). Further, perceptions of trust

76 within the employment relationship are considered important and therefore, are included within this study.

Debates about organisation’s representative, who employees consider to have their psychological contracts with, were raised (Herriot & Pemberton, 1997; Guest,

1998). An individual or individuals must therefore be the representative of the organisation because a psychological contract exists between both employees and employers because the meaning of a contract concept is a two-way reciprocal agreement and therefore cannot be considered in relation to only one party (Herriot & Pemberton,

1997; Guest 1998).

There are debates also surrounding the contents of psychological contracts.

Researchers have concluded with different contents of psychological contracts in non- academic professions. Those contents are good relationships with their employer

(Coyle-Shapiro & Kessler, 2003), and socio-emotional factors (i.e. loyalty and support)

(Grimmer & Oddy, 2007; de Jong, Schalk & de Cuyper, 2009) which are considered as relational contracts. These relational contracts are negatively related to intentions to quit and positively related to job satisfaction and commitment, while transactional contracts are the reverse (Raja et al, 2004).

The contents of Malaysian academics’ psychological contracts are relational psychological contracts to enhance their knowledge sharing (Abdullah et al, 2011), while Shen (2010) indicated the contents of Australian academics’ psychological contracts are more transactional.

Within the psychological contract literature there is a perception about their fulfilment. Fulfilment is important since psychological contracts become manifest in the degree of mutuality and reciprocity among employees and employers (Dabos &

Rousseau, 2004). Failures in the perceived fulfilment of psychological contracts refer to

77 breach and violation of psychological contracts (Guest, 1998; Suazo, Turnley & Mai-

Dalton, 2005).

Furthermore, this study is conducted in universities and academics are the respondents. Universities have different organisational environments to business firms

(Selmer & Lauring, 2011; Siddique et al, 2011). A key difference in the mental models of psychological contracts of academics compared to those of other professions may be the intellectual freedom that academics expect (Dowd & Kaplan, 2009; Bess, 1998) and academics work hard to achieve tenure (Dowd & Kaplan, 2004). Academics in public universities in Indonesia are Government employees and are employed on a lifetime basis within one university. Their employment term is highly regulated by the

Indonesian Government. Their counterparts in private universities are not Government employees and, while they may not be employed lifelong in only one particular university their employment is highly secure. Academics in private universities can look for another job in other university if they desire to do so. This may form different perceptions within academics’ employment relationship in both universities, including flexibility and trust within academic freedom as recognition of the professional status of academics (Tipples et al, 2007). A need to explore more on academics’ psychological contract in different national settings has also been called for (Tipples et al, 2007; Shen,

2010).

A further contribution is the changing situations experienced by Indonesian academics through changes to the university system. Tipples et al (2007) indicated that the psychological contracts of academics have changed due to such institutional changes, including changes in managerialism, accountability and competitive research funding.

Research Questions

The perceived fulfilment of psychological contracts has been established by numerous authors (Rousseau, 2004; Shu & Shu, 2007; Shen, 2010) as affecting a range of employee behaviours and wellbeing (Conway & Briner, 2005; Guest & Conway,

2004). The purpose of the proposed research is to understand the mental models of

Indonesian academics that shape their psychological contracts, with the aim that employers will be better equipped to fulfil such contracts. The literature review and research context lead to three overall research questions and some sub-set research questions.

The overall research questions and sub-set research questions are:

1. How do Indonesian academics’ mental models shape their employment and the

psychological contracts?

1.1 How do North Sulawesi academics perceive their employment and the

psychological contracts?

1.2 How are trusts, obligations and promises perceived in relation to psychological

contracts?

2. What does the psychological contract look like?

2.1 Are the psychological contracts of these academics transactional, relational or

hybrid and are they being fulfilled? If so, why, if not, why not?

2.2 Within their psychological contracts, what do employer academics expect from

their employees?

2.3 Within their psychological contracts, what do employees academics expect from

their employers?

2.4 Who does the North Sulawesi academic have a psychological contract with and

why?

2.5 Given that many academics work both public and private universities; does the

type of university make a difference in whether academics consider that their

psychological contracts are being fulfilled and why?

3. How do changes in the university affect mental models of psychological contracts?

Why?

Interview questions to answer those research questions are below:

1. Please draw diagrams or pictures of your perceptions about these following

questions: What do you think your relationship with your employer looks like?

What the employment relationship should be like? Why the employment

relationship should be like that? Where did you get your ideas about what the

world of work is like that? How the employment relationship could be formed?

2. How do you perceive trust, obligations and promises within your relationship

with your employer?

3. What do you expect most from your employment relationship? Are they

fulfilled? If so, why, if not, why not?

4. In your relationship with your university, who do you think represents the

university? Why?

5. Do you think there are differences in your relationship with your employer when

working in public and private universities? Why?

6. How, if at all, has your employment relationship been affected by the changes

that have occurred in the university system in Indonesia over recent years?

Question for academic staff of universities:

7. What do you think your employers expect from their relationship with you?

Question for elites of universities:

8. What do you think your employees expect from their relationship with you?

Chapter four: Research Methods

Introduction

This chapter outlines the research methodology; methods designed and employed to answer the research questions: How do work-related mental models of

Indonesian academics shape their view of employment and psychological contracts?

What do Indonesian academics’ employment and their psychological contracts look like? How do changes in the university context affect mental models of employment and psychological contracts?

This chapter starts by outlining the justification of using a qualitative approach.

Second, the selection of organisation and respondents are described. Third, the interview processes, including data collection and analysis are discussed.

Research Paradigm

This study explores and describes academics’ perceptions about the occurrence of their mental models of employment and the psychological contracts and how these can be affected by the changes occurring in the university system. The research questions are concerned with ‘the meanings people attach to their experiences of the social world and how they make sense of that world’ including their behaviour, interactions and so on (Pope, Ziebland, & Mays, 2000, p. 4). Qualitative research is considered useful to understanding the meaning of experience, actions and events perceived by people in relation to the complexity of their natural behaviours (Pidgeon &

Henwood, 1996).

There are two reasons in justifying the use of a qualitative approach. Firstly, this study explores the mental models of Indonesian academics in relation to their

81 employment and the psychological contracts. The study identifies psychological contracts and their relationship with mental models within the university context of

North Sulawesi academics. There is little published empirical investigation of the concepts of how mental models shape employment and the psychological contracts.

Quantitative methods such as existing survey instruments are therefore inappropriate as they test extensive current understanding of a topic (O'Donohue, 2007). In regard to psychological contracts specifically, Conway and Briner (2005) argued that questionnaire surveys have instrument biases in that they do not specify the time horizon from which respondents may recall events about fulfilment and breaches of their psychological contracts. Nor do surveys differentiate and uncover the meaning of explicit and implicit promises and identify clearly who is considered the employers within the employment relationship. Secondly, qualitative methods enable the acquisition of in-depth and intimate information about academics as individuals, to investigate how and why they behave, think, and make meaning of their employment relationship (Ambert, Adler, Adler, & Retzner, 1995). Qualitative methods also provide the flexibility to explore and interpret the individual’s perspective on their psychological contracts (O’Donohue, 2007) because every individual carries within their head a mental model of the world which is a subjective representation of external reality including psychological contracts (Wilson & Rutherford, 1989). To conclude, qualitative research is particularly useful in areas where little is known of the phenomenon under investigation and as there is little understood in regard to the mental models of employment and the psychological contracts in the context of Indonesian academics, an exploratory qualitative research was considered most appropriate within this research.

Data Collection Methods

This research relies heavily on in-depth semi-structured qualitative face to face interviews. In addition, drawings of academics’ perceptions or mental models of their employment were gathered along with descriptions and explanations of these drawings.

Organisational documents were analysed and field notes were employed.

Interviews

Interviews produce direct quotations from people about their experiences, opinions, feelings and knowledge (Patton, 2005). In-depth interviews as a qualitative research technique can cover intensive individual interviews with a small number of respondents to explore their perspectives on a particular idea, program or situation

(Boyce & Neale, 2006). In addition, semi-structured interviews are considered appropriate (1) for the exploration of the perceptions and opinions of respondents regarding complex and sensitive issues and enable probing for more information and clarification of answers, and (2) the varied professional, educational and personal histories of the sample group included the use of a standardized interview schedule

(Barriball & While, 1994). Any differences in the answers are due to differences among the respondents rather than in the questions asked. Further, semi-structured interviews can be greater or lesser in structure and allow researchers to have much opportunity to sequence questions and expand to different topics (Robson, 1993). It enables the researcher to explore any other interesting and important areas which might come up from the interviews (Smith & Osborn, 2008).

Within this research, the justification for the use of in-depth interviews is that they produce data of individual interpretations distinctively about their employment and the psychological contracts with the point of view of employees within organisational contexts and consistent with the psychological contracts as their psychological contracts 83 are constructed individually (Conway & Briner, 2005; Rousseau, 1989). Interpretation itself is the explanation or meaning that individuals create in their ‘read’ of an event which highly depends on their mental models because ‘sensemaking is the cognitive process that people employ to construct mental models through which they interpret and assign meaning to behaviour or events’ (Anderson, Ammarell, Bailey Jr, Colon-Emeric,

Corazzini, Lillie, Piven, Utley-Smith, & McDaniel Jr, 2005, p. 1008). This study is associated with Indonesian academics in Manado where they were asked about their experiences, thoughts and perceptions in regard to their psychological contracts within the employment relationship (Boyce & Neale, 2006). The semi-structured approach to in-depth interviews enables the researcher to cope with particular areas of their research topic (Jarratt, 1996). In-depth interviews can also draw employees’ and employers’ obligations from their perceptions (Koh et al, 2004). Moreover, in-depth interviews depend on multiple sources of information which can provide a complete picture both from elites and staff respondents (Boyce & Neale, 2006).

Drawings and their descriptions

Participants were also asked to draw their perceptions or mental models about employment in the form of a diagram or picture. This is a method used in mental model research (Kurland & Pea, 1985; Panagiotaki et al, 2009; Vosniadou & Brewer, 1994;

Zhang, 2008a, 2008b). The justification for the use of drawings is that they are useful to elicit and illustrate structural aspect of people’s perceptions or mental models (Gray,

1990; Vosniadou & Brewer, 1994; Zhang, 2008a, 2008b). In other words, drawings reveal the people’s mental images (Chiou, 2009) and determine people’s mental representations that relay on their knowledge (Storey et al, 1999). Further, mental representations through drawings reflect the understanding and meaning placed on employment relationships (Oliver & Hannafin, 2001). To reduce the risk of drawing 84 misinterpretation and to attain more explanations of drawings, respondents were asked to describe and explain the drawings (Kurland & Pea, 1985; Zhang, 2008a, 2008b).

Using drawings and analysing the verbal responses (from interviews and descriptions) provided deeper understanding and gained rich information about the Indonesian academics’ mental models of employment and the psychological contracts (Chiou,

2009).

Documents

A combination of interview, drawings and document analysis was undertaken to achieve triangulation because the researcher can corroborate findings across data sets to reduce the impact of potential biases (Bowen, 2009). Thus, this multiple data collection method and analysis enhances the quality of analysis (Patton, 1999). Documents contain text or words that have been recorded without a researcher’s intervention (Bowen,

2009). They can help the researcher to understand the meaning and discover insights relevant to the research problem. During this research, several documents were made available in relation to interview answers such as university’s statutes, the vision and mission of the university or faculty and the university’s teaching subjects, university’s or faculty’s official booklets and researcher notes.

Sites of Location and Universities

This research was conducted in six higher education institutions in Manado city, the capital of North Sulawesi, Indonesia. Sulawesi is in the east of Indonesia where recently the Indonesian Government has focused regional development (BAPPENAS,

2011). East Indonesia regional development expenditure budget has been increased overtime and recently was increased by 15% as indicated by The Indonesian National

Expenditure Budget in 2013 (BAPPENAS, 2010; Purwanto, 2012). The budget increase 85 aims to develop its infrastructure, to reduce poverty and to improve human resource aspects including education in order to achieve ‘Trilogi Pembangunan’ or Trilogy of

Development (Purwanto, 2012; Soekirman, 1991). Trilogy of Development is intended to achieve ‘Pemerataan, Pertumbuhan Ekonomi dan Stabilitas Nasional’ or Equality,

Economic Growth and National Stability in all Indonesian territory areas (Prastowo,

2011; Soekirman, 1991). Indonesia has achieved significant progress in improving education as recent governments have demonstrated a commitment to education and backed this up by the strong capacity of local governments to deliver education services in their districts (World Bank, 2013). This is important to this study because academics play crucial roles in education. The objective of this study is to understand employment and the psychological contracts of Indonesian academics in North Sulawesi which may also assist those universities to improve their productivity and thus may improve the quality of education and organisational performance (Shen, 2010; Soekirman, 1991).

Identifying the key dimensions underpinning effective education service delivery, including roles of academics, can help to address existing weaknesses and raise education performance (World Bank, 2013). The selection of this study area is also pragmatic due to researcher access and the availability of a mix of public and private universities within a manageable geographical area.

Manado city contains three public universities, four private universities and seventeen Higher Education Institutions (Info Kampus Indonesia, 2011). The three public universities were included in this study, which are University of Sam Ratulangi,

Polytechnic Manado and Manado State University. As private institutions have played an important role in education in Indonesia over a long period, therefore private institutions were included in this study (Kristiansen & Pratikno, 2006). However, not all private universities and Higher Education Institutions in Manado city are accredited by

86 the Directorate General of Higher Education of Indonesian Government (DGHE) or

Direktorat Jenderal Pendidikan Tinggi (DIKTI), but three that are accredited have been chosen to balance the three public universities in this study. The three private universities are Klabat University, Catholic University of De La Salle and School of

Economics Eben Haezar. It has been established elsewhere that the psychological contracts of employees from different sectors might be different. This organisational selection aims to cover a variety of type of university, public and private university and to answer the research question regarding the difference of employment relationship between public and private universities and for the purpose of rigour of the research

(Brewer, 1999; Imran, 2009).

However, the major purpose of this qualitative research is to generate hypotheses for further investigation rather than to test them and a strength of the qualitative approach is that it is conducted in a naturalistic settings with few controlling variables. Thus, each situation is defined as unique and can describe a particular phenomenon, experience, and context including Manado, North Sulawesi (Krefting, 1991). In light of this, there are potential limitations to the generalizability of the findings that should be acknowledged. However, the study design and theoretical framing of this study allows for valid generalizations to theory and provides insights into the employment relationships that are applicable to the broader population.

Gaining Research Access

The researcher did not have any difficulties in securing access to all university respondents and did not receive any rejections to requests for interviews in the sites.

Many respondents expressed their interest in this research and indicated that it can provide the feedback and perspective from academics which would be useful for the

Indonesian Government. They often requested a copy of its research findings. No complaints about interview procedures were received by the researcher or supervisors.

Few respondents asked for their transcripts and sent through their email.

The researcher initially asked help from Rector of University of Sam Ratulangi as the gate keeper by asking him to write a request and permission letter to other university respondents. This letter led to the researcher gaining access to those universities (Ryan & Lewer, 2012).

For University of Sam Ratulangi, approval was granted by the Rector to conduct the research at the Faculty of Economics (now called the Faculty of Economics and

Business) within the university. The researcher met and brought the letter to the Dean.

By having approval from the Rector, thus, the Dean allowed the researcher to do interviews with elites and academic staff within the faculty. Respondents were then invited directly by the researcher to participate with no obligation from those in authority.

For other university respondents, the researcher had to initially meet the university’s Public Relations Officers, Secretary of Rector, Deans, Vice Deans, Head of

Department and Directors. For example, at the University of Catholic De La Salle, the researcher contacted Secretary of Rector in the first place and then met the Rector to seek and obtain his approval. In the meeting, the Rector expressed his interest in this research and agreed to be a respondent. He asked the researcher to do the interview on a

88 specific day and at specific time set by him. He also finally called Vice Rector 2 to join our meeting and asked his favour to help the researcher to find respondents. Thus, snowball or chain referral sampling was used to draw respondents. A snowball sampling approach is a method to identify other interviewees through referrals made among people who know of others who meet the criteria of research interest (Biernacki &

Waldorf, 1981; Maitlis, 2005). Within this site, the knowledge of Vice Rector 2 as the insider located people for the study.

At the University of Klabat, the researcher initially had to talk to the Public

Relations Officer. He then arranged a meeting with the Rector. The researcher met and discussed the research project with the Rector to seek and obtain his approval. After obtaining his approval, the Rector welcomed the researcher to meet the Vice Dean of the Faculty of Economics. Finally, the Vice Dean was very helpful to contact every respondent within the Faculty to come to his office where the interviews were engaged

(subject to their agreement to participate). Respondents determined their own interview day and time. On the other hand, the Vice Dean had also agreed to be a respondent and was interviewed as the first respondent from their faculty. In this site of study, the Vice

Dean had acted as the gatekeeper that held access to participants and key informants that served as important contacts for this study and provided important information including as a participant (Hays & Singh, 2012). He had provided ongoing access in the form of ongoing organisational commitment to the research project (McDonald,

Townsend, & Waterhouse, 2009).

Choice of Participants

Participation in the research was voluntary. Considering bias is not caused by sample size in many cases, but caused by selection procedure (Coe, 1996), this study

89 chose respondents purposefully following procedures advised by Cassar and Briner

(2009) and Seeck and Parzefall (2008) who chose their respondents with these criteria: have worked for at least one year, work full time and in a formal contractual relationship. However, for this research, the interviewees were academics worked as full time or part time. Part time and full time employees have different perceptions of the fulfilment of their psychological contracts (De Meuse, Bergmann, & Lester, 2001). For example, De Meuse et al (2001) found full time employees perceived a less relational component of their psychological contracts. Gakovic and Tetrick (2003) found part time employees have a stronger economic exchange relationship, while full time employees have greater relational and transactional obligations to their organisations.

However, Conway and Briner (2002) said there is a little evidence in their study that work status influences the psychological contracts’ fulfilment and outcomes so there is some debate over these findings. As a result, this research included full time and part time employees to provide more interesting and broader insights of psychological contracts, as indicated by Conway and Briner (2002) that future research about psychological contracts from different work status of employees should be conducted to provide a better understanding of the differences. In addition to these criteria, the respondents were also academics that work in either or both private and public universities and have experienced changes that occurred over recent years.

Interviews were held with forty seven (47) respondents. There were thirty five males and twelve females with an age range from below 30 (eight respondents), 31-40

(eleven respondents), 41-50 (fifteen respondents), 51-60 (twelve respondents) and above 60 (one respondent). A small sample size can be more useful to examine a situation of a selected phenomenon in-depth and the results of understanding the phenomenon can potentially contribute to knowledge (Myers, 2000). Qualitative

90 researchers study people but explore more deeply the experiences and perceptions of those individuals in order to generate a subjective understanding of how and why people have those perceptions (Adler & Adler, 2012; Charmaz, 2012) thus establishing a convincing analytical narrative based on richness, complexity and detail rather than on statistical logic (Baker & Rosalind, 2012). The goal is not empirical generalization because it is about an analysis uniquely adequate for that particular phenomenon

(Denzin, 2012). However, some research experts have suggested that a qualitative interview sample should be between 12 and 60 (Adler & Adler, 2012; Guest, Bunce, &

Johnson, 2006).

Sampling staff at all levels was critical in order to explore their experiences and perceptions within their employment relationships (Berger & Adedeji, 2013). Therefore, interviewees were drawn from all levels of the universities including two Rectors, one

Vice Rector, three Deans, two Vice Deans, two Directors, eight Heads of Departments

(Disciplines), five Heads of Study Programs, one Faculty Senate member, three

Secretary of Disciplines, one Secretary of Study Program, one Secretary of Vice Rector, seven Senior Lecturers, eight Lecturers and three part time lecturers. Interviewees were interviewed individually. Rectors and or Vice Rectors, Directors and or Vice Directors, and Deans and or Vice Deans are considered as elites. There is increasing recommendation to do qualitative studies based on in-depth interviews to elites and they were considered as important informants in this study (Welch, Marschan-Piekkari,

Penttinen, & Tahvanainen, 2002). It is because elites hold highly valuable insights to universities (Harvey, 2010) and they are policy makers (Rivera, Kozyreva, & Sarovskii,

2002).

The individual approach in the interviews was chosen because, as described earlier, every individual carries his or her mental model of the world or cognitive state

(Ellis, 2006; Wilson & Rutherford, 1989) and the psychological contract is individually constructed (Conway & Briner, 2005; Rousseau, 1989). Thus, an individual approach was considered most appropriate. In addition, Dexter (2006) explained that elites are interviewed individually because firstly, it is more difficult to gather them as a group together at one time interview due to their busy schedules; secondly, they might be offended because they cannot be the centre of attention if they are interviewed together; and thirdly, they might hesitate to tell some information if there are many other people to witness and are afraid to hurt others professionally, politically and personally.

Data Collection Process

Interviews Process

At the outset, the interviews began with the researcher introducing herself and explaining the purpose of the research. An information statement and consent form was provided to each of the respondents. Respondents were advised that their interviews and anonymity would be protected. Consent or permission to audio-tape the interview was asked of respondents. They were advised also that the tapes would not be made available to their employers and faculty or university. They would be kept in a locked cabinet at the researcher and supervisors’ offices.

Respondents were also advised that the data would be aggregated and each respondent’s identity would not be revealed. Respondents were informed that their comments would be quoted. Further, respondents also were informed that their summary of interviews would be sent through their email for validation. After obtaining approved consent from respondents, the interviews then were conducted and the researcher informed the respondents when the interview recorder was about to start or stop.

The duration of each interview and drawing was between 45 and 90 minutes.

The consent and information forms for the interviews were translated from English to

Bahasa Indonesia, verified by Konsulat Jenderal Republik Indonesia (KJRI) or

Consulate General of the Republic of Indonesia in Sydney, Australia. The interviews thus were conducted in Bahasa Indonesia in Manadonese dialect and accent. Bahasa

Indonesia in Manadonese dialect and accent are the researcher’s mother tongue. The interviews were audio-taped, fully transcribed and translated by the researcher herself.

The transcriptions were corrected and checked by the researcher before undertaking the coding and analysing the transcriptions.

Drawings and their descriptions

During their interviews, respondents were asked to draw their perceptions of their psychological contracts and write descriptions of their drawings. They were requested to draw with paper and pen. Disappointingly, not all respondents had their willingness to draw. Some of them were reluctant to do so by arguing that they were not good at drawing. However, those respondents (who did not draw their perceptions) described their perceptions of their employment and the psychological contracts in their interviews (and were audio-taped) and or by writing down their answers to each question of drawing instructions.

Documents

During this research, additional information from university documentation were taken, including university’s statutes, the vision and mission of the university or faculty, the university’s teaching subjects, university’s or faculty’s official booklets and personal diaries. These documents provided the more detailed information related to interview answers. For example, university’s statutes contained its bureaucracy’s

93 management level descriptions and their responsibilities which must meet the regulations determined by the Indonesian Ministry of Education and Culture (MOEC) or Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan (KEMENDIKBUD). This insight provided useful information to understand interview answers related to respondents’ perceptions on their university’s representatives and who they considered as their supervisors or employers. In addition, their bureaucracy’s responsibilities were also related to their

Main and Functional Tasks or Tugas Pokok dan Fungsi (TUPOKSI).

Data Analysis

The interview data were analysed by using content analysis and methods of inductive analysis in which themes emerged from the data instead of searching for pre- determined patterns (Cin, 2013). Content analysis is a method of analysing documents to describe phenomena, which are widely used for qualitative research in psychology, health and business (Downe-Wamboldt, 1992; Elo & Kyngas, 2008; Hsieh & Shannon,

2005). Qualitative data can be in the form of mental databases (inside the actor’s head) and written databases (from written text) (Luna-Reyes & Anderson, 2003), and qualitative content analysis is most often used to analyse interview transcripts to reveal individuals’ behaviours and thoughts (Zhang & Wildemuth, 2009). In addition, qualitative content analysis as one of various research methods can be used to analyse text data in verbal or illustrative (drawings, graphs and tables) forms, print or electronic form which might be gained not only from interviews but also print media such as articles, books and manuals (Cin, 2013; Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). As this research is intended to reveal Indonesian academics’ behaviours and thoughts or mental models of their employment and the psychological contracts the data were collected from interviews and documents, thus content analysis is justified. 94

The content analysis were done in the following steps: ‘interview transcriptions were read at least twice, each line of those transcriptions were analysed to gather global and specific meanings and structure, each narrative’s specific meanings were identified and labelled, codes sharing common themes were collected, themes were reanalysed and reviewed to be labelled and regrouped in thematic categories and thematic categories were validated by referring to the respondents’ direct quotations’ (Senra,

Oliveira, Leal, & Vieira, 2011, p. 182).

Analytical Strategy

As indicated above, the data were generated from semi-structured interviews and drawings in the form of audio-taped records, drawings and research notes. The interview transcriptions were coded and managed by partly using NVIVO software and partly manually by the researcher. This computer software is widely recognized to manage qualitative data. NVIVO qualitative data analysis software can assist the researcher to transcribe, code, and organize data from interviews for the purposes of establishing concepts (Khan, 2009; O'Donohue, 2007).

The researcher took notes for each interview to indicate the process, other issues related to interview answers and additional information to analyse interview answers.

Interview transcripts were read at least twice and each narrative’s meanings were identified and labelled into codes. Codes were descriptive or interpretive. Memos were written also on the data source itself. The researcher then revisited the codes and developed themes. A listing of codes and themes were produced. The coding was developed using NVIVO. However, some memos were written manually on the hardcopies of transcripts as well as the overall themes developed. NVIVO does not do the analysis for the researcher, thus the researcher must still create themes, coding and decide what to retrieve and collate (Basit, 2003). In addition, it was sometimes easier to 95 do the coding manually, for instances by reading hardcopy transcripts back to back

(again and again), and writing or highlighting memos and codes in coloured pen, stick paper or highlighter.

Drawings and their descriptions were also interpreted. The respondents’ drawings were grouped into themes or categories (Zhang, 2008a, 2008b). The statements appearing on the drawings and descriptions were coded into corresponding themes or categories. The coding was developed manually for drawings and their descriptions.

Further, the continued reading and coding on transcripts (as well as themes or categories on drawings and their descriptions) contributed a deeper understanding of the mental models of employment and the psychological contracts and are a strong test of the patterns identified and whether this understanding was valid or not and to create preliminary findings and conclusions.

Bringing together the patterns identified, examining how these patterns or concepts relate back to research questions and how they relate to each other led to review the larger findings and to discover when more data analysis was needed (Hays &

Singh, 2012). The coding helped to see patterns for analysis. In this stage, data analysis was achieved also with document analysis. For instance, Indonesian academics’ mental model of what the psychological contract inside the university was very much defined by their understanding of the employment relationship in the context of government regulations of universities and academics in Indonesia, known as Main and Functional

Tasks or Tugas Pokok dan Fungsi (TUPOKSI). TUPOKSI are documented in the form of written regulations determined by the Indonesian Government.

Afterwards, analysing data together and linking the theories to findings and developing the themes were continuously conducted. When the findings and discussion

96 chapters had been analysed and written up, the researcher needed to refer them back to the literature review chapter. Some revision and changes in the literature review chapter were done to include theories that were relevant to findings. Further, a new understanding of mental models of employment and the psychological contracts in

Indonesian context was obtained after the findings.

Credibility of the Research

Qualitative researchers should consider several criteria for trustworthiness as their research is limited by what they assume, believe, design and implement (Hays &

Singh, 2012). Credibility is defined as the believability of a study and as one of the major criteria used to determine whether conclusions make sense (Hays & Singh, 2012).

Credibility of this research was done, in part, by obtaining respondents’ validation and triangulation (Creswell & Miller, 2000; Flick, 2007).

The most crucial technique for establishing credibility is to ask participants to view their summary of interviews and comment on their accuracy (Creswell & Miller,

2000). Within this research, respondent validation was conducted in two ways. Firstly, the raw data (interviews transcriptions) were sent to a few respondents because they asked for this. Secondly, all respondents were sent a summary of interviews.

Throughout this process, the researcher asked participants to validate whether the researcher’s interpretations of their interviews were realistic and accurate. In this way, the participants added credibility to this qualitative research by having an opportunity to react to and inform the researcher’s interpretation. Thus, trustworthiness of interpretations (key points of interviews) was obtained. Only one respondent, the Rector of the University of Catholic De La Salle, sent a revision. Most respondents, who wrote back to the researcher, indicated that the researcher’s interpretations of their interviews were realistic and accurate. 97

In addition, data triangulation which involves using diverse sources of data (as described before) was used. Qualitative assessment of treatment integrity can involve the use of techniques of interviews, drawings and documents (Leech & Onwuegbuzie,

2007). Within this study, the triangulating process can be seen as one of completeness and to provide evidence for establishing its rigor. Following separate analysis of the interviews, drawings and document analysis data, this study employed two types of triangulation. Firstly, methodological, in which results were compared from three methods of data collection (interviews, drawings and document analysis; and secondly, data source in which a range of experiences and perceptions were presented in the interview analysis (e.g. Rectors, Vice Rectors, Deans, Vice Deans, Directors, Heads of

Departments, Heads of Study Programs, Secretary of Vice Rector, Senior Lecturers,

Lecturers as permanent staffs and part time Lectures), drawings and their interpretations, and a range of documents were reviewed (university’s statutes, the vision and mission of the university or faculty and the university’s teaching subjects, university’s or faculty’s official booklets and researcher notes) (Farmer, Robinson,

Elliott, & Eyles, 2006).

Ethical Issues

This section discusses the ethical issues that arose in conducting data collection.

In order to conduct data collection, a range of ethical issues arose in this research.

Before starting the data collection, this research project was initially approved by the

Faculty of Business and Law Peer Review Committee, the University of Newcastle and confirmatory approval to collect data at those university respondents was received from the University of Newcastle Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC) protocol number H-2012-0356.

The researcher was able to obtain permission from the respondent organisations to be identified. Also, procedures for protecting respondents’ rights and identities were followed for complying with the ethical clearance including that audio-tapes and other forms of data would be protected. A summary of the findings will, in future, be presented to the research sites. No individuals will be identifiable in the reporting of the findings.

The raw data from this study has been only accessed by the researcher and the supervisors. Paper copies will be destroyed after the thesis is accepted. The data will be stored for a minimum of 5 years.

Conclusion

This chapter has discussed and justified the selection of methodology, design and procedures for the research. It also discussed issues of language, data analysis, ethical issues and credibility of the research.

Qualitative research was identified as the most appropriate design for exploring

Indonesian academics’ mental models of employment and the psychological contracts.

Qualitative data was collected through interviews, drawings and their descriptions and documents.

Analysis of qualitative data was conducted using coding software and themes or pattern recognition methods. After all the data had been coded, the codes were grouped by similarity and a theme was identified and documented based on each grouping

(Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007).

Credibility of this research was utilised by obtaining respondents’ validation and triangulation of data sources. The study followed national standards for ethical research

99 code of conduct by obtaining a confirmatory approval to collect data from the

University of Newcastle Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC).

100

Chapter five: Research Findings on Mental Models of Employment

and the Psychological Contracts

Introduction

This chapter presents the findings relating to mental models of employment and the psychological contracts by exploring what factors shape the mental models of employment and the psychological contracts as well has how the, in turn, shape the contents of psychological contracts - as discussed in detail in the next chapter. As mental models can range between simple generalisations to complex theories about how things are, or should be done (Senge, 2014), the source of the assumptions or factors that underlie them are not easily articulated. However, through a combination of drawings of work relationships, direct questions on what shaped respondents perspective of employment and the psychological contract and their articulations of these perspectives shaped how they acted, we were able to garner insights into what influenced how respondents ‘understood the world of work’ (Senge, 2014).

In this study, factors influencing mental models of the ‘world of work’ and their employment and psychological contracts at work were the focus. The findings in this chapter are principally presented around the dominant themes evident in the data. To represent the key themes and sub-themes, emerging across the data themes are also highlighted in bold and italics. Based on the themed analysis presented in this chapter it is apparent that the mental models of employment and the psychological contracts are principally formed by: experience and longevity, cultural values and spirituality and religion. Other subthemes are also discussed.

101

Experience and Longevity

The academics in public universities dominantly considered workplace experience and longevity in employment shaped their mental model of the psychological contracts. Workplace experience has shaped their perceptions of relationships over an extended period of time and this, in turn, impacts how they view the psychological contract in employment. This finding was consequent to the long- term expectation and the perception that their current employment relationship was sent in a ‘context’; specifically, that interviewees and their supervisors had known each other for some time. This longevity theme was apparent across the interview data as a factor that shaped interviewees mental model of employment and the psychological contract.

The sample of academics interviewed for this study was found to have long-term employment, study and social relationships. This was reported to be “common in

Indonesia” as academics were often recruited into a position from being a student and stayed in the job for life. Interviewees reported that this longevity in the relationship shaped perspectives around loyalty, trust and collaboration.

Consequent to longevity in the employment relationship, individuals considered the existence of friendships and partnerships in their employment relationships. Given government positions within public universities are highly prized as they provide long- term employment and many public university academics therefore work their entire careers in the same public university, the longevity of employment had formed friendships and partnerships and had shaped how the interviews perceive employment and consequently the psychological contract. For example, individual employees perceived their employers as friends and partners, examples of friendships and partnerships were particularly stressed by respondent 21 and 5 when reflecting on the consequences of longevity in their relationships.

102

Respondent 21 explained that he has been close friends for more than a decade with his supervisor (the Head of Discipline) who has helped him to solve his marital problem because the problem can affect his job performance. They are close friends both in the working place and in their church. They are both actively engaged in their church ministry. His supervisor is one of the church ministers (priest) or “penatua” (in

Manado language) in their church. He is the member of church’s congregation, therefore his supervisor acts as the minister to serve him as her congregation. He reported that this context and longevity in their relationship significantly shaped how he viewed the employment relationship. When asked to reflect on how he perceived the employment relationship he explained:

“I think I have both friendship and professional relationships in my employment relationship with her (the Head of Discipline). If I have a personal problem, I can share with her due to our friendship. My personal problem then can be solved because it can affect my performance. I have had my marital problem. I hope I can solve it…. I have been friends with her for about 10 to15 years. I can see that she has a lot of experience. She is capable to advise me for my personal life. We have friends since we were also in the same church before…” (Respondent 21, a Faculty Senate Member, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

Respondent 5 also provide a good example of how the perceived friendship based on longevity in the relationship impacted on how he perceived his Dean. He is a well- respected academic and a long-term colleague of the Dean. He saw their relationship with his superior as that of friend and was therefore prepared to exceed their job descriptions without expecting any pay, facilities, and other rewards. As his mental model of their relationship was one of “friendship” his reasoning and decision-making around additional work was articulated in this way. For example, he explained that he was happy to do something which was not actually his job because of their “good 103 friendship” and articulated that this was a consequent of the longevity in their relationship. On the other hand the Dean had also prioritized him in giving a job opportunity to be a speaker in a seminar. The job opportunity was considered as an appreciation or reward, not an additional job that increased his workload:

“I consider Dean as my direct supervisor and my employment relationship with him tends to be a partnership. Hence, I do not mind doing other tasks although they are excluded in my TUPOKSI…. A partnership means friendship system. It is not limited by my salary, facilities and so on. Sometimes we are motivated and happy to do something that is not actually our job because we are friends….If there is a seminar invitation, Dean will prioritize me. Although there are many lecturers here, Dean will give me the first chance to be the speaker in economics seminars for instance. There are some brilliant lecturers in Economics here, but Dean still puts me in the first place. For me, it is an appreciation, not an additional job increasing my workload.” (Respondent 5, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Similarly, respondent 13 also stressed the impact of longevity on how he perceived the employment relationship and the psychological contract. He had been

Head of Laboratory and an academic for 15 years in this institute and explained that his mental model of his employment relationship was a ”partnership”. He perceived his employer and employees as partners for a long time. As partners, employees and employers should enjoy doing their tasks, have a good intention to serve their students, they should be compassionate, understand and help one another:

“…I have been an academic for 15 years… my working relationship with Director is, close and professional as well as my relationship with Head of Study Program…I think the working environment should be where supervisors and subordinates must enjoy doing their tasks. If anyone has any weaknesses, supervisors and subordinates must understand help each other..…individuals come up with same ideas in meetings. These ideas can

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be combined and fitted each other, therefore we, as partners, can have good intention to serve our students. Partners should be compassionate to each other.” (Respondent 13, a Head of Laboratory, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

Interestingly, despite respondent 11 thinking that his employment relationship should be a partnership and respondent 13 perceived his employment relationship as a partnership based on longevity of employment, their drawings stressed the perception of a clear hierarchical organisation structure when illustrating their mental models of the employment relationship. Indeed the majority of respondents’ drawings revealed the perception of hierarchy despite reporting that the longevity in their relationship made them think about the people in this hierarchy as “partners” and “friends”. This was a common occurrence in the data (and may be in part explained by second theme discussed in the next section “cultural values”).

Figure 5.1 Examples of Drawings

Longevity and Compatible perspectives of Example 1: Respondent 2 Public University Hierarchy and Partnership A

Drawings provides as examples are representative of this – i.e. respondents spoke of perceiving the relationship as a “long-term partnerships” that were shaped by the length of their interaction, yet illustrated a clear hierarchy. From the illustrative examples provided it was clear that respondents viewed their work relationships from a hierarchical perspective, but from the content of the interview transcripts it was equally clear that his hierarchy was compatible with the view that the those above and below the respondents position.

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Example 2: Respondent 6 Public University Example3: Respondent 11 Public University B A

Example 4:Respondent 16 Public University Example 5:Respondent 45 Public University C A

Source: data collection

Other respondents such as, respondent 38 also raised the issue of longevity when asked questions related to their perceptions. He had been an academic for more than 30 years and was considered as a long term colleague and “friend” of the Dean, but noted that he would “always do what the Dean asks”, reflecting the apparent compatibility between the perceptions of friendships/partnerships based on longevity and the appreciation of hierarchy:

“I have been an academic in here for more than 30 years…my relationship with Dean as my colleague is going well. He has appointed me as the Head of Economics Discipline for about 1 year….We had also worked together when I was the Vice Dean for Students Affair and he was the Vice Dean for 106

Academic Affairs several years ago…I always do what Dean asks me to do…Dean always asks my opinion regarding the faculty’s planning…”(Respondent 38, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

In other interviews, an explanation for the compatibility between the perceptions of friendships/partnerships based on longevity alongside an appreciation of hierarchy was revealed. For example, respondent 11 explained that being positioned higher in the organisation structure is not permanent job i.e. that there is considerable job rotation of important positions in the hierarchy so that you understand that you or your colleagues would move to positions above or below each other on the hierarchy overtime. For example, the Dean at the Faculty of Economics and Business at Public University A has been a long history with his colleagues. He was a regular academic before and some of his subordinates now, were his supervisors in that past. Not only did he have a long- term relationship with his collages which led to a perception of ‘partnership’ as the default lens through which he viewed their work relationship, but the respective hierarchal roles in this partnership had changed and could be expected to change in the future (this situation was raised repeatedly across the interviewees by various respondents and in multiple universities). Once he was resigned as Dean, he might be positioned in other structural position (i.e. below his current subordinates). He could be just a regular academic and would always be an academic until he was retired. He noted that in the long-term, his main task as an academic would always be teaching. In other words, they were academics and colleagues in their lifetime jobs, thus they were perceived as friends and partners in their work life as hierarchal roles could be reversed.

In light of this the mental model of the employment relationship and psychological

107 contract was strongly influenced by the perception of an ongoing and rotating hierarchal work roles and relationships over time.

“I think employment relationships between supervisor and subordinate should be partnerships. Having a hierarchical structure position is only an additional [temporary] task.” (Respondent 11, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

This perception of transience in many hierarchal roles was discussed by a number of respondents who wished to stress that, when combined with longevity in relationships; it led to an appreciation that they were all primarily academics and consequently, “partners” in the profession. Respondent 40 emphasized the same ideas around role hierarchy, drawing attention to the fact that , she was aware that her current position in the hierarchal structure as Director of Master of Management Program was an temporary and additional task that would not last and her main task is to be an academic:

“My main task is as an academic. Being Director of Master of Management (MM) program is only an additional task.” (Respondent 40, a Director of Master Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

As discussed above, the rolling opportunities to take on roles higher up in the school or university management and the transient nature of them overtime, was a reoccurring explanation provided to explain why respondents and their colleagues perceptions’ of employment relationships were (1) set in a long-term context (2) viewed through the lens of partnership despite a clear image of hierarchy (as quiet literally illustrated through their drawings of mental models). Moreover, interviewees explained that this long-term perspective on the employment relationships and the psychological contracts with employers made practical sense. For example, as indicated by respondent

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20, who explained that her current supervisor (Head of Discipline) was her former subordinate because she was the former Head of Discipline. She is now a regular academic and had not experienced any problem with her current supervisor as they both perceived this as normal job rotation in the Indonesian context.

“I had been Head of Accounting Discipline for 2 terms. My direct supervisor is Head of Accounting Discipline. My relationship with her is fine…because so far, I have not got any problem with her…” (Respondent 20, a Senior Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

An important and reoccurring sub-theme in the discussion of longevity’s role in shaping mental models of the psychological contract was the consequences of this factor for trust. The experience of working together & longevity of employment had created mutual trust between employee and employer. Respondent 7 considered his 27 year employment in the faculty had shaped his mental models of his psychological contract and employment relationships with Head of Discipline and Dean as his supervisors and explained that mutual trust relationship between him and his supervisors existed. He considered that Dean had trusted him. For example, in one instance Dean had lent him his laptop when he asked it from Dean and Dean had also assigned him as a committee for graduation. Interestingly, similar to respondent 5, this respondent perceived the job as for not adding his workload, but as his responsibility to be Dean’s trusted colleague:

“I think Head of Discipline trusts me…for instance, one day, I asked him to provide me with a LCD for teaching and then he provided me with it…I trust Dean...he trusts me. For example when I needed a laptop, he lent me his laptop. I think it was a form of his trust to me. I could borrow his laptop for unlimited time. He even asked me to be a committee for graduation. For me, it is not an additional workload. It was my boss’ order to be the committee, thus I must do my responsibility.…I have been working as an 109

academic for 27 years. The idea of my employment comes from my working experience…I have experienced and observed the relationship in my working life…” (Respondent 7, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

Respondent 15 also expressed that mutual trust was established in his employment relationship due to the long working experience he had with the same colleagues:

“…There should be mutual trust among us. I think Head of Discipline trusts me because she always tells the information regarding training…I am now Head of Study Program, I also trust her.” (Respondent 15, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

Again this sub-theme of trust was set in the context of a long and broad interaction which interviewees explained as influencing their perceptions and mental model of employment. Respondent 33 and 34 had thought that their experience of working together with their employer, both inside and outside campus, had created a close relationship with their employer and this had been shaped not just in a work context, but socially as well:

“I have a good relationship with Dean. He has helped me a lot. We are close. We always talk together in church.” (Respondent 33, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

“I have a good relationship with Dean. He is always open if I want to talk with him. I can meet and talk with him in his office or home. ..We live in campus compound…we often meet in the church and tennis court. The non- work related relationship between us can be brought to our work related relationship…we can bring our informal conversation in university’s car to formal or real implementation....” (Respondent 34, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

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Because most academics in public universities undertook their undergraduate studies from the university where they currently work and their current supervisors are their former lecturers, thus academics’ mental models of their relationships with supervisors had been formed from their experience even during their undergraduate studies. The longevity of experience, either from their experience as student (before) or as an academic (currently), had impacted their mental models of work and psychological contracts. For example, Respondent 10 admitted that she had been close to Dean emotionally not just professionally and this was formed before she ever thought about how she perceived working relationships. She had known Dean since she was a student and Dean was her former lecturer. Dean had been like a father to her:

“My direct supervisor is Dean. I have been close to Dean emotionally…. Dean was my former lecturer. I have known him since I was a student...Although I have an emotional relationship with Dean, I am still aware that my relationship with him is bounded by working norms. I must listen to his instructions….I think Dean never perceives me as his subordinate. He is not arrogant. He’s got fatherhood manner towards me. He takes a good care of me and I feel comfortable. … I do my job with all my heart.”(Respondent 10, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

Similar perception had been explained by respondent 46 too. This respondent had had experience with her current supervisor when she was still an undergraduate student.

Her current supervisor was her former lecturer before and was Head of Management

Discipline during her current employment. In this context the respondent explained that a perception of loyalty and trust shaped how her mental model of employment and created a shared vision. Again this longevity was stressed as the factor that shaped how they perceive what happened now and their current psychological contract and employment relationship.

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“I had an experience in the past during my undergraduate study period that makes me becoming loyal to Dr xxx (her current supervisor). I knew that we also have the same vision. I consider her as my supervisor… She has contributed a lot to me. She is a role model for me.”(Respondent 46, a Lecturer, part time academic staff, Public University A)

In summary, the theme of longevity in the discussion of mental models goes some way towards reconciling the repeated discussion of “partnerships” and the reasoning around, and source of, wanting to stress “friendship” and “trust”. Mental models research explains that ‘reasoners’ make deductions about their current context based, in part, on working memory (Barrouillet, Grosset, & Lecas, 2000). The academics in this sample had a long working memory of the personal and employment relationships with their supervisors and therefore, understandably answered questions related to their perceptions of employment and psychological contracts, in this long-term context. Their reasoning around, and comprehension of, the employment relationship and the psychological contract were based on considerable experience with their colleagues and experience that was much broader than their work experience. In light of this, mental models of current work relationships were shaped in some cases by social interactions outside work, previous supervisory relationship as students and even memories of role reversals i.e. where the interviewee had previously held a position higher in the organisational structure than those colleagues that currently held them. As phycologists explain that a mental model is an explanation of thought process about how something works (Johnson-Laird, 1986), the logical consequences of the longevity theme is interviewees’ perception of how the psychological contract or employment relationship

‘works’ is that it is based this broad history with those individuals.

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A second prominent theme in the data explaining the factors that shaped the mental models of these respondents was that of cultural values, which is discussed in the next section.

Cultural Values

The data coded at this theme demonstrated that academics thought that cultural values of obedience influenced their mental models of employment and the psychological contracts. Although the sentiments expressed in this data included content like “obligation”, “obedience”, “responsibility”, these sentiments were expressed in relation to how interviewees perceived work and specifically, psychological contracts at work. These reoccurring themes in the discussion of mental models and perception were collectively coded as cultural values, because they clearly reflected known characteristics of Indonesians as a cultural group.

For example, as noted above, hierarchy is recognised in this data and known to be an important cultural value in Indonesia - as evidence from extant analysis such as those provided by Hofstede, Hofstede, and Minkov (2010). Indonesia scores very high at 78 on power distance (relative to countries like Australia (36) or the UK (35)). In this context, Hofstede, Hofstede, and Minkov (2010) explain that employees expect to be told what to do, and not in a negative way, rather Indonesians would perceive it to be most appropriate to be clearly directed.

The cultural value of obedience was in the form of obedience to employers because it is a part of their cultural value to obey them and/or because the obedience to employers is instructed by regulations. The later finding related to regulation reflects respondents sentiments that the mental model of work and the psychological contract was dictated by Tugas Pokok dan Fungsi (TUPOKSI), as regulated by the Indonesian

Government. This set the regulatory and cognitive framework for all activity. 113

Academic employees expressed that part of “Indonesian culture shaped their obedience” to employers and that their understanding and perception of work is that you have to be faithful to their supervisors and maintain their good relationships with them by obeying, respecting their employers and doing their instructions as expressed clearly by respondent 3 and 9:

“I think we still have our (Indonesian) culture in where we cannot argue with our employer….”(Respondent 3, a Senior Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

“Subordinates must be faithful to their supervisors. It is our Indonesian culture that we must have a good relationship with our boss….” (Respondent 9, a Dean, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

Cultural value of obedience to rules and regulations was also implicitly mentioned by academics when ask what factors shape their mental models of employment and the psychological contract. For example, respondent 6 explained that he and his supervisor must work together based on rules from their university and faculty which he believe shares all work in the university:

“These good relationships bring good cooperation and create good work performance. These good relationships are established by rules from Rector and Faculty leaders…we must work based on rules. As a subordinate, I must follow my supervisors’ instructions. Those instructions are formed in the information system and lead us to achieve the organisational goals.” (Respondent 6, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

Another academic respondent 44 implicitly indicated his obedience to

Government regulations by saying that his supervisor should give directions to subordinates who must not go against with rules as determined by the Indonesian

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Government and explicitly mentioned his obedience to Dean by doing all jobs as assigned by him. He perceived that:

“The employment relationship should be in accordance with Undang- Undang (Government Regulations). Dean, as the leader in Faculty should give directions to his subordinates. However, the directions must not go against with rules…my employment relationship with Dean is line or command line, every time Dean assigns me jobs, I must do them and report to him….” (Respondent 44, a Director of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Respondent 9 and 40 also explicitly commented on their “obedience” to employers by carrying out their employers’ mandate and implementing their decisions and implicitly indicated their obedience to rules or regulations by emphasizing that their employers’ mandate and decisions must be based on rules or regulations determined by

DIKTI (the Indonesian Directorate General of Higher Education). Respondent 9 also said earlier that it was Indonesian culture to have a good relationship with employer:

“I have to maintain my synergy relationship with Rector by carrying out the mandate based on rules….Regulations determine the employment relationship…subordinates must follow supervisors’ instructions as long as they are not against with regulation of the Indonesian Higher Education…”(Respondent 9, a Dean, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

“My employment relationship with Dean is very good. Dean has not controlled me with his absolute power, but management based on service, so we can have the synergy. Dean always listens to his subordinates’ opinions and supports whatever we have decided together…however those decisions must be in accordance with regulations determined by DIKTI.”(Respondent 40, a Director of Master Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

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The embedded perception that the boss must be obeyed and that both the employee and the employer must in turn obey that state, is also a strong reflection of cultural values. Scholars believed that the principle of “Asal Bapak Senang” (Keep the

Boss Happy) in Indonesia is in part a reflection of the cultural need to avoid uncertainty

(Hofstede, Hofstede & Minkov, 2010). The findings here however, revealed a strong perception that the state, through regulation (in this case TUPOKSI), should, and does, provides a clear and tangible understanding of the employment context in Indonesia.

The mental models of academics towards this employment context and consequently their psychological contracts are shaped by their conceptualisation of the broader context of their work. Mental models (of work or anything else) are known to depend heavily on broader conceptualisations (Johnson-Laird, 1986) and in the data from this study a broader conceptualisation of work and cultural obedience was repeatedly raised through the discussion of the regulation that dictated to employers and employees alike how they should understand work and their responsibilities.

The majority of academics (more than half of the respondents) clearly explained their obedience to do their main tasks or functions with explicit reference to TUPOKSI and job descriptions as regulated by the Indonesian Government and their institution.

Respondent 35 and 31 perceived their employment relationships with their employers were good because of their obedience to do their TUPOKSI. Their mental models of employment relationships were shaped by obedience to rules and or regulations outside their direct employment relationships and psychological contracts.

“I can say that I have a good relationship with Vice Rector 1 because I always do my main tasks as determined and indicated on my job descriptions [referring to TUPOKSI]. As long as I do my tasks based on those job descriptions, my supervisor always supports me.” (Respondent 35, a Dean, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

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“My employment relationship with my supervisor is good. I always work based on my TUPOKSI. She is the one who evaluates my work performance…”(Respondent 31, a Senior Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

Similarly, respondent 43 and 6 particularly expressed their obedience to their

TUPOKSI and to obey their supervisor in unison:

“My obligations as Vice Rector 2 are to do my TUPOKSI of Vice Rector 2 and to obey Rector.” (Respondent 43, a Vice Rector 2, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

“My obligations are to do my responsibilities based on my TUPOKSI and my position in the hierarchy organisation structure…and to obey my supervisors consistently…we must obey the policies from the Indonesian Government.” (Respondent 6, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

Respondent 23 and 37 explained that their obligation was to do their TUPOKSI.

“I must do my TUPOKSI based on regulations determined by the Indonesian Government …An obligation is to do TUPOKSI…” (Respondent 23, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

“I am obligated to do whatever indicated on my job descriptions [referring to TUPOKSI]. My promise is to do my obligations...” (Respondent 37, a Rector, permanent academic staff, Private University A)

Another interviewee, respondent 40 also clearly indicated that her understanding of work, obligation and promises in her psychological contract were to do her

TUPOKSI, both as Director of Master of Management Program and as an academic:

“My obligation and promise are to do my TUPOKSI, both as Director of MM (Master of Management) program and as an academic. My main task is

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as an academic. Being Director of MM program is only an additional task. I have to be committed doing all of my tasks.” (Respondent 40, a Director of Master Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

The above examples indicated their culture of obedience as to do their TUPOKSI obligation, in order to achieve the Indonesian Higher Education of TRI DHARMA tasks

(teaching, conducting research and community service). These following respondents also mentioned their obedience to do their obligations as embedded in the regulatory context (TUPOKSI and TRI DHARMA) as their academics’ mental models of their employment and the psychological contracts. Reflecting on the influence of TUPOKSI and TRI DHARMA on shaping contents of their psychological contract they explained:

“It is a compulsory. It is a dead price (you can’t bargain it).” (Respondent 20, a senior lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

“We must do our obligations. Our obligations as academics are to teach, to do research and to do community service. If we do not do them, we are no longer academics.” (Respondent 32, a Secretary of UPT, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

“An obligation is something that must be done or accomplished…. Obligations are TUPOKSI of academics. They are to teach, do research and community service…” (Respondent 33, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

Respondent’s obedience to do their obligation as to comply with regulations (set by the Indonesian Government and institution) was discussed as being beyond their mental models of employment and the psychological contract with their supervisors, with some striking examples of how important the broader regulatory context was in shaping perspectives.

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“You must do your obligation, no matter you’ve made a promise to do it or not. It is your task and a soul calling determined by regulations…my obligation is to do my TUPOKSI as an academic which is to teach, to do research and to do community services. I must do them all because they are my obligation...” (Respondent 39, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Also explaining how regulation impacted on how employment and psychological contracts Respondent 4, suggested that he would do his task required in his TUPOKSI

“whether or not it will be rewarded” by the supervisor; indicating the broader impact of the regulation:

“I will do my tasks [in TUPOKSI], whether or not will be rewarded by my supervisor, no matter whatever promise has been made by my supervisor if you complete my tasks…whether or not my supervisor will keep his promise, I must do my tasks.” (Respondent 4, a Vice of Head of School for Students Affairs, permanent academic staff, Private University B)

Obedience to the government regulation and the broader context of the job was repeatedly raised as impacting on mental models of employment and the psychological contract. Irrespective of institution, whether public or private university and across various levels of interviewees, the cultural values of obedience were articulated in a broad institutional and regulatory context that respondents believed shaped employment. While the literature culture, e.g. Hofsede (2001) and Hofstede and

Hofstede (2005), acknowledged that formal institutions such as regulation (in this case

TUPOKSI), reflect cultural values, such formal institutions also shape cultural values and this leads to taken for granted perspectives on ‘ways we do things’ (Scott, 2001, p.

57) and in the language of mental models, thought process about how things works

(Johnson-Laird, 1986). That respondents consistently raised TUPOKSI as their explanation of factors that shaped their perception of employment and psychological

119 contracts, indicated that they believed that it both influenced the content of their psychological contracts in their current work (as will be discussed in greater detail in the next chapter), as well as a more fundamental driver of perspectives in the profession

(i.e. for all academics in Indonesia).

The next section presents the finding relating to the next dominant theme in the data that stressed spirituality and religion as key factors in shaping mental models of work and psychological contracts.

Religion

The next theme emerging from the data on factors that impact the mental models of the psychological contract was the theme of Religion. An important sample bias will have influenced this finding in that, the private universities included in the sample required that academic’s be members of the Christian faith. While the great majority of

Indonesians are Muslim, few public universities and no private Islamic Universities were included in the sample. With this acknowledged, the findings clearly demonstrated that majority of academics in the private Christian universities that made up this sample and very few in public universities spoke about obedience to God and or serving God and how the implementation of one’s religion, influenced their mental models of employment and the psychological contracts and specially, on obligations and promises in their psychological contracts. As Horst (2013) explained, as human understanding is comprised of mental models of various content domains, religious concepts can institutively play a role in many of those content domains. Logically then, mental models of employment and the psychological contracts are perhaps unsurprisingly impacted by religion and this theme/finding is amplified in a sample that included privately-run religious universities.

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All private universities in the study were Christian universities and under management of Church Foundation. For instances De La Salle University was under management of Catholic Manado Diocese, Economics Higher Education School or

Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Ekonomi (STIE) Eben Haezar was under Eben Haezar Foundation and University of Klabat was under the 7th day Adventist Christ Church. Each elite academic from these private universities indicated this type of management was a factor that shaped how they thought about work, as explained by respondent 37, 3 and 28, when asked what shaped their perspectives on their employment they each raised the religious management of their respective universities:

“This university is managed by Head of Foundation De La Salle University Manado…The Board of Trustee is Bishop of Manado, Brother Jun, Father Benny and I, as the Rector….Catholic Manado Diocese is the owner of this university….” (Respondent 37, a Rector, permanent academic staff, Private University A)

“I must report to the Head of Foundation and Director of Foundation (Eben Haezar Foundation). They are my supervisors.” (Respondent 3, a Head of School, permanent academic staff, Private University B)

“The University of Klabat belongs to University of Klabat Foundation under supervision of the 7th day Adventist Christ Church and South Asia Pacific Division in Manila…” (Respondent 28, a Vice of Dean, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

Most Christian academics in these universities established the perceptions at the core of their mental models of working in the Christian universities, to mean serving

God (a sub-theme and phrase that was used many times in the interviews). These perceptions most likely had been brought by their spirituality and religion doctrines as

Christians and or the Christian organisational values. For instances, the vision in one

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Adventist Christian’s university is “To acquire domestic and international recognitions as a private university providing highly qualified teaching and education, disciplined, professional based on a balanced combination in intellectual, spiritual, physical and social.” Whilst its mission was “University of Klabat is willing to achieve high quality of Adventist Christian education and try to develop our students’ possessing noble values of life, required knowledge and skill for leadership, service and as responsible citizens”. Some academics referred to their Christian university’s mission and vision as shaping their perspective and explained that the Indonesian Higher Education authority had suggested every faculty to put their university’s and or faculty’s mission and vision on their office’s wall i.e. not just religious universities but it was a part of the

Indonesian Higher Education assessment points. From the sample in this study,

Christian university’s mission and vision contained Christian values that they believed were embedded in the mental models of the academics. On site, during interviewing it was clear that this context of work was important to respondents and their universities, as evidenced by mission statements and verses quoted from Bible hanging on their office’s wall. Two examples from the field research are added below.

Figure 5.2 Examples of Christian Values

Source: data collection

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Christian values reflected as the organisational values were also revealed by respondent 37, a Catholic university’s Rector and Catholic Father. He said that

Christian values as their organisational values shaped his mental models of the employment relationship with his supervisor:

“At De La Salle (University), there is MORES element. It is an understanding of the importance to be reliable and trustable person. If I work hard and good, I will get my reward. I trust it. My supervisor will appreciate me if I do my jobs well….we also have our university’s statute…our statute is the values of life determined by our Catholic church...”(Respondent 37, a Rector, permanent academic staff, Private University A)

Furthermore, a few academics had commented their Christian life activities in their university were as a factor that shaped how they thought about work and their psychological contracts at work. Respondent 33 and 34 said they lived in the university’s campus houses and were required to attend daily and weekly masses or worships in their university’s church, so there was a persistent overlap between their understanding of the world as a Christian and as an employee of the university.

Similarly, Respondent 34 emphasized that their university was an Adventist university and employed only Adventists academics, so that the mental models of the employees at this university was shaped first by the religious environment:

“We live in university’s campus houses...most permanent academics live here…we often meet in the church and tennis courts…We are all Adventists. It is a compulsory requirement that all academics must be Adventists because this is an Adventist university…”(Respondent 34, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

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“I like the … religious environment in this university…we have a meeting prayer every Wednesday….” (Respondent 33, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

The majority of academics in private universities also explained that they thought their perceptions of being obedient to God or serving God influenced their mental models in relation to how they perceive obligations and or promises as to do their main tasks or functions (TUPOKSI), other tasks assigned by their supervisors and to create their trust towards their supervisors. In light of this data, it was apparent that respondents made a very explicit connection between mental models shaped by religion and the psychological contract at work.

“A promise is to do my obligations or responsibilities….that is a promise related to my relationship with God and as my obedience to my supervisor…”(Respondent 25, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Private University A)

“My obligation is to do my jobs as an academic and as Head of Accounting Discipline.…. I trust Head of School because I am sure he is able to do his jobs. He has been appointed by the Foundation and blessed by the Priests.” (Respondent 27, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Private University B)

Academics in public universities (Christians and non-Christians) and also thought their perceptions of being obedient at work was impacted by their promises to God.

“I usually say “Insyaallah” (I hope so in the name of Allah or God) when I make my promise to Head of Study Program to do my job assignment from him…” (Respondent 13, a Head of Laboratory, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

“If I have made a promise to be an academic, it means I have made a promise to myself and God to do my tasks with my best. I want to be a good 124

example or role model to other colleagues, both what I have done and what I have spoken.”(Respondent 11, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Similarly, respondent 46 implicitly expressed that her understanding of the importance of obedience to religion influenced her mental model of psychological contracts and obedience and loyalty at work:

“It is important for me. It is related to my religion. I like one verse from my religion scripture indicating that ‘If you want to stand straight, then you need to help someone else to stand straight first’…I believe what goes around will come around…she [Her Supervisor] has been helping me since I was her student and thus I have been loyal to her..”(Respondent 46, a Lecturer, part time academic staff, Public University A)

Whilst those respondents indicated that because they had made a promise to God thus they must do their tasks and jobs, other respondents expressed in a slight different way. Respondent 28 and 12 spoke about their obedience to God and or serving God must be implemented not only by doing their TUPOKSI but also establishing good relationships with their supervisors with mutual understanding, open communication, mutual trust and being committed to do their job as academics. In a very explicit statement that religion was a factor that shaped her mental model of work, she notes that, long before she thought about the psychological contracts at work it was “already formed in our mind that working here is to serve God”.

“This institution is a church’s institution. Our focus is to serve. It is already formed in our mind that working here is to serve God. My obligation as an academic is to do my TUPOKSI as an academic…my employment relationship with Dean is good because we have good communication and he can accept my suggestions… we often have different opinions, but we always talk, convince each other and find the solution together.”

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(Respondent 28, a Vice Dean, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

Respondent 12 also provided an exemplar of the interconnectedness between the perception that God was being served and how employment and commitments therein were viewed. This quote also captured another important sub-theme in the data coded at religion, namely, that religion oaths during appointment provided a religious context to work that inevitably had an impact on mental models of employment and the psychological contracts.

“A promise is made to God, therefore can’t be broken because it relates to my belief. I was asked to make my promise under oath when I was appointed as a government employee in the beginning...When I started my job as Secretary of Accounting Department, I prayed to God and I have made a promise to God to do my tasks and must highly trust my supervisor…” (Respondent 12, a Secretary of Discipline, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

Their religious belief implementation had been apparent in their employment relationships. Respondent 3 and 12 said because they fear God, thus they were committed to work together with their supervisors, to create less argument with their supervisors and to highly trust their supervisors. Their employment relationships with their employers were then doing fine.

“My employment relationships with my supervisors are good. It is because this foundation belongs to the church and people who work here are those who fear God….they must show they fear God….people often argue, but selfishness ego or hegemony is less happening here (compare to in public university) because they fear God.” (Respondent 3, a Head of School, permanent academic staff, Private University B)

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“Thank God, I have been getting along well with Head of Accounting Discipline…it is perhaps because both of us are God’s children. We do realize that we have an obligation to fear God…I must trust her in the highest level. It is supposed to be like that…” (Respondent 12, a Secretary of Discipline, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

Other respondents had also indicated their religious belief did not just shape their employment relationships with their supervisors but also created a desire to help educating their students to keep their faith in God and have a good moral life.

Respondent 4 explained:

“I put my faith in God. I’m committed to develop this school because it reflects Christianity … I do hope that my students can be educated, highly faith in God, excellent in their knowledge and service (in their future jobs)…..”(Respondent 4, a Vice of Head of School for Students Affairs, permanent academic staff, Private University B)

“…students who graduated from here must have not only knowledge but also have a good moral, they fear God…” (Respondent 27, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Private University B)

Religion clearly shaped academics’ mental models of employment and the psychological contracts by seeing their employment relationships with their supervisors as their promise and obedience to God or serve God and to implement their religious beliefs. Thus, they were more likely willing to do their obligations and promises of

TUPOKSI, job descriptions and tasks. They were also willing to establish good relationships with their supervisors with mutual understanding, open communication, mutual trust and being committed to do their job as academics. The next theme that was evident is education and is presented below. In the introduction to this chapter subthemes were flagged – this theme, education is categorised as such due its relative

127 strength (i.e. frequency in the data and importance to respondents) compared to the three principle themes outlined thus far.

Education

Academics also expressed that their perception of their employment relationships were gained from education - working experience and learning management literatures - during their formal and informal studies. They acknowledged management courses such as Organisational Behaviour, Introduction to Business,

Introduction to Management and Human Resource Management in their studies which were beneficial to understanding their current employment relationship and explained that this education impacted on their mental models of employment and the psychological contracts at work. That respondents articulated this theme, suggests that they are conscious that education and training might go some way towards developing

(or perhaps changing) engrained mental models of Indonesian academics and factors that shape them such as those outlined to this point.

Respondent 2 and 30 said they learned from Organisational Behaviour literatures and their relationships with supervisors and their understanding of their main tasks and functions (TUPOKSI) were influenced by their education in related areas:

“I and Dean should be aware of our position. Each of us must fulfil our tasks based on our job descriptions and must be aware of our authority level based on the organisational structure. The organisational structure or bureaucracy has already been fine and determined by the Indonesian Government….that is supposed like that...I have gained the knowledge from Organisational Behaviour and compared with the working field (in the university)…” (Respondent 2, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

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“A good relationship can be formed by good communication and openness…. We can’t work alone, otherwise we will not achieve the goal. Openness means we should remind each other of our TUPOKSI as academics and as IBA management… I’ve known this employee-employer relationship since I learnt Organisational Behaviour.” (Respondent 30, a Secretary of IBA program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Similarly, respondent 26 also indicated that she learnt from Introduction to

Business, Introduction to Management and Human Resource Management courses that a good employee-employer relationship could be established with two ways communication where employers can give their instructions and employees can give their suggestions or feedbacks:

“I have a good relationship with Dean. He gives me his instructions and I give my feedbacks or suggestions. There is two ways communication between us. It can be formed by the mutual understanding between us. I have learnt about this from my working experience and also from my undergraduate study. I learnt some courses: Introduction to Business, Introduction to Management and Human Resource Management.” (Respondent 26, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University A)

Other informal education to learn about and to better understand the employment relationship was from seminars and meetings. Respondent 27 said employee and employer should support and complete each other in their employment relationship:

“…we should support and complete each other in our employment relationship. …I have learnt about this employment relationship in inside and outside campus such as ISEI (Indonesian Bachelor of Economics Association) seminars and meetings.” (Respondent 27, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Private University B)

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On the other hand respondent 34 learnt the lesson from his parent. He said it was his father who taught him to always obey his supervisor. The education he received from his parents had created his respect and obedience towards Dean. The data raising parents as educators no doubt had interdependencies with the cultural values discussion above, but was coded at education to accurately reflect respondents’ use of the idea

(although cultural education at home is known to an important part of cultural value creation (Hofstede, Hofstede, & Minkov, 2010). When it comes to respecting the Dean

Respondent 34 for example, noted that:

“..I can’t say no to him and it is hard for me to say no either…my father often tells me to always obey my supervisor.” (Respondent 34, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

Other respondents discussed the education they had received more broadly in life e.g.

“The employee-employer relationships should be partnership relationship. The relationships should be based on TUPOKSI, however I don’t mind doing other tasks beyond my TUPOKSI because I have a good relationship with Dean...I learnt this relationship from my parents’ business. I learnt that my parents treated their employees as partners....sometimes we are motivated to do something which is not actually our job, just because we are friends, not because of money and other benefits.” (Respondent 5, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

“I learnt about the employment relationship also from my uncle’s business. I worked with my uncle before. He owns a store…we may have different opinions but we should respect and understand each other, we must be open minded to accept any inputs, thus there should be two way communication..” (Respondent 26, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University A)

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To conclude, academics’ mental models of employment and the psychological contracts were shaped by their working experience and learning management literatures during their formal and informal education. The education shaped their understanding of their relationships with supervisor. They perceived their employment relationships with their supervisors as to do their main tasks and functions (TUPOKSI), to establish two ways communication, and to provide support and complete each other. In addition, academics also learnt the lesson from their parents to always obey their supervisor in their employment relationship. The next section presents the conclusion on mental models of employment and the psychological contract.

Conclusion

This chapter presented the findings relating to mental models of employment and the psychological contracts or more specifically, the findings related to factors that shape the ‘mental models’ of employment and the psychological contracts. This is was clearly what respondents wished to stress when reflecting on mental models of work and their psychological contracts. Respondents were capable of articulating the root of many of their perceptions of work, so less use was made of the drawing technique that was envisaged at the outset. However, the drawings served a useful purpose in revealing the compatibility between seemingly paradoxical findings such as those relating to a perception friendship and partnership and an appreciation of hierarchy. The findings in this chapter reveal that factors influencing mental models of the ‘world of work’, employment and psychological contracts are principally formed by: experience and longevity, cultural values and spirituality and religion. They were of course interdependences between these themes e.g. the theme of longevity in the discussion of mental models goes some way towards explaining the repeated discussion of

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“partnerships” and the reasoning around, and source of, wanting to stress

“friendship”. Similarly, the cultural values will have influenced and been influenced by regulation, religion etc. The implications of these interdependencies and the findings more generally are considered further with an extended discussion in the context of extant knowledge in the final ‘implications’ chapter.

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Chapter six: Research Findings on the Psychological Contracts of

Indonesian Academics

Introduction

This chapter presents the findings relating to psychological contracts by exploring the contents of academics’ psychological contracts and who academics view they have their psychological contracts with and why. Significant changes had been planned for the period under study and this chapter also presents preliminary findings about how Indonesian academics considered their psychological contracts would be affected by institutional change. The findings in this chapter are presented around the dominant themes evident in the data and begin to demonstrate how the mental models presented in the previous chapter set expectations within the employment relationship.

Based on the themed analysis presented in this chapter, it is apparent that the contents of psychological contracts in regard to both obligations and expectations or promises concern conforming to the expectations of hierarchical positions, obedience to rules and regulations, the general working environment including both social and physical facilities, career advancement, workload, religious calling, direct financial reward, and recognition/reassurance.

There are similarities between the content of psychological contracts found in previous studies, however, there are unique aspects identified in the psychological contracts of Indonesian academics. Chapter two presented the context of this study and identified the significance of government legislation of Pancasila and the work duties outlined in TUPOKSI. These legislated and explicit arrangements combined with long- term employment are the foundation of the exchange relationship Indonesian academics identified as having with their employer. This is significant in that within previous

133 studies in western contexts, relational contracts are an exchange of employee loyalty for life-long employment. In the case of Indonesian academics, however, there is a belief in long-term employment from which basis numerous expectations emerge about the nature of the relationship between superior and subordinate. Both Chapters two and four also identified a number of cultural and legislated characteristics of Indonesians generally and academics more specifically. In this chapter some of these characteristics are extrapolated to a consideration of the effect they have on the nature of the employment relationship. Of significance in this context is the effect of (1) legislation, in particular Pancasila which reflects the cultural values of Indonesia namely religion, consensus and a prioritisation of obligations over rights; (2) long term employment and

(3) organisational practices.

Of note also in this chapter is the interaction between the different elements of the psychological contract and the expectations of reciprocity. It will be identified that a complex mix of elements exists whereby relational elements of the psychological contract exist within an institutional context that necessitates these relationships and where those relationships are leveraged to achieve transactional outcomes. Therefore, one of this chapter’s key findings is that, rather than observing a clear distinction between relational and transactional elements or even their co-existence in what would be understood as hybrid contracts, the exchange elements of psychological contracts of

Indonesian academics are interrelated and interdependent. In other words, there is no such thing as a purely relational or transactional contract; nor is there evidence of hybridity as currently understood in the literature. Transactional outcomes are anticipated from seemingly relational contracts.

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The Nature and Content of the Psychological Contract

This section presents findings in relation to the content of academics’ psychological contracts. Because of the longevity of the employment relationship outlined in the previous chapter, expectations arose about the relationship between employer and employee in that it should be considered to be one of friendship or partnership. The cultural and legal context also gives rise to a hierarchical employment relationship within which obedience, agreeableness and harmony are prized. Within this context various expectations in regard to exchanges between employer and employee emerged. Trust is expected to develop and was identified as a product of the longevity of the employment relationship but, more importantly, it is also created through academics evidencing long-term obedience to rules.

The Nature of the Psychological Contract: Legislative and Policy

Obligations

Regulation and employment policies in western contexts would be considered as part of the formal, written employment contract rather than as part of the psychological contract. In the context of Indonesian regulation and how it is interpreted and enacted within the university setting, however, it is clear that regulation lays the foundation for obligations, promises and expectations about the nature of the relationship between supervisor and subordinate.

In addition to establishing the duties of each person in the chain of command,

Indonesian regulations also establish the nature of the personal relationship between supervisors and subordinates. This legislated relationship is in keeping with Indonesian culture in that it establishes obedience by subordinates to their supervisors. As identified in the previous chapter, the majority of academics perceived that they were

135 regulated and thus obligated to do their main tasks and functions (TUPOKSI) and to respect and trust their supervisors. Academics respect and trust their supervisors because of a culture of power distance/hierarchy and obedience to regulations and members of the hierarchy.

These obligations therefore lead to an expectation that superiors and subordinates will all work together based on the rules and regulations and that this aids the creation of harmonious and friendly relationships among people in the workplace. These expectations carry through the entire hierarchy:

“I feel there are very positive relationships between me and my supervisors…These positive relationships have been built based on rules and regulations… To me, as actors of management, there must be synergistic relationships between me and my supervisor. We must work together based on rules. As their subordinate, I must work under their instructions … It is very important for each of us to do our responsibilities based on TUPOKSI of our position.”(Respondent 6, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

“As a subordinate, I have to maintain the synergy between me and Rector. I must maintain good relationship by properly carrying out the mandate based on rules…The regulation (of Indonesian Higher Education) determines the supervisor-subordinate relationship…supervisor needs to take care of his subordinate and subordinate needs to be faithful to his supervisor. Being faithful means to do supervisors’ instructions which are not against the rules.” (Respondent 9, a Dean, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

Respondent 9 above went on to comment that both he and his supervisor were both committed to do their jobs and that the Rector had never asked him to do tasks which were against the regulations. He therefore considered that his psychological

136 contract had been fulfilled and thus, it increased his trust towards his employer.

Fulfilling legislated responsibilities meant that the obligations between employer and employee were met:

“I think my supervisors have done their responsibilities. We are aware of our tasks or responsibilities. We have done our obligations and promises to each other.” (Respondent 6, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

Another respondent considered that the fulfilment of the psychological contract was about creating an enjoyable feeling and demonstrating trust in their supervisor. The respondent understood from the start of his career that as a government employee he would earn low pay thus he focused on having good relationships with his supervisors and colleagues instead. Even in this case, however, these relationships were based on legislation and policy:

“I have known about my salary since I was appointed as a Government employee, thus financial is not a problem to me. I want to have good relationships with my supervisors and colleagues because we will be working here until we are retired…….I have good relationships with my supervisors because I always obey the policies determined by them. I’ve got what I want. I’ve got my job satisfaction and I can teach with my best and students can be successful in their future working life.” (Respondent 18, a Senior Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

Owing to the cultural, legislative and organisational context the basis of the employment relationships is one of good relationships. Academics expected to maintain their good relationships and or friendships with their supervisors. These relational expectations are dependent, however, upon the fulfilment of an expectation that each

137 will obey the rules. Compliance with the rules results in the development of trust, good relationships and job satisfaction.

The Nature of the Psychological Contract: Hierarchy

Positions within the hierarchy carry significant decision-making powers over subordinates. In public universities the process of electing and appointing Deans outlined in chapter two also places a significant priority on the establishment of good relationships with work colleagues. In public universities where Deans are elected, support from peers and recognition by the Rector and Senate are necessary to attain appointment to the position of Dean. Once in the position of Dean, individuals are then able to appoint supervisory staff beneath them as they see fit. Such decisions are often based on friendships and perceptions about who has supported the Dean. Many positions in the hierarchy are therefore temporary and their achievement is reliant on friendships and good relationships. Because of the temporality of these positions academics often return from a position of superiority to one of being a peer and subordinate to a new supervisor who had previously been their subordinate. Positions within the organisational hierarchy were therefore perceived by respondents as tenuous

– there was a high probability that a current supervisor would find themselves reporting to one of their previous subordinates in the future. An example of this type of relationship was emphasized by Respondent 21:

“I have been friends with her (Head of Discipline) for about 10 to15 years...Since I have established a long relationship with her, thus I trust her and she trusts me…My employment relationship with her is mainly influenced by our friendship…I hope that our friendship will not end. For me, a friendship creates a trust…One day, she will no longer be my supervisor, but we will still be friends and we still can talk our problems to

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each other.” (Respondent 21, a Faculty Senate Member, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

Academics perceive that good relationships with their supervisors also bring opportunities for them to be positioned in the organisational hierarchy. A number of academics from the same public university and faculty expressed similar thoughts regarding their Dean. They emphasized the need and importance of maintaining good relationships or friendship with the Dean in order to attain positions of authority. For example, respondent 3 thought that to be positioned in the hierarchy academics in his faculty should be the Dean’s friends and should support him. In some cases those who failed to support the Dean lost their position in the hierarchy:

“…Professor xxx has no position at the moment. She was Vice Dean before. All of current Vice Deans are those who supported him … Other people also said the same thing, those who were on Dean’s side during the election, have good jobs or positions now.” (Respondent 3, a Senior Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

This respondent further explained that in order to be the Dean’s friend an academic must always agree and listen to the Dean’s decision and opinions. Those who were against the Dean were therefore those who did not agree with the Dean’s opinions and were subsequently excluded from his side and would not be positioned within the organisational hierarchy:

“In a meeting, we must always agree to what Dean said. The meeting is becoming a place of rubber stamp to legitimate his decision. We just listen and can’t go against his decision. One day in a formal meeting, I proposed an argument. I could feel I was not accepted and because (I disagreed) I was excluded (as his friend).” (Respondent 3, a Senior Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

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Respondent 2, the Head of Management Discipline from the same faculty provided another example of a senior lecturer who had just graduated from his Doctoral study abroad, but who had no supervisory position yet within their faculty. This respondent considered that the failure to secure a position was because the senior lecturer often criticised the Dean’s policies and decisions. To be a friend therefore meant being obedient and compliant.

Those who were in agreement with the Dean were given positions within the hierarchy resulting in some within the faculty considering that such appointees did not have the capabilities to be in their positions. This circumstance was emphasized by respondent 39 and 5 also from the same faculty.

“We all know that the Secretary of Laboratory does not have any competencies for the position….but because he has a close relationship with Dean then he’s got the position.” (Respondent 39, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

“Based on the command line, Head of Accounting Discipline is my direct supervisor. However, honestly, I think his capability is doubtful. I don’t really trust his leadership either. I have little interaction with him...he could be in the position because he has been Dean’s right hand…” (Respondent 5, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

At all levels within universities obedience to the hierarchy was maintained. In one university, the Dean for example stated that whilst trust could be developed through open communication, he also trusted the Rector by being committed to obey and do whatever the Rector asked him to do. In return for this commitment an obligation arose that the Rector would not harm him. The Dean trusted the Rector not to break this ‘no harm’ obligation as long as the Dean remained obedient. The Dean would remain

140 obedient as long as the Rector followed legislation. Evidence of this mutual trust was considered to be his appointment as Dean:

“It is our Indonesian culture to create good relationships with our boss and colleagues…To me, there must be mutual trust between supervisor and subordinate in order to create a good relationship. Trust can be built by openness between supervisor and subordinate. Openness can maintain mutual trust. I have committed myself to do whatever Rector has said and I trust him…so far, his instructions have never been against the Regulation. Thus, I have no doubt to do his instructions … So far, Rector trusts me. He has appointed me as the Dean. He has given me his big trust.” (Respondent 9, a Dean, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

Legislation underpins the hierarchical relationships between supervisors and subordinates in the employment relationship of Indonesian academics. Loyalty is demonstrated through obedience, agreeability and supporting candidates for Dean in their elections. When in positions of authority, supervisors reward their loyal friends through appointments to supervisory positions. It is also clear that those who fall outside the radius of friends around the Dean were punished in that they were overlooked or excluded from hierarchical positions. Thus there was an expectation of reward for loyalty to the hierarchy in the form of appointment to supervisory positions and punishment or exclusion for perceived disloyalty.

Obligations and Expectations: Communication

Academics expressed a desire to establish good communication between them and their supervisor in their employment relationships and that in exchange for their obedience such good communication would be forthcoming. They expected their supervisor to provide any feedback on their work performance or ideas and that the supervisor would express their expectations of them. 141

Respondent 2 clearly stated the importance of communication and openness with the Dean in order to know the Dean’s expectation. She had a desire to have communication and openness with the Dean because it was difficult to interpret what the Dean wanted because he did not tell her:

“I want to have communication and openness. I think it is difficult to interpret what Dean wants. Dean needs to talk openly what he wants and expects from me. I want him to criticise me, I just don’t want him to say yes to what I have done or agree to my idea. I will not know whether he actually likes my idea or not, because he doesn’t tell me.” (Respondent 2, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Good two-way communication existed, however, within the system of hierarchy and underpinned by obedience. Respondent 26 indicated that her relationships with her supervisors were based on hierarchy. She had established a good relationship with the

Dean by conducting two way communication based on mutual respect where the Dean asked her to do his instructions and she was able to give her suggestions or input. Both the Head of Accounting and the Dean as her supervisors expected her to establish good relationships by creating a conducive working environment in which they should demonstrate respect to each other and be open-minded to others’ suggestions or inputs.

“My employment relationship with Dean is fine…my interactions with my supervisors are based on hierarchy…Dean gives me his instructions and I give him my suggestions or inputs. There is two way communication. It can be formed because of mutual understanding between us… we must have mutual understanding, we may have different opinion but we must respect each other and be open minded to accept other inputs or suggestions.” (Respondent 26, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University A)

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Respondent 3 and 11 expressed the same expectation towards their Dean. Both felt they had fulfilled their obligations by being communicative, open and responsive and, in return, the Dean should do likewise. Supervisors identified that good communication enabled them to identify the expectations of their subordinates but that this must occur within an environment in keeping with the values of obedience and harmony:

“My subordinates want a comfortable working environment, enjoyment and no pressure. They also want rewards: recognition and money for their good performance. I know about this from our good communication. I also always advise my subordinates to maintain a conducive working environment in which there is no conflict among us…so far, we haven’t had any conflict yet.” (Respondent 17, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

“I want my subordinate to do and must do their tasks maximally, so in return, they want some rewards such as money and recognition, they want me to promote them. They also want a conducive working environment. It means their relationship with me is not too formal, a bit relaxed and pleasant.” (Respondent 44, a Director of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Failure to establish good communication led, however, to perceived failures to meet employee expectations. Respondent 3, for example, said that the Dean often listened to gossip about him and believed in the gossip without investigating the truth and communicating it with him. Based on this gossip the Dean then judged him and did not give him an opportunity to teach. He therefore perceived that a right to teach was withdrawn with serious implications for the achievement of his TRI DHARMA.

Respondent 11 explained that the Dean had rejected one of his ideas relating to his role.

As a consequence this respondent felt that he had subsequently been refused additional 143 work (and its associated additional pay) without being provided any sufficient reasons or arguments for the rejection. Both respondents felt that these failures by the Dean to meet their expectations were caused by poor communication:

“….communication is the most important one to me…Dean heard from other people that I haven’t finished my PhD study because of these or those things…these people have given him false information about me and he took the information seriously...Our employment relationship should be professional and Dean is not supposed to listen to the gossip … He was not supposed to judge me like that (for not allowing to teach). It seems that I am helpless…I told him that I have my right to teach…” (Respondent 3, a Senior Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

“… he (Dean) did not respond to my ideas to develop REGSO (a study program). He rejected my ideas without any strong reasons from him…I think Dean has not appreciated me well because he has appointed me as the Head of REGSO but he does not allow me to supervise and examine students’ theses. I have a PhD. I must be competent to supervise and examine students’ theses. He should have given me full authority…he must allow me to supervise and examine students’ theses.” (Respondent 11, a Head of Study Program (REGSO), permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Another Head of Department respondent (respondent 25) demonstrated her expectations in having open and honest communication and compliance with ‘the rules’, giving an example of telling and explaining the truth about the process of academic recruitment. Poor communication breached her expectations in regard to transparency.

She explained that the academic recruitment process (conducted by the university) had led to the appointment of new academics who did not meet the needs of the faculty in terms of their competency. This situation had affected existing part time administrative and academic staff who had been waiting to be employed as permanent lecturers. 144

Further, she revealed that existing part time administrative and part time academics felt jealous of the newly recruited lecturers. The situation had decreased these part time administrative and part time academics’ job motivation and self-confidence with possible consequences for their work performance.

“I want openness, telling the truth and creating good coordination. I haven’t got them maximally, because of selfishness and not working based on the system. For instance there was a sudden decision about permanent academics recruitment, no explanation about it. There should have been an official deed to assign the new permanent lecturers. Also, the recruitment did not meet the faculty’s need and did not match the competency. This recruitment did not follow the correct procedure, thus it can decrease job motivation here, self-confidence and create jealously among part time administrative and academic staff.” (Respondent 25, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Private University A)

The nature of the employment relationship as being long-term and friendly clearly sets expectations in regard to open, two-way communication. This section provides examples of where such expectations were met, but also where expectations were not met. There are findings here that suggest that failure to establish good communication resulted in a breach of not just expectations, but also rights in relation to meeting TRI DHRAMA requirements. Good communication was considered as being open, two-way while maintaining respect for hierarchy, being obedient and harmonious.

Conversely, where such communication did not exist subordinates considered that this led to misunderstandings and a failure to meet other expectations.

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Expectations: The Working Environment - Social Aspects and Physical

Facilities

Academics, particularly those in private universities, indicated that they had good social relationships with their supervisors and colleagues which in turn had established their good working relationships. Respondent 33 and 34 from the same private university had praised their social and religious campus environment life, where they could live in their university’s housing estates with cheap utilities bills, had regular prayer meetings and sports activities. They revealed that their good relationships with their supervisors were formed because of their regular social and religious activities within their university’s housing estates. These social relationships, however, also led to academics being more prepared to undertake work outside normal hours and blur the boundaries between work and private life. In exchange there was an expectation that superiors make themselves available to their subordinates when needed. The availability of additional benefits added to the acceptability of this additional work:

“…I like the social environment and religious environment here. Among us, academics, we have very good social relationships, for instance we have a meeting prayer every Wednesday. Such activities give me satisfaction.” (Respondent 33, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

“I have a good relationship with Dean. He is always open if I want to talk with him. I can meet and talk with him at his office or home…..I think our good relationship can be formed because we live in campus houses … We often meet in church and tennis courts (within this campus).……the bureaucracy here is simple. We can have informal conversations in university’s car …We even have meetings on holidays because we are all busy on working days…I pay very cheap utilities bills in here. Dean sometimes comes to my house to talk an urgent thing. I don’t think it is disturbing me.” (Respondent 34, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University C) 146

Whilst respondent 33 and 34 had mentioned their good relationships with their supervisors were formed by their social and religious campus environment life and activities and that this led to expectations in regard to availability out of hours, another respondent indicated his relationship with his supervisor enabled him to obtain additional facilities. Respondent 7 described that he had always done his supervisors’ instructions and thus, his supervisor always fulfilled his requests. He further explained that his supervisor had asked him to be on the graduation committee and he did not consider the job as an additional workload. The expected exchange in this instance was that the relationship set up the provision of additional facilities which, in turn, established an obligation to undertake additional work:

“I trust Dean. It is because, so far, I always do his instructions and he always fulfils my request. For instance when I needed a laptop, he provided me with a laptop although I only could borrow it from him. I could borrow it for unlimited time…He asked me to be the graduation committee. To me it was not an additional workload, I must do my responsibility or task as his subordinate because it was my boss’ order.” (Respondent 7, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

Respondent 14 wanted to do his main tasks and functions (TUPOKSI) well by being equipped with sufficient infrastructure and facilities to support learning and teaching activities. He expected the Director to prioritize his department because the

Head of Discipline was the one who supported the Director during his election. This finding suggests that by doing a job well and being loyal would result in the provision of better facilities. In comparison with the previous example, however, these facilities were for the benefit of both the academic and other stakeholders:

“There are still some problems in IT infrastructures, broken air conditioners and computers due to more frequent blackout. These problems can influence

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learning and teaching process, especially problem with laboratory equipment….I think the top management, Directors and Vice Directors, should responsible…Director will prioritize the working program made by Head of Department because she supported him during the Director’s election.” (Respondent 14, a Senior Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

In summary, academics indicated a desire for both good social relationships with their supervisors and colleagues and the equipment necessary to fulfil their main tasks.

Social relationships were established through the social and religious campus environment life and activities, in which the university had provided facilities such as housing estates with cheap utilities bills, had regular meeting prayers and sports activities. The provision of physical facilities was for both personal and more general altruistic benefit (e.g. teaching and learning facilities). Complex multiple exchange relationships are evident in this data. Academics receive good living facilities that provide an environment in which relationships are established. The combination of these relationships and facilities then establish obligations in which academics undertake additional work for which, in return, they also expect their superiors to be available to them.

Expectations: Career Advancement and Education

This section presents findings relating to career advancement. A number of academics had expressed their expectation to be promoted for their career advancement level in exchange for their loyalty and obedience. Respondent 44 clearly revealed that he had established a good reciprocal relationship with Dean in this respect:

“What I want most is that as Dean’s subordinate, he can give rewards, such as future career and financial rewards such as giving me more opportunities 148

to do research and community services by granting me more funding from the faculty. Also, I want him to ease my career advancement process. He always supports my career advancement process. It is because I have been loyal to him and I have done my tasks well. This is the reciprocity between us.” (Respondent 44, a Director of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Respondent 18 also mentioned that if he had a good relationship with his supervisor, there would be rewards for example his supervisor would approve his career advancement application and pass his evaluation achievement report or Daftar Penilaian

Prestasi Kerja (DP3). His good relationship with his supervisor was established by undertaking his duties in regard to teaching but also included good personal behaviour, in this case, not smoking:

“I always maintain my good relationship with my supervisor to prevent the gap that can influence my performance for instance I might not come to teach because I don’t like my supervisor. If I have a good relationship with my supervisor, there will be rewards for examples my supervisor will approve my career advancement application and DP3. I will be also involved in other activities in this Accounting Department for instance trainings...I must obey the policies made by my supervisor…My promise to my supervisor is that I must give my best, beside of teaching well, I must give good examples to my students by showing them my attitude and behaviour, for examples teaching on time and maintaining my health well by not smoking.” (Respondent 18, a Senior lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

Respondent 2 as the current Head of Management Department told of her previous experience regarding her relationship with the Dean prior to her appointment as the Head of Department. In undertaking additional work, she viewed that the Dean had given her opportunities to take her Doctoral study, achieve career advancement and 149 promoted her. This previous rewards then set up expectations that the exchange would be repeated in future:

“I do believe if I perform well and maintain a good relationship with Dean and be loyal, Dean will give me opportunities… It is because I’ve experienced it before. I did good job when I was at IBA…Dean asked me before to do jobs that were not my jobs when I was at IBA. It was because I felt Dean was my boss, so I must be loyal. I was exhausted at that time, I still did the jobs because I trusted and really hoped that he would give me an opportunity… I could continue my PhD study and I can have my career advancement. He then has appointed me to be Head of Department.” (Respondent 2, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

“I haven’t fully got what I want...He (Dean) told my colleague that it is because I am still young. My other supervisors told me the same thing too… I have realized that I am still young and haven’t known him well. For me, it is not a big deal because I realize this is a process of making myself better and gaining more experiences.” (Respondent 4, a Vice Head for Student Affairs, permanent academic staff, Private University B)

Longevity of employment also led to expectations of career opportunities. The more long-term the lecturers, the more likely they would have an opportunity to undertake further study and advance their careers. In the example below, the academic had their application to undertake their PhD rejected. Despite this rejection, he indicated that he was satisfied with his job, did not prioritize a PhD anymore and also drew satisfaction from the higher calling of his religious beliefs. Religious calling was therefore a compensatory factor when expectations were not met:

“Actually I want to take PhD study, but I can’t take it now due to the university’s policy although Dean has permitted me to do it. Dean cannot do anything else because I must ask permission from Rector. We are must be in

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queue line. The more senior the lecturers, the faster they will take their further study. I love doing interactions with students especially in music and religious activities. I am very happy to have such interactions. I am in a choir too. I want my students growing intellectually and religiously. I want my students to be more religious people rather than intellectual ones. I am very satisfied although I still have something more, to take my PhD study. It is not the most important to me.” (Respondent 34, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

The importance of relationships in obtaining career advancements was evidenced in the case of respondent 45 who wanted to be employed as permanent academic staff.

He had been waiting and working in the university for more than one year following the completion of his Masters degree in Australia. While appreciating the expectation that rewards went to those with long-term relationships, he was no prepared to wait for only one more year to be employed as a permanent academic. An expectation had been set of a permanent job because prior to his departure to Australia a ‘friend’ had been in a position to appoint him. On his return, however, that contact was no longer in that position. Expectations can therefore be thwarted when friends are removed from the hierarchy.

To summarize, academics expected to establish good reciprocal relationships with their supervisors. They expressed that they had been loyal to their supervisors, had done their tasks well and had a willingness to help their supervisors by doing jobs beyond their job descriptions. The issue of longevity of employment is also evident here. In return for their loyalty and good work over the long-term there was an expectation that their supervisors would approve opportunities for their career advancement.

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Expectations: Work and Pay

This section presents findings relating to access to work and thus additional pay.

The majority of academics expected access to additional jobs which contributed additional money income over and above their fixed salaries as academics.

Respondent 1 was typical of a number of respondents in relation to expectations about access to additional work and pay. He had served his employer by working in excess of his obligations. He then emphasized his expectation of fair and equitable access to additional jobs including thesis examination, research and community service all of which are associated with additional pay. He expected his employer to be fair in assigning such job opportunities but also to consider personal needs in regard, in his case, to providing for his family. Indonesian academics are paid additional incomes dependent on how many children they support, but this is still insufficient to support a family well. He further considered that assigning academics to be thesis examiners must be based on their competencies:

“I serve my employer because I do my job more than my working hours. I should work at home sometimes, for example I should do marking on my students’ assignments, not just for 1, 2, or 3 students but about 20 to 30 students…I should teach over and over again if the students do not understand yet. It takes longer teaching hours than it is supposed to…I want fairness for instance in thesis examinations … I did not mean that I want to get as many thesis examinations as possible. It is not about quantity. What I meant is it would be better to give the thesis examinations to lecturers based on lecturers’ competencies … I want also some research and community service funding…Every faculty has its own limited quota … As an academic, I need to do these research and community service jobs in order to fulfil the requirement of TRI DHARMA…beside of fulfilling TRI DHARMA, doing research and community service are intended to generate additional income.” (Respondent 1, a Senior Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University A) 152

This need for additional work and therefore pay was well understood by employer respondents. Supervisors recognised that, in return for subordinates’ following their supervisors’ instructions they expected equitable access to additional jobs and pay. Such access to jobs was a new increased priority because of governance changes. Under these new arrangements the practice of academics accepting money from their students in return for favourable treatment was now frowned upon. Many, however, were not accepting of the new regime:

“…We must translate and implement Dean’s vision and mission in our work…My subordinates want to have prosperity. They used to have extra money due to illegal charges to students. I told them, I cannot let you do this (illegal charges) anymore because it is the transparency era. There is more openness and accountability in financial reports to attain good university governance. I have a bit of a different perception about this with my subordinate colleagues …I may say their welfare is decreasing now. They have asked me to find other sources of income.” (Respondent 11, a Head of Study Program (REGSO), permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Some academics sought to achieve their minimum requirement of teaching under

TRI DHARMA. In return for a good relationship with superiors and obedience to main tasks and responsibilities academics expected fairness in being assigned teaching subjects in keeping with TRI DHARMA. Supervisor needed to fulfil academics’ rights to teaching. Academics who teach the required weighting units, getting sufficient points from campus activities such as fieldwork practices, exam committee membership and thesis examinations were able to meet the requirements of the career advancement process. If they passed the assessment of career advancement, they would be promoted to a higher level of government employee status, thus their salary would be increased:

“…I have a very good relationship with Head of Department. She often motivates and encourages me…I must do my tasks and responsibilities….I 153

want the Head of Department to pay more attention to my right in having teaching subjects. There must be fairness in giving teaching subjects to academics. The minimum requirement is 6 (weighting units) for each academic. I want also my rights to be fulfilled, I want to be involved as the committee in fieldwork practices, exams and theses examinations…The Head of Department trusts me, she gives me schedules to teach and fulfil my rights for instances providing me the teaching infrastructure and facilities, opportunities to do research and to earn more money by being the committees and doing the research.” (Respondent 16, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

Two out of three part time academic respondents had a desire to be appointed as permanent academics. Respondent 47, for example, had an expectation to have fairness in the process of recruiting new permanent academics. He realised that to be a government employee required the payment of money to obtain a job, however, an expectation had now been set that appointments be on the basis of merit. Despite the university taking payment to give people jobs, respondents 45 and 47 were reluctant to get involved in paying the bribery to the university or taking money from students to pass them:

“….I expect the Dean to give his recommendation to me and push the Rectorate (university) to accept me as a permanent lecturer. I know it is hard nowadays to be a permanent lecturer, as the government employee. There are a lot of challenges and competitors. Every time there is any recruitment, people from middle nowhere will come to apply for the job. They can use their money to pay in order to get the job as lecturers. I want him (the Dean) to help me by pushing them to accept me, not by paying some money to them. I might not pay them because I graduated from abroad. They should have chosen me instead of someone else.” (Respondent 47, a Lecturer, part time academic staff, Public University A)

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“I am still a part time academic here. Rector has not employed me yet as a permanent one, as a Government employee … Actually Dean should be the one who can help me by pushing the university to employ me. However, my job application has not been processed yet, because there are too many applicants and some issues regarding job quotas and collusion.” (Respondent 45, a Lecturer, part time academic staff, Public University A)

Part time academics are placed in a precarious position in receiving their rightful pay for the work undertaken. In these instances the greatest breach of the psychological contract was evident. The irregularity of payment of wages to part time academics meant that expectations were low in regard to receiving correct payment on time. Whilst part time academics identified that their motivation was reduced and they had lost trust in their supervisors and/or sought relationships with others within the faculty who could assist in being paid, they did not withdraw their labour:

“..I can say my trust to the course coordinator is fading away. The story is like this, the course coordinators are the one who get all pay of our teaching. They then distribute to the teaching team members. However, in practice, they sometimes do not give the money at all to other members. They sometimes give less money than it is supposed to be, or they give the money after 2 or 3 months. Payment to each academic is based on the number of class meetings attended.” (Respondent 45, a Lecturer, part time academic staff, Public University A)

“I didn’t get my pay one day. He (Dean) said that I was on study leave status pursuing my PhD and thought I was not serious to finish my PhD study and being lazy in Australia. He doesn’t know what has happened to me during my study. He must also consider my health. For instance I got a toothache in Australia, I needed to go back to Indonesia because dentist medical care is very expensive in Australia. This incident caused a bit of a distraction to my study. ….I talked to Vice Rector 2 and he finally approved my pay….However, I am still committed to do my jobs in the faculty…” 155

(Respondent 3, a Senior lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

To conclude, academics expected to get equitable access to additional jobs which contributed additional income over and above their fixed salary as academics.

Academics emphasized their expectation in regard to equity and fairness to be assigned additional jobs for thesis examination, thesis supervision, doing research and community service, teaching units and being on committees for fieldwork practices and exams. Salaries for Indonesian academics are low and precarious. Previously salaries had been bolstered by payments from students. The findings here suggest that for

Indonesian academics an expected compensatory measure for the loss of this source of income was for universities to provide them with additional work. Supervisors were aware of this need and were anxious to meet such expectations given the effect this would have on successfully implementing greater transparency and better governance principles. Nowhere was the tenuousness of salary payments more prevalent than for part time academics who were often paid late or less than expected. Part time academics therefore expressed a desire to be employed as permanent academics. They were aware that there were expectations by university management that bribes would be paid for positions; however, there was evidence that some were now not willing to pay such bribes.

Expectations and Obligations: Religious Fulfilment

This section presents findings relating to the religious calling to serve God. The majority of academics in private universities indicated that serving God was more important than financial rewards. For many serving God was a key reason for working in a private university. For example, Respondent 37 is a Catholic Priest with management and pastoring roles in his diocese. He had, however, agreed to accept the 156 position of Rector of the university because this made him useful to people and that this role was about spiritual fulfilment.

“I have the employment contract and there is a financial reward. However, the most important one for me is I want to be a useful person … that’s an incredible reward to me. My position as the Rector is not just for me, it is a service. Although I am very tired as the Rector and my responsibilities are very hard, I am very happy because I can help other people … It is more about spirituality of making the meaning of your life.” (Respondent 37, a Rector, permanent academic staff, Private University A)

Similarly, Respondents 28 and 23 considered that the job of working in a private university was principally about serving God and that in exchange for this service the reward was their insufficient salaries that they were prepared to accept in the service of

God. In both cases, however, the salaries were sufficient at the time, yet there is a tension evident that this situation is only tolerated temporarily:

“…It is already formed in my mind that working here means to serve God ... I have been Vice Dean since last week… I have more tasks to do day by day. For me, it is a reward because I have been given a trust. My basic reward is my salary. So far it is enough.” (Respondent 28, a Vice Dean, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

“I worked at STIE El Fatah because it was more about my service to God. I hadn’t got sufficient pay there. It was only “thankyou” money and paid every 3 months. I worked there (at STIE El Fatah) longer only because my motivation was to serve God. It is a Christian university.” (Respondent 23, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

Others, however, were prepared to accept lower pay due to their commitment to

God and the flexibility of working in a university that provided them with opportunities

157 to spend more time with their families or undertake religious and/or other pastimes outside university:

“I don’t have problems with pay. I am only an academic so I can spend more time with my family. I love doing interactions with students especially in music and religious activities. I am very happy to have such interactions. I am in a choir too. I want my students to grow intellectually and religiously. I want my students to be more religious rather than such intellectual things … I want support from this university, such as training for intellectual activities, religion and social interactions with students and colleagues.” (Respondent 34, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

Most academics in private universities indicated that they perceived their jobs as to serve God as their priority in their employment relationships. They considered their relationship with God in the form of religious calling to serve God was more important than receiving financial rewards. There was therefore a hybrid characteristic to the psychological contract they had with their employer in that they often perceived their job as being service to God and that this was a benefit of employment. Many of their activities were altruistic in nature. The findings suggest, however, that there is a limit to such altruism in that the practicalities of supporting themselves and their families meant that the financial reward for employment was not fully compensated by their ability to fulfil their religious pursuits.

Expectations: Reassurance, Recognition and Advice

A number of interviewees considered that an expectation of employment was that their efforts would be recognised when they performed well and that they would receive reassurance where they had doubts about their roles or concerns about their work. For

158 example, respondent 7 said he wanted Dean to give a compliment on his outstanding job performance. He had got the compliment and been enjoying it:

“I hope my supervisor will evaluate my job every time I finish doing it optimally because I want to get an appreciation from Dean…. I hope Dean will appreciate my outstanding performance….I want Dean to give his compliment about me spontaneously to my other colleagues…Dean has already done it. I am currently enjoying it now.” (Respondent 7, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

As part of that recognition, a number of respondents identified that this came in the form of mutual trust. In exchange for their whole-hearted efforts in undertaking their roles, academics wanted to be trusted and for that trust to be demonstrated.

Recognition through trust led to further efforts for improvement and extending themselves beyond their job descriptions as in the case of Respondent 5:

“I think trust is the most important one in my employment relationship although cannot be 100%. There should be mutual trust…I haven’t got fully what I want. Basically, I work because of my heart. I want to be an academic because my heart tells me to do so. I think it is more important to me to do my main tasks and duties. So, if I have additional jobs as long as not too far from my main tasks, they will be fine. Also, if I trust someone, I will help him with all of my heart, although I won’t be paid. The more I trust someone, the more likely I help him. As a human, I need recognition or compliment and Dean has given me such appreciation.” (Respondent 5, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Relationships between subordinates and supervisors are extremely close and cross the boundaries of work-related matters. Where personal or work related problems arise, academics have an expectation that their supervisors will assist even where they themselves have not performed their tasks well. Academics understood that their

159 supervisors expected them to hear, understand and obey commands but that failure to fulfil obligations did not necessarily lead to exclusion or punishment. There was an expectation that supervisors would be sympathetic, understanding and the source of both personal and professional advice:

“Sometimes, there is a miscommunication or sometimes, I forget what my supervisors ask me to do. The solution is my supervisors guide me to fix my mistakes or improve myself.” (Respondent 36, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University A)

“My relationship with the Dean is very good. He has helped me a lot, especially in academic things… My obligations are TUPOKSI: teaching, doing research and community service. I can talk to him if I have a problem with my teaching and learning, personal problems with my colleagues and so on. I prefer to talk with Dean because he is the decision maker so I can get a solution straight away.” (Respondent 33, a Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Private University C)

Where mistakes were made because of lack of knowledge or genuine error there was an expectation that supervisors would be caring and instructive. However, where failure to undertake tasks due to laziness occurred, academics expected both themselves and others to be publicly reprimanded.

Conclusions about the Content of Psychological Contracts

This section has outlined the nature of the psychological contract and its contents.

The nature of the relationship is highly formalised through legislation and organisational hierarchy. In Indonesia the legislation reflects and enforces cultural values including obedience and deference to superiors. Within this framework, however, Indonesian academics describe their relationships with their employers as one 160 of friendship. Such friendships are established to ensure harmonious and pleasant working conditions. The necessity for creating such working conditions is because academics, once employed, understand that they have a job for life and that consequently they will be working with each other until the end of their careers.

The above findings evidence that the format of the main exchange is one of employee loyalty, obedience and support to their employer in exchange for friendship that translates to the provision of a socially pleasant working environment, the provision of teaching facilities, opportunities for career advancement, additional work and pay, recognition and religious fulfilment. The actual contents of academics’ psychological contracts are therefore not significantly different to those contained in the psychological contract inventories established by Rousseau and her colleagues in earlier studies

(Robinson et al, 1994; Rousseau, 1989, 2000). Exceptions to these inventories are the expectations and obligations of religious fulfilment where academics expect their employers to provide them with an environment to pursue their religious calling and where academics themselves feel both privileged and obligated to serve God. Obligation to serve God as academics meant being committed to work towards achieving certain religious goals, a finding supported by Cunningham (2010).

Another difference observable in the content of psychological contracts is the nature of the communication expected. In keeping with high power distance cultures the preferred style of communication demonstrates a preference for knowledge transfer where superiors tell and direct and are responsible for their subordinates’ learning and development. In addition it is significant that there is an absence of any expressed obligations on the part of the employee in return for their life long employment.

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The Psychological Contract: With Whom and Why

This section presents findings about with whom academics considered they have their psychological contracts. Most academics considered this person as being their supervisor as per the organisational hierarchy. As such, a number of academics identified they had their main relationship with their immediate superior. In accordance with the organisational chart, this Head of Discipline identified that she was required to be directly responsible to the Dean:

“My direct supervisor is Dean because I have to work with him every day…it is based on my job description….every decision I make, must be approved by the Dean…” (Respondent 25, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Private University A)

The findings suggest a far more complex situation. Explicitly, the majority of interviewees considered they established their psychological contract with their direct formal supervisor. In reality, despite acknowledging the official reporting lines, most academics bypassed their direct supervisors and established relationships with individuals who could fulfil their expectations of the psychological contract. The findings presented in this section were therefore often contradictory. This may be attributable to the hesitancy and confusion some experienced when having to acknowledge that rules, in the form of official reporting lines, were not necessarily followed. An excellent example of this confusion was provided by a Head of

Department who, when prompted admitted her confusion:

“This organisation is governed by the Government … as a Bureaucracy. So, there are Rector and Dean. My direct supervisor is Dean. Dean is helped by Vice Deans…Vice Deans help my relationship with Dean. Sometimes I feel there is an opportunity for conflict with my relationships with Vice Deans. I can contact Dean directly, but I must be aware that there are Vice Deans.

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For instance if I have an academic issue problem, I need to talk to Vice Dean of Academics before bringing this issue to Dean. Sometimes I am confused whether I should bring this problem to Dean or I need to talk to Vice Dean in the first place. I try my best to remember that Dean only handles the final things…Final decision is made by Dean… I must consider Vice Deans as the help, not to lengthen bureaucracy. Sometimes it is not my authority to bring the issue to Dean. Let Vice Dean bring the issue to Dean.” (Respondent 2, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Thematic analysis identifies three primary reasons for choosing with whom psychological contracts are formed: (1) Hierarchical and/or decision-making power; (2)

Friendship and personal relationships and (3) Expertise.

Hierarchy, Positional Power and Decision Making

All respondents identified someone in a decision-making position as the person with whom they considered as most representing their employer and, in most cases, this person held the position of Dean. For example, respondent 6 and 24 identified that their main relationship was with the Dean because the Dean was the highest position within the faculty and had the decision-making authority to fulfil their needs and expectations.

In exchange for the meeting of their expectations they considered themselves obligated to fulfil their duties to the Dean:

“My direct supervisor is Dean. Dean has the highest authority, to do many things in the faculty.”(Respondent 6, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

“I consider Dean as the leader in this faculty because he is in the highest position for faculty level. I must integrate with him in order to create the coordination. Every decision or policy that I have made, I must let him 163

know.” (Respondent 24, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Private University A)

Further up the organisational hierarchy, Deans often considered themselves as having their psychological contract with the Director (Rector or President) as the person. This was despite the organisational chart suggesting that Deans report officially to the Vice Directors (Vice Rectors). When prompted, Respondent 9 explained that he could talk with Vice Rectors sometimes before discussing matters with the Rector but that the main decision-maker was the Director/Rector:

“As Dean, I have a direct relationship with Director. Actually, based on the structure, I should go to the Vice Directors before going to the Director … However, sometimes they cannot provide me with the solution, thus I need to talk directly to the Director because he is the decision maker.” (Respondent 9, a Dean, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

These academics all identified a person in a position higher in the organisational structure as the person with whom they had their main employment relationship. An analysis of their organisational structure demonstrates, however, that these individuals were not officially their direct supervisors. These findings suggest that academics were likely to bypass the official reporting lines and therefore break official rules because of the higher authority and decision-making function of the individuals located higher in the organisational chart. This suggests a prioritisation of decision-making authority over obedience to official reporting lines. Individuals established relationships with those individuals with the authority to deliver on their expectations.

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Friendship

All interviewees also identified their friends as being with whom they formed their employment relationship. The person or persons identified as being with whom they could form a good or harmonious relationship was therefore the person with whom the psychological contract was established. These relationships were both personal and employment focused and often formed prior to employment. The longevity of these personal relationships was therefore a significant influence. Employees felt that they could share personal problems with their employer. At the same time, the relationship was not one of equals in that the superior-subordinate nature of the exchange needed to be maintained:

“Head of Department is my direct supervisor. There are two types of relationship with her: friendship and employment. If I have a personal problem, I can share with her due to our friendship…I must also put myself as her subordinate, therefore I must do my main tasks.” (Respondent 21, a Faculty Senate Member, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

“I have been close to Dean emotionally which perhaps my other colleagues do not have such relationship. He was my former lecturer before. I have known him since I was a student. However, I am still aware that my relationship with Dean is bounded by working norms. I must listen to his instructions…I may say that I have a very good relationship with Dean. We can talk and work in harmony. Whatever tasks he asks me to do, I can always do them.” (Respondent 10, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

Where academics did not form good relationships with their direct supervisors or where they had lost respect for that person, the psychological contract was then formed with others more senior in rank who they felt they could trust and with whom a friendship had been created. In one case, the friendship was described as a partnership. 165

A partnership was perceived as the employee being able to contribute their ideas, suggestions and thoughts to their employer so as to come up with mutually agreed decisions:

“I consider Dean as my direct supervisor. My employment relationship with Dean tends to be a partnership...Partnership means friends system… Based on the command line, Head of Accounting Discipline is (actually) my direct supervisor. However, honestly, I think his capability is doubtful. I don’t really trust his leadership either. I have little interaction with him. I have more interaction with Dean….” (Respondent 5, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Friendship was also based around similar points of view and similar values. In periods of managerial transition, those with similar views to the new management were put forward for higher appointments. In this way, friendships were further strengthened because expectations on the part of both employee and employer were met:

“I consider I have my employment relationship with Head of Accounting Department. She is my direct supervisor and I am Secretary of Accounting Department…During her fit and proper test, she told Director (President) that she wanted to choose me as her Secretary because we have shared the same point of views, the same mission and vision towards their department improvement….During prior management, there were not SAP, syllabus, practice and teaching modules like we now have. At that time, all of us were heading to a deep big hole of destruction…because academics just said ‘blablabla’ in their class, signed their attendance list and left…but now, let’s prepare our SAP, syllabus, practice and teaching modules.. that’s why we need Head and Secretary of Department. Head and Secretary of Department must lead those academics…” (Respondent 12, a Secretary of Department, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

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Academics therefore established their psychological contracts with those supervisors that they considered their friends. Friendship took the form of mutually shared interests, vales and needs but also open relationships where differences of opinion and different views could be aired.

Task and Knowledge Dependency

Several respondents identified their relationships as being formed with those who were most aligned to their job function. This person was chosen on the basis of their expert knowledge in assisting the academic with their day to day tasks. The relationship was one in which the academic was able to be provided sound advice, particularly in the area of teaching. This person was not necessarily the official direct supervisor:

“In structure, my supervisors are Director (President) and Vice Director of Academic Affairs. I consider Head of Accounting Department is my direct supervisor. For instance I must communicate with Head of Accounting Department because of our main task is teaching. I must talk with her in the beginning of semester to talk about my classes, SAP and syllabus. It needs a strategy also to develop our practical books…” (Respondent 14, a Senior Lecturer, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

“As the Secretary of International Business Administration Program (IBA), my direct supervisor is the Head of IBA…I always communicate with him to develop this program. All decisions are made by him and my employment relationship with him is fine. Our communication is good and we always communicate all of our academic activities.” (Respondent 30, a Secretary of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

In some cases, the need for specific knowledge about a work role meant that academics established multiple relationships, identifying and targeting the person must

167 able to provide them with the knowledge needed to complete their tasks and daily job functions:

“For me, Head of Department is my supervisor at department level and Dean is my supervisor at faculty level. I interact more with Head of Department because he always controls and monitors us on daily teaching activities basis. He always checks academics every day whether they come to teach in their classes or not. I meet Head of Department about 4 days per week. Whilst for Dean, I meet him for about 2 days per week. I meet Dean to get some information regarding research and community services grants and doctoral degree scholarships. I am about to finish my PhD study currently and I need some more scholarships for my final exams.” (Respondent 7, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

In establishing multiple relationships to locate the expert knowledge needed to undertake their jobs well, academics justified their relationships by identifying direct and indirect supervisors. Here too, there was a tension in having to recognise that official reporting lines were being bypassed in order to locate the person best able to meet their needs. Here, multiple relationships were not just established for the purpose of task, but also in relation to who best could provide additional rewards:

“My direct supervisors are Head of Department and Secretary of Department. My other supervisors are Director and Vice Directors from 1 to 4. My employment relationship with Head of Department in where she is the one who monitors me in implementing TRI DHARMA in my daily activities. My employment relationship with Secretary of Department is more on academic activities …I have good relationships with Vice Director of Academics Affairs, Vice Director of Financial Affairs, Vice Director of Students Affairs and Vice Director of Public Relations Affairs. They have important functions. I have got some rewards from them for instances grants for writing books, doing research, supervising schools and industry to

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achieve ISO 9001-2008 certification.” (Respondent 15, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University B)

It can be concluded from these findings that academics considered they may have their psychological contracts with more than one supervisor. Academics described the situation of both direct and indirect supervisors based on those supervisors’ authorities and functions.

Conclusions about with whom academics have their psychological

contracts

The findings indicate that academics form their psychological contracts with multiple individuals for the purpose of gaining access to decision-making and knowledge power. In addition, the notion of friendship was noted as a significant influence on the decision with whom to form a relationship. The three reasons presented here are clearly inseparable. The whole notion of friendship is based on the understanding that academics have a job for life. Everyone must have good relationships because they will be working together for the rest of their careers.

Sometimes these friendships are established prior to employment; however all continue to develop during the course of employment. There is significant evidence in this and the previous section to suggest that friendships are strategically targeted with an eye to the achievement of transactional outcomes. Following repeated meeting of expectations over long periods of time, trust develops and the relationships become termed one of friendship and it is with this person or persons that psychological contracts are formed.

These relationships are close and often personal in that the employee feels confident in seeking assistance and advice for personal as well as professional problems.

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The Impact of Change on Psychological Contracts

Over recent decades significant attempts have been made to reform the

Indonesian University system. Primary among these was the plan to privatise public universities over the period 2000 to 2013 with all public universities becoming SHE-PU by 2013. As outlined in chapter two, the proposal was to result in public universities having more autonomy in their human resource recruitment, financial management, infrastructure management, and decision making (Yulida, 2010). Universities were to remain non-profit entities and their focus on accountability, transparency and quality assurance was to continue (Kusumawati, 2010). Regardless that many of these changes were overturned by the High Court, universities are being required to demonstrate greater transparency and accountability. This is evident in the findings of this chapter where academics sought compensation by way of additional work for the loss of payments from students. It is therefore relevant to consider how Indonesian academics have responded and may respond in future to large-scale change.

As the mooted changes only affected public universities, Academics at these universities were therefore asked about how their psychological contracts had altered and would have altered if systemic changes were to occur. Not surprisingly, and as supported in the findings above, they stated that little would change and there would be a persistence in obedience to regulations, persistence in good relationships with their supervisors and persistence in earning their pay.

The persistence in their obedience to regulations has shaped academics’ mental models of their employment relationships. They therefore perceived that their employment relationship would stay the same in changing times because they thought they must be persistent in obeying the regulations determined by the Indonesian

Government and university by always doing their responsibilities and obeying their

170 supervisors. Continued obedience to regulations would result in the continuance of the relationships that they had already established.

Academics also considered that they were not worried with the university system changes because their supervisors and the Indonesian Government would handle and solve any problems occurring from the changes. Academics identified the importance of university’s management in relation to the university changes. They perceived that the university’s management by their leaders was more important than the university’s systems of operation. They believed that if the leader could manage their university well, their university would not be adversely affected. Thus, they considered that all they as academics needed to do was their main task (teaching). The following typified such responses:

“I think there would be no impact to my employment relationship. I am only an academic, my main task is teaching. I think the Indonesian Government will help the universities when they want to implement the university system changes. The Government should not just wash their hands, they should help.” (Respondent 15, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

“There is no influence (to my employment relationship). To me, the legal status is not so important. The most important one is my responsibility and tasks as the academic.” (Respondent 17, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

Given the trust placed in university management and, in keeping with the importance of friendship, academics were confident that the university system changes would not influence their psychological contracts if they had established and continued to maintain good relationships with their supervisors and potential supervisors.

Academics indicated that their employment relationship would stay the same because of

171 their long term friendships and as long as this was accompanied by their awareness to do their tasks and obligations well. Good relationships in terms of having supervisor’s trust should be maintained by following the supervisor’s guidance and taking into consideration supervisor’s warnings as well. In contrast, those academics who considered they did not have good relationships with those in decision-making positions considered that they would be more likely to be impacted by any change. Significantly, one respondent expressed concern that those who were not on friendly terms with their superiors may lose their hierarchical positions. This was the first evidence that the until- now-unquestioned belief in life time employment may be threatened:

“I think there will be no impact. My main task as her (supervisor) subordinate and my relationship with her will stay the same because of our long term friendship.” (Respondent 21, a Faculty Senate Member, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

“I think there should not be any problem with our employment relationship with those changes….my employment relationship with Dean is very good ... He always supports whatever decisions we have made together as our commitment…” (Respondent 40, a Director of Master Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

“If we do apply BHMN or BHP, it will affect us significantly. It is because Rector would have more power. I think there will be job insecurity. Those who are loved by Rector will have good positions (in the organisation structure) and those who are not loved by Rector will be dumped. It is fully Rector’s authority. Our working relationship atmosphere will be greatly changed.” (Respondent 5, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University A)

Whilst academics perceived that the university system changes would not influence their mental models of the psychological contracts because of persistence in 172 their obedience to regulations and good relationships with their supervisors, a factor that was considered as possibly being affected was the regularity of earning their salaries.

University system changes would require universities to seek alternative sources of income because the Indonesian Government would not financially subsidise them anymore. Due in part to the low expectations in regard to receiving the correct amount of pay in a timely manner, academics indicated that the system changes would not affect their employment relationships as long as their department could generate income and pay their salary. Here again, significant trust was placed in management to achieve these results:

”In my opinion, no matter what the type of university system, if the management is good, everything should be fine...it is only all about humans, whether they want to manage well or not…” (Respondent 23, a Head of Department, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

“There will no problem (with the changes) as long as this institution can generate income and can afford to pay its expenses. I am not worried because there is no regulation indicating closure of this university.” (Respondent 17, a Head of Study Program, permanent academic staff, Public University C)

Because many of the legislated changes did not proceed, it could be said that these findings are mere conjecture however there is already evidence that there has been significant resistance to any change in the relationships established in the workplace and that the friendship systems established will be difficult to break. For most Indonesian academics their psychological contracts in the face of significant change would stay the same. Their persistence in obeying regulations and persistence in maintaining good personal relationships with their supervisors would ensure this. Only a minority considered that change would alter the relationship and, even here, the friendship 173 system was considered as continuing and that those outside that system would be the ones adversely affected. For the Indonesian Government wanting to reform the university system this is an important consideration going forward. This means that academics’ expectations in their psychological contracts are well formulated by their cultural values of obedience and long term employment.

Conclusion

This chapter has presented findings related to the psychological contracts of

Indonesian Academics. It has outlined the nature of the psychological contract, its contents, with whom and why psychological contracts are formed and the impact of change.

In keeping with the concept of relational psychological contracts, employees in this study expected to have good relationships with their employer. Such good relationships take the form of harmonious relationships where subordinates obey their superiors. It was expected that both the employer and employee would obey the official rules and legislation and that by evidencing such obedience over time, trust develops between the employer and employee. Legislation, which is widely known, culturally based and explicitly understood, obliges subordinates to obey their superiors. In exchange for such obedience subordinates expect a friendship relationship in which they are not harmed and where their superior communicates, guides and instructs them.

Friendships then set expectations that, when placed in positions of superiority, friends will provide transactional benefits including good positions, better facilities, career advancement and additional work and pay.

Indonesian academics have numerous obligations under TUPOKSI (as part of

TRI DHARMA) and Pancasila. For State operated universities this is particularly the

174 case because, as Government Employees Pancasila is a legislative requirement and includes allegiance to one God. Pancasila sets out the five moral principles of

Indonesian life and society. Academics are therefore obligated to fulfil these principles which are derived from Indonesian culture. This sets up an expectation by academics that their employer will provide them with opportunities to fulfil their TRI DHARMA.

This provision was not always forthcoming and the system of friendship was used as a means to obligate employers to provide the necessary opportunities. The completion of

TRI DHARMA is important as it results in benefits in regard to pay and career advancement. The findings therefore suggest that, despite the explicitness of the terms of employment, there are a lot of elements to the exchange that are tacitly understood.

Loyalty and obedience are rewarded with friendship which subsequently results in transactional benefits.

The findings also evidence that the rules of hierarchy were often overlooked in that academics formed their psychological contracts with the person or persons in the hierarchy that they considered their friends. Where immediate supervisors failed to fulfil their psychological contracts academics established friendships and therefore their psychological contracts with another supervisor who was considered able to fulfil their employment expectations.

Finally, the findings suggest significant faith in management to address any significant issues during times of institutional change. Indonesian academics considered that their psychological contracts would stay the same regardless of the changes implemented by the Indonesian government. Their contracts would stay the same due to their persistence in obedience to regulations and the continued maintenance of good relationships with their supervisors.

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The following chapter analyses these findings in relation to the literature and sets out the implications for theory and practice.

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Chapter seven: Discussion, Implications and Conclusion

Introduction

The findings from this contextual qualitative study in relation to the three research questions selected for the study are summarized in this chapter: Research

Question (1) How do Indonesian academics’ mental models shape their employment and the psychological contracts? (2) What does the psychological contract look like? and (3) How do changes in the university affect mental models and psychological contracts? In doing so, the Discussion, Implications and Conclusions on Mental Models of employment and Psychological Contracts respond to Research Question 1 while the

Discussion, Implications and Conclusion on Psychological Contracts and the potential impact of change respond to Research Questions 2 and 3.

A conclusion of the main areas of contributions is also discussed. This study has contributed new knowledge to the mental models of employment and the psychological contracts, their contents and the impact of the changing context of universities life and academic work in Indonesia. This study highlighted contextual influences individuals’ mental models of their psychological contract and thus, it supported the argument from McCourt & Eldridge (2003) which identified the need to asses management concepts applicable in developed and western economies in other settings. The last sections present the limitations of the study and a short conclusion is drawn. The outcomes of this exploratory study are as follows.

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Discussion, Implications and Conclusion on Mental Models of

employment and Psychological Contract

As presented in the chapter on mental models the theme of longevity in the discussion of mental models goes some way towards explaining the repeated discussion of “partnerships” and the reasoning around, and source of, wanting to stress

“friendship”. Mental models research explains that ‘reasoners’ make deductions about their current context based, in part, on working memory (Barrouillet et al, 2000). The academics in this sample had a long working memory of the personal relationship and employment relationships with their supervisors and therefore, understandably answered questions related to their perceptions of employment, in a long-term context.

As the literature explains, mental models or cognitive schemas are a framework for individuals to understand the world, to determine what individuals perceive and how they react based on their knowledge, beliefs, values, experience and norms (Barker et al,

1998; Marcum, 2009; Pugh et al, 2003; Senge, 1990; Zhao & Parry, 2012). Therefore, mental models impact all different parts of individuals’ lives including their working life (Eckert & Bell, 2005; Glick et al, 2012). The influence of cognitive schemas shaped experience (or longevity of experience in this study) is recognised within psychological contract literature. Pre-employment cognitive schemas acquired through prior socialisation (including previous employment experience) create employees’ perceived obligations in their employment relationship (Rousseau, 2001).

Implication for future research: The first implication of this finding related to mental models is that researchers should consider this longevity in future studies. More specifically, the proposition that longevity is a variable that impacts the mental model of the psychological contract needs to be measured further in psychological contract research. The relative importance of this variable in contexts were long-term

178 employment is the exception rather than the norm may be diminished, however the absence of its consideration in extant research should be address in light of the findings from this study.

A second implication for research is that given that academics identified their longevity in work experience, cultural values and religion influenced their mental models of psychological contract in which they perceived their employers as friends, the findings support (1) the notion that mental models or cognitive schemas are socially established through experience, religion, socialisation, culture and educational upbringing and professional education (Labedz & Lee, 2011; Werhane, 2008), (2) that opportunity to work together can develop workplace friendship between peers and supervisor-subordinate workplace relationships (Sias & Cahill, 1998), and (3) employees’ religious commitment construct their psychological contract by being obligated to work with their employers achieving the organisational goal towards their social cause/mission and remain in their organisation (Cunningham, 2010).

The findings on mental models also demonstrated that cultural values of obedience shaped academics’ psychological contracts in two ways. Firstly, the cultural value of obedience was in the form of obedience to employers because it was a part of their cultural value to obey employers and or because the obedience to employers was instructed by regulations - TUPOKSI. As suggested in the findings chapter, while the literature on culture (e.g. Hofstede, 2001; Hofstede & Hofstede, 2005), acknowledges that formal institutions such as regulation (in this case TUPOKSI), reflect cultural values, formal institutions also shape cultural values and this leads to taken for granted perspectives on ‘ways we do things’ (Scott, 2001, p. 57), and in the language of mental models, thought process about how things works (Johnson-Laird, 1986). That respondents consistently raised TUPOKSI as their explanation of factors that shaped

179 their perception of employment and psychological contracts, this indicated that they believed that it both influenced the content of their psychological contracts in their current work, as well as a more fundamental driver of perspectives in the profession (i.e. for all academics in Indonesia).

Indeed the influence of culture values might also be considered more broadly.

Hu, Tetrick and Shore (2011) outlined that East Asians emphasize in holistic cognitive process within their relationships, whilst Americans emphasize much more in analytic process. Furthermore, they point out East Asians (compared to Americans) emphasize on their personal relationships with employer in their social exchange relationships and will still be committed to the organisation despite the organisation does not reciprocate promptly. Similarly, Wu, Hu and Jiang (2012) found that Chinese value emphasize more on obligation to obey supervisor (authority) and focus on mutual reciprocal exchange relationships between individuals and authority figures.

This study found academics’ cultural values of obedience to employers and performing their main tasks and functions as determined by regulations both from

Government and institution and willingness to work together with employers stems from this tangible manifestation of culture.

Implication for future research: This study supports the notion that (1) culture value of obedience, commonly recognized as a part of Indonesian culture and formalised by the Indonesians’ state of philosophy, Pancasila (Lidyasari, 2012), should be carefully considered in management research in this country. The findings from this study also supports that notion that written regulations bind and regulate individuals and organisations to work together to achieve organisational goals (Robinson et al, 1994) and the cultural mental programming of one country exists in the mind of the people because it has become crystallized in their work organisations through formal rules (G

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Hofstede, 1980). Again, supporting the extant notion that mental models or cognitive schemas are socially established through experience, religion, socialisation, culture and educational upbringing or information exchanges and professional education (Labedz &

Lee, 2011; Werhane, 2008). Any research that seeks to examine psychological contracts must account for the mental models and cultural context that shapes them. To that extent, the expectations of theory must be amended in a cultural context as was achieved in this study.

This study also reported that the academics’ mental models in relation to how they perceived their employment and psychological contracts are formulated through religion and beliefs in God. The majority of academics in private universities and some in public universities spoke about being obedient to God and/or serving God have influenced their perceived obligations and promises in their psychological contracts.

Religious organisational values drove academics’ cognitive schemas of their employment relationship. They considered obligations and or promises are to do their main tasks or functions and other tasks assigned by their supervisors, to establish good relationships with supervisors with mutual understanding and open communication in part because of their commitments to God. Academics considered that the undertaking of their tasks was a service to God. There was a tendency by academics to prioritize that they have made their promises to God. That mental model of work and the psychological contract was set in this broad context perhaps stands in contrast to what might be expected in say, an Australian University.

Implications for future research: Extant literature does suggest that Work-faith integration influences employees perception of employment and in this context, employers are advised to respect the religious and spiritual beliefs of employees and to consider encouraging and facilitating opportunities for bridging work and faith (Duffy,

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Reid, & Dik, 2010). However, based on the evidenced in this study, this is not an issue for Indonesian academics (both subordinate and supervisors) whose mental models of work and the psychological contract is shaped so strongly by a mutual understanding that they are there to “serve God”. As academics considered that the undertaking of their tasks was a service to God, there was a tendency by academics to prioritize that they have made their promises to God, therefore they more likely work in harmony with their employers by performing their main tasks and functions and other tasks well, establishing good relationships with supervisors with mutual understanding and open communication, resulting in less chance that the psychological contract is breached. The findings slightly support the notion academics’ performance (in Indonesia) can be influenced by spiritual quotient, (Muttaqiyathun 2012), and they strongly support the conclusion that mental models driven by religious beliefs can have a direct impact on the employment relationship and the nature of the psychological contract at work.

Future research in Indonesia and other nations with an integrated church and state influence at work must recognise and measure the direct role of religion at work and in setting the expectations of the psychological contract.

Finally, there were also findings in the mental models chapter related to education. It was explained how academics’ mental models in relation to how they perceived their psychological contracts, are formulated through their knowledge gained from formal and informal studies including professional seminars and meetings. They acknowledged management courses such as Organisational Behaviour, Introduction to

Business, Introduction to Management and Human Resource Management in their studies which were beneficial to understand their current employment relationships.

Implications for future research: The findings related to education are in line with extant understanding that mental models are formed by education and upbringing

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(Labedz & Lee, 2011; Werhane, 2008). Indonesians have learned and experienced the obedience values from their culture and upbringing both from education at school and home. This study provides empirical evidence that academics learnt about their employment relationships from management courses attained in their formal higher education including continuous upgrading of skills by attending professional seminars and meeting. From such learnings, academics indicated that they were obligated to do their own tasks and perform well, able to work together by conducting good communication and mutual understanding with their employers and or employees in order to achieve the organisational goal. In light of this, managers in Indonesian

Universities may benefit greatly from further training and education for staff and trying to recruit staff with greater levels of management education. Future research may wish to consider the level of education of their respondents as it may impact perception and/or explain variation in factors that shape mental models in research samples.

Discussion, Implications and Conclusion on Psychological Contracts

and the potential impact of change

The psychological contract is highly subjective and implicit as it is based on individual’s beliefs. In effect, therefore, there could be an unlimited number of psychological contracts limited only by the number of employees. Analysis from previous research has shown, however, that the construct can be elevated to a consideration of groups of employees who hold psychological contracts with similar characteristics based on their shared work environment (Conway and Briner 2002;

Coyle-Shapiro 2002). This thesis has sought to consider a particular group – Indonesian academics – to identify the nature and content of their psychological contracts.

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Longevity, identified in the academics’ mental models of employment, manifested itself in their psychological contracts in a manner not evident in previous studies. This was a key finding of the research. Early iterations of what later became known as the psychological contract propose that expectations can be set up outside and before the establishment of the employment relationship. Rousseau’s view is that promises only arise within the employment relationship. There is a clear tension in the literature in this regard which is compounded by the findings of this study. The

‘expectation’ of life-long employment is established well before the employment relationship commences. Furthermore, it is clear that life-long employment is more than just an expectation – it is an accepted fact of life for Indonesian academics.

The previously understood exchange in relational contracts in the west is that employees exchange loyalty for security of employment (Hu et al, 2011; Rousseau,

1989; Schein, 1980). Indonesian academics in this study did not identify life-long employment as part of the exchange. Security of employment was not the exchange for their obedience or loyalty. Longevity of employment is the starting point of the entire working relationship in that it is not merely expected, it exists. As a result friendships are formed not as an exchange for life-long employment but because of life-long employment. The norm of reciprocity is an explanatory mechanism for understanding the employment relationship (Hu et al, 2011; Shore & Tetrick, 1994), yet the concept of reciprocity within the current understanding of psychological contracts does not assist in understanding the meaning placed on life-long employment in the Indonesian context.

A definitional issue of the psychological contract identified by Guest (1998) is whether such contracts contain perceptions, expectations, beliefs, promises and/or obligations. As noted by Guest (1998) it is difficult to confine the content of psychological contracts to a focus on just the stronger commitments of promises and

184 obligations. The issue, according to Guest, is that expectations develop from perceptions about promises and obligations. This argument is particularly relevant in this study and is heightened by the extent to which the laws in Indonesia govern, not just behaviours, but values. It is clear that Pancasila sets the parameters by which people both live and work that are not easily defined as expectations, promises or obligations.

Further, Rousseau (1989, 1995a) argued that psychological contracts form during employment, yet the knowledge of life-long employment emerges pre-employment in this study and establishes the norms of reciprocity in the employment relationship.

Implications for Future Research: An implication for future research is how to interpret long-term employment within the psychological contract. Longevity of employment has previously been considered as an item of exchange for employee loyalty. Psychological contracts are implicit agreements about promises, expectations and/or obligations between an employer and employee. There has been much debate in the literature about how obligations are of greater importance and carry greater weight than expectations or promises (e.g. Guest (1998) and Rousseau (1989)). Future research, particularly into employment relationships within Asian contexts, should give some consideration to whether long-term employment, a hallmark element of relational psychological contracts in western studies, are indeed part of the inventory of such contracts in the form of an obligation or whether they extend beyond the meaning of obligation as either part of the formal contract of employment or as a strong cultural element that goes unchallenged by both employer and employee in the employment relationship.

A question that arises is whether the psychological contract is a useful construct to explain the employment relationship in settings other than western nations. The findings from this study suggest that employees are not necessarily committed to their

185 organisations because they have a job for life and are not obligated to do anything in exchange for that benefit. Instead, they are committed to the relationships within the organisations they work for so as to ensure that the work place is a pleasant environment. This commitment to one another suggests that the psychological contract is of significant importance within the context of this study. These relationships are defined as friendships. Friendships occur within an environment of explicit hierarchy where subordinates obey their superiors. The study demonstrates that employees often bypass their immediate supervisors and form their psychological contracts with more senior individuals who they consider as their friends and who they feel can provide advice and assistance for both personal and professional problems. Friendship implies a relationship that is harmonious. Professional disagreement may occur, but the relationship remains harmonious because of loyalty and subordinate obedience. The friendships as described in this research would be understood in western studies to be the basis of a relational psychological contract (Herrington et al, 2005; Tekleab &

Taylor, 2003). However, in this study friends are able to fulfil highly transactional expectations such as additional pay, access to facilities and promotion. Friendships are therefore used as an instrument for achieving transactional outcomes but also are critical for maintaining a good working environment or a relational outcome. The barrier between transactional and relational psychological contracts is shown to be very blurred in the context of Indonesian academics. It is argued that the psychological contract of

Indonesian academics is simultaneously highly relational and highly transactional. This differs from the idea of hybrid psychological contracts as they are currently understood in that hybrid contracts contain some elements of both.

Implications for future research: Hybrid contracts have ‘the open-ended time frame and mutual concern characteristics of relational agreements with the performance

186 demands and renegotiation of transactional contracts’ (Rousseau, 2004, p. 122). They combine commitments on the part of the employer to develop workers, anticipate the temporality of worker’s commitment and will adjust employment arrangements if economic conditions change (Rousseau, 2004). Employees exchange their open-ended relational contracts with the transactional contracts of well-specified performance- reward contingencies (Hui et al, 2004; O'Donohue & Nelson, 2007). Hybrid contracts therefore contain some elements of both relational and transactional contracts. This study highlights the complexities between transactional and relational elements of psychological contracts in Indonesian universities. An implication for future research is to test whether the differentiation between transactional and relational elements is useful in broader contexts, particularly in non-western settings.

Guest (1998, p. 649) noted that “in a world of rapid organisational change and loss of confidence in some of the traditional certainties of organisational life, the psychological contract appears to provide a useful integrative concept around which to focus an emerging set of concerns”. Change has been an on-going process in Indonesia despite the radical changes planned by the Indonesian government not proceeding.

Indonesian academics expressed some certainty that change would not alter their psychological contracts. They stated that persistence in obeying rules and establishing good relationships would mean their psychological contracts and thus their actual contracts of employment would remain unaltered. Previous research by Bellou (2007) into the impact of mergers and acquisitions on the psychological contract suggests that the contract changes for employees who do not trust in their own capability to effectively cope with the new circumstances whilst it remains almost the same for those who trust in their own capability. Specifically, those employees who do not trust in their own ability view change as a serious problem that negatively impacts their employment

187 relationship. It is evident that, in the case of Indonesian academics, it is not so much the faith they have in their own ability that might alter the psychological contract, but the faith they have in their management and the strength of the personal relationships. In addition, the widely held view evident in this study is that even large-scale change was not considered a threat to the continuity of employment or the day to day job function.

Implications for future research: The implications here for future research are palpably evident. As changes are enacted in countries such as Indonesia due to either government pressure or pressures brought by supra-national organisations the friendship systems evident within the employment relationships will be placed under pressure. Life-long employment is the starting point of the psychological contract for

Indonesian academics, however, friendships are the source of all other exchanges.

Studies into the effects of wide-scale institutional change in settings other than the west will be critical to our understanding of psychological contracts in times of significant change.

Limitations

188 likelihood of a strong correlation between the construct of ‘mental models of work’ and

Conclusion

Despite the above limitations, it can be concluded that this study makes five clear contributions in the areas of mental models, psychological contracts and particularly in the developed country context of Indonesia.

Firstly, this study identifies the need to carefully consider their epistemological assumptions about how mental models of work and psychological contracts function and indeed their content, since our understanding is currently based primarily on research in Western developed economics. The importance of this conclusion is exemplified in the findings relating to the interaction between the different elements of the psychological contract in Indonesia, whereby relational elements of the psychological contract exist within an institutional context that necessitates these relationships and where those relationships are leveraged to achieve transactional outcomes.

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Secondly, rather than observing a clear distinction between relational and transactional elements or even their co-existence in what would be understood as hybrid contracts, the elements of psychological contracts of Indonesian academics are interrelated and interdependent consequent to cultural and contextual factors that are not accounted for in extant research.

Thirdly, this study contributes through its refinement of our understanding of the fulfilment of psychological contracts. Academics establish their psychological contracts with their supervisor whom they consider best positioned to fulfil the content of their psychological contracts and consider the supervisor (who can fulfil their psychological contracts) as the university’s representative, irrespective of the supervisor’ position in the hierarchy. This study clearly identifies that there should be an individual (as the organisation’s representative) to establish reciprocal relationship with employees and who is considered as the representative, since there is a lack of clarity and debate surrounding this in the literature (Conway & Briner, 2005; Guest, 1998, 2004; Herriot

& Pemberton, 1997).

A fourth clear contribution made in this study is the empirical contribution, in that it is the first study to explore the mental models of psychological contracts and the contents of academics’ psychological contracts in Indonesia. Exploring academics’ mental models of their psychological contracts and their contents can help policy makers understand sufficient reciprocity in academics’ employment relationships to increase their productivity and commitment which may improve Indonesian universities’ performances – a stated goal of the Indonesian government. The practical implications for Indonesian university managers are also palpable, in that this study provides new insights into the requirements (or lack thereof) of Indonesian employers to meet their commitments in the psychological contract with academics. Furthermore, the

190 regulatory context that provides such explicit direction to Indonesian academics has practical implications for employers, in that they should be aware that this explicit regulatory context provides a framework for work in Indonesian universities, such that their role as employers in articulating a psychological contract beyond regulation is surprisingly limited.

The fifth and final contribution that this study makes to the field of research is through its illumination of the potential value of combing the mental models and psychological contract research. As suggested above, scholars examining the nature and content of psychological contracts at work should account for the influence of mental models shaped by a variety of factors outside the workplace in their study designs. More broadly, management (and especially employment relations) scholars examining perceptions of various aspects of employment may be in a position to provide more grounded and contextualised explanations of research phenomenon if they can better account for the factors that shape mental models and perceptions in the first instance.

The value of such endeavours when undertaking research in developing-country research contexts is palpable. This study has made an important start.

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LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix 1 Ethics Approval…….………………….………………………….. 212 Appendix 2 Information Letter…………………………………………………. 215 Appendix 3 NVivo Nodes……….………………….………………………….. 218

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Appendix 1 Ethics Approval

HUMAN RESEARCH ETHICS COMMITTEE

Notification of Expedited Approval

To Chief Investigator or Project Supervisor: Doctor Jennifer Waterhouse Cc Co-investigators / Research Students: Doctor Brendan Boyle Ms Linda Lambey Re Protocol: Mental models of employment and the psychological contracts of Indonesian academics: An Exploratory Study Date: 13-Nov-2012 Reference No: H-2012-0356 Date of Initial Approval: 13-Nov-2012

Thank you for your Response to Conditional Approval submission to the Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC) seeking approval in relation to the above protocol.

Your submission was considered under Expedited review by the Chair/Deputy Chair.

I am pleased to advise that the decision on your submission is Approved effective 13-Nov-2012.

In approving this protocol, the Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC) is of the opinion that the project complies with the provisions contained in the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research, 2007, and the requirements within this University relating to human research.

Approval will remain valid subject to the submission, and satisfactory assessment, of annual progress reports. If the approval of an External HREC has been "noted" the approval period is as determined by that HREC.

The full Committee will be asked to ratify this decision at its next scheduled meeting. A formal Certificate of Approval will be available upon request. Your approval number is H-2012-0356.

If the research requires the use of an Information Statement, ensure this number is inserted at the relevant point in the Complaints paragraph prior to distribution to potential participants You may then proceed with the research.

Conditions of Approval

This approval has been granted subject to you complying with the requirements for Monitoring of Progress, Reporting of Adverse Events, and Variations to the Approved Protocol as detailed below.

PLEASE NOTE: In the case where the HREC has "noted" the approval of an External HREC, progress reports and reports of adverse events are to be submitted to the External HREC only. In the case of Variations to the approved protocol, or a Renewal of approval, you will apply to the External HREC for approval in the first instance and then Register that approval with the University's HREC.

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 Monitoring of Progress

Other than above, the University is obliged to monitor the progress of research projects involving human participants to ensure that they are conducted according to the protocol as approved by the HREC. A progress report is required on an annual basis. Continuation of your HREC approval for this project is conditional upon receipt, and satisfactory assessment, of annual progress reports. You will be advised when a report is due.

 Reporting of Adverse Events

1. It is the responsibility of the person first named on this Approval Advice to report adverse events. 2. Adverse events, however minor, must be recorded by the investigator as observed by the investigator or as volunteered by a participant in the research. Full details are to be documented, whether or not the investigator, or his/her deputies, consider the event to be related to the research substance or procedure. 3. Serious or unforeseen adverse events that occur during the research or within six (6) months of completion of the research, must be reported by the person first named on the Approval Advice to the (HREC) by way of the Adverse Event Report form (via RIMS at https://rims.newcastle.edu.au/login.asp) within 72 hours of the occurrence of the event or the investigator receiving advice of the event. 4. Serious adverse events are defined as: o Causing death, life threatening or serious disability. o Causing or prolonging hospitalisation. o Overdoses, cancers, congenital abnormalities, tissue damage, whether or not they are judged to be caused by the investigational agent or procedure. o Causing psycho-social and/or financial harm. This covers everything from perceived invasion of privacy, breach of confidentiality, or the diminution of social reputation, to the creation of psychological fears and trauma. o Any other event which might affect the continued ethical acceptability of the project. 5. Reports of adverse events must include: o Participant's study identification number; o date of birth; o date of entry into the study; o treatment arm (if applicable); o date of event; o details of event; o the investigator's opinion as to whether the event is related to the research procedures; and o action taken in response to the event. 6. Adverse events which do not fall within the definition of serious or unexpected, including those reported from other sites involved in the research, are to be reported in detail at the time of the annual progress report to the HREC.

 Variations to approved protocol

If you wish to change, or deviate from, the approved protocol, you will need to submit an Application for Variation to Approved Human Research (via RIMS at https://rims.newcastle.edu.au/login.asp). Variations may include, but are not limited to, changes or additions to investigators, study design, study population, number of participants, methods of recruitment, or participant information/consent documentation. Variations must be approved by the (HREC) before they are implemented except when Registering an approval of a variation from an external HREC which has been designated the lead HREC, in which case you may proceed as soon as you receive an acknowledgement of your Registration.

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Linkage of ethics approval to a new Grant

HREC approvals cannot be assigned to a new grant or award (ie those that were not identified on the application for ethics approval) without confirmation of the approval from the Human Research Ethics Officer on behalf of the HREC.

Best wishes for a successful project.

Professor Allyson Holbrook Chair, Human Research Ethics Committee

For communications and enquiries: Human Research Ethics Administration

Research Services Research Integrity Unit HA148, Hunter Building The University of Newcastle Callaghan NSW 2308 T +61 2 492 18999 F +61 2 492 17164 [email protected]

RIMS website - https://RIMS.newcastle.edu.au/login.asp

Linked University of Newcastle administered funding:

Funding body Funding project title First named investigator Grant Ref

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Appendix 2 Information Letter Information Letter

Dr. Jennifer Waterhouse Newcastle Business School, Faculty of Business and Law The University of Newcastle Callaghan, NSW 2308, Australia Phone: (61)-2-4921-5025 Fax: (61)-2-4921-6911. Email: [email protected]

Information Statement for the Research Project: Mental models of Employment and the Psychological Contracts of Indonesian academics: An Exploratory Study Dr. Jennifer Waterhouse, Dr. Brendan Boyle & Linda Lambey, MBA, MA

Document Version 2; dated 13th November 2012

Chancellor of ______

Dear Chancellor,

I am a lecturer at the Universitas Sam Ratulangi (UNSRAT) Manado and I am currently studying PhD in Management at the University of Newcastle. I have planned to undertake the research for my thesis, which will involve data gathering about mental models of psychological contracts in your university. A mental model is a representation of one’s personal understanding of a system or concept. While, psychological contracts are perceptions of mutual obligations between employees and employers in which exchanges within the employment relationship are anticipated. Psychological contracts are formed by individuals’ mental model of their employment relationship. The purpose of this research is to investigate the mental models and how they shape the psychological contracts of academics in your university. By understanding mental models of psychological contracts, university leaders can

215 fulfil academics psychological contracts to create a better working place and academics’ wellbeing.

This research will be conducted with the guidance of Doctor Jennifer Waterhouse and Doctor Brendan Boyle of Newcastle Business School at the University of Newcastle who are supervising my PhD thesis. The University of Newcastle Ethics Committee has approved this project.

This research will be undertaken by interviews. Interviews will be conducted with selected academics who have agreed to participate in the interviews and who also meet the criteria including: have worked for at least one year as an academic, work full-time or part time and in a formal contractual relationship and who work at either or both private and public universities.

There is no potential risk harm to the respondents involved in this study. Their participation is voluntarily. The interview is confidential and it will not identify respondents or universities from their answers or results of the study. The University name will be indicated in the interview as background information; however it will remain confidential when it appears into the Thesis. In data analysis the university name will be indicated in the letter, for example, University A, B, C, D and E. Participants will be invited for the interviews. The researcher will have an opening conversation about what mental models and psychological contracts are. The researcher will also request permission from respondents to record the interview and the respondent will be given an opportunity to review and edit the interview transcript. Copies of the information letters and interview questions are attached. Raw data from this study will only be accessed by the researcher and the supervisor. Paper copies will be destroyed after the thesis is accepted, and electronic data will be retained for a minimum of 5 years.

The results of the research will be reported in a thesis to be submitted as a requirement PhD in Management at the University of Newcastle. A report will also be provided to each university.

I hereby request your permission to conduct this study. Your support and cooperation in this research is very much appreciated. If you approve this research, can you please complete the attached consent form and return it to the researcher in the prepaid envelope attached. Your

216 university staff or Faculty of Economics staff can forward the Participant Info Statement to eligible academic staff members.

Yours sincerely,

Linda Lambey, MBA, MA

Dr. Jennifer Waterhouse Dr. Brendan Boyle Principal Supervisor Co-Supervisor

This project has been approved by the University of Newcastle Human Research Ethics Committee, Approval (H- 2012-0356). Should you have concerns about this research, or you have a complaint about the manner in which the research is conducted, please direct them to the researcher or supervisor of the project (Dr. Jennifer Waterhouse, tel: (61)-2-49215025, fax: (61)-2-49216911 and Dr. Brendan Boyle, tel: (61)-2-49215014 or to the Human Research Ethics Officer, Research Office, The Chancellery, The University of Newcastle, University Drive, Callaghan, NSW2308, Australia, tel:(61)-2-49216333, email: [email protected].

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Appendix 3 NVivo Nodes

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219

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