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NJEA Collective Bargaining Manual
COLLECTIVE BARGAINING MANUAL NEW JERSEY EDUCATION ASSOCIATION 180 WEST STATE STREET POST OFFICE BOX 1211 TRENTON, NJ 08607-1211 609 599 5461 NJEA.ORG Barbara Keshishian, President Wendell Steinhauer, Vice President Marie Blistan, Secretary-Treasurer Vincent Giordano, Executive Director Richard Gray, Assistant Executive Director/Research Director NJEA COLLECTIVE BARGAINING MANUAL Collective Bargaining Manual 1 Preface 2 A History of Public Sector Collective Bargaining in New Jersey 6 Is it Negotiable? 9 Landmark Decisions 15 Statutory Basis for School Employee Negotiations in New Jersey 18 Organizing and Planning 23 Selecting a Bargaining Team 25 Data for Negotiations 26 Collective Bargaining Best Practices 27 The Bargaining Process 33 Ratifying the Negotiated Agreement 37 Alternatives to Traditional Bargaining 43 Bargaining Glossary 44 Salary Compensation 46 Salary Guides 54 Salary Guide Profile 56 Salary Guide Negotiation Preparation 67 Salary Guide Construction 70 Salary Guide Length 73 Educational Support Professional Salary Topics 74 Special Topics in Salary Compensation 76 Bargaining Comprehensive Benefits 79 Costing Out Insurance Benefits 81 School Employees’ Health Benefits Plan (SEHBP) 82 Legal Framework for Negotiating Medical Benefits 86 Health Benefits Insurance Glossary 92 Civil Unions/Domestic Partnerships 93 Sick Leave Banks 94 Drug and Alcohol Testing 97 Distance Learning and Technology 98 Bargaining and professional development: Supporting new visions 103 Sample Agreement Table of Contents NJEA COLLECTIVE BARGAINING MANUAL Preface The New Jersey Education Association was 1. This is a resource guide. Its use and application founded on December 28, 1853, as the New Jersey are driven by local circumstances. You may find State Teachers Association. Today, NJEA is the largest that parts are relevant, while others may not be and the most effective school employee organization appropriate for your situation or may need to be in New Jersey. -
How an Obscure State Law Guarantees Pay Hikes for Government Employees – and Raises the Tax Toll on New Yorkers
NYS TAXPAYER $$$ T R O U B L E How an obscure state law guarantees pay hikes for government employees – and raises the tax toll on New Yorkers What you’ll learn from this report: ! New York’s 30-year-old “Triborough Amendment” requires public employers to maintain all contractual perks for unionized public employees, including automatic “step” increases in pay, after the expiration of a collective bargaining agreement. ! This law gives unions an incentive to resist negotiating structural changes to their contracts, since the status quo will be preserved even if there is no contract. ! Pay hikes required by the Triborough Amendment cost the state government $140 million a year, despite a “freeze” on base salaries. ! The Triborough Amendment guarantees pay increases for teachers that add almost $300 million a year to school budgets across the state. ! The requirement to finance automatic pay increases has undermined attempts to stretch taxpayer dollars further in a time of extreme financial stress. ! Repeal of the Triborough Amendment would establish a more equitable collective bargaining system in New York’s public sector, preserving basic union rights while giving local officials the tools they now lack to negotiate needed changes to costly and outmoded contracts. Empire Center for New York State Policy ABOUT THE AUTHORS E.J. McMahon is a senior fellow of the Manhattan Institute for Policy Re- search and its Empire Center for New York State Policy. His recent work has focused on state budget issues, tax policy, public pensions, collective bar- gaining and competitive contracting of public services. Terry O’Neil heads the Garden City office of Bond, Schoeneck & King, PLLC, a full-service law firm with one of the most respected labor and em- ployment practices in New York State. -
Why Organize and Affiliate Others?
Affiliate Organizing Committee Handbook Updated March, 2016 WHY ORGANIZE AND AFFILIATE OTHERS? ........................................................1 - 2 CSO CODE OF CONDUCT ...................................................................................3 INTRODUCTION TO CSO/NSO ...........................................................................4 BENEFITS OF CSO MEMBERSHIP AND LOCAL AFFILIATION .................................5 HOW MEMBERS PARTICIPATE IN CSO/NSO ........................................................6 - 7 ELIGIBILITY, DUES AND STANDARDS FOR AFFILIATION ....................................8 - 9 REPRESENTING A BRAND-NEW BARGAINING UNIT .......................................... 10 - 15 BARGAINING CSO AGREEMENTS .......................................................................16 ONCE THE CONTRACT HAS BEEN BARGAINED ...................................................17 APPENDIX A – AUTHORIZATION FORM ..............................................................19 APPENDIX B – RECOGNITION REQUEST ............................................................20 APPENDIX C – RECOGNITION AGREEMENT ........................................................21 APPENDIX D – NLRB RECOGNITION PETITION ...................................................22 APPENDIX E – CBC GOALS AND SETTLEMENT STANDARDS ........................23 - 31 CSO MEMBERSHIP FORM ..............................................................................33 1 CSO Affiliate Organizing Handbook Welcome to the California Staff Organization (CSO). -
James Callaghan- Awould-Be Ramsay' Macdonald
I I [ I WfJ/tltE/tS ,,1N(J(J,1,, 25¢ No. 152 8 April 1977 II James Callaghan -AWould-Be Ramsay' MacDonald Break the Liberal/Labour Coalition in Britain! LONDON, April I---Britain came close conducting parallel negotiatIOns with to its third general election in as many the ten MP's of the United Ulster years last week when Labour Prime Unionists, the reactionary parliamen Minister James Callaghan was forced to tary representatives of the Protestant conclude a last-minute pact with the ascendancy in Northern Ireland. small bourgeois Liberal Party to avert Among their number are the fanatical defeat in a Conservative no-confidence Rev. Ian Paisley, and the notorious motion. The significance of this formal racist Enoch Powell. The bargaining parliamentary bloc was summed up by with the Ulster Unionists was over more Liberal leader David Steel, who com MP's from the province and also mented that "Socialism is the one thing doubtless on demands for more British this country will not get so long as this army units to suppress the Irish Catholic agreement lasts..." (Guardian [Lon minority. But apparently Callaghan don], 25 March 1977). wasn't able to negotiate a satisfactory Steel has a point. Not that anyone in deal with the Unionist MP's and seven Britain believes that the Labourgovern of them voted with Margaret Thatcher's ment was headed toward socialism Tories. I but the long-standing allegiance of the f f British working class to the Labour r Party is primarily due tti its--clairn to ,-, -'-I somehow stand for the class interests of The terms of the parliamentary the proletariat, and its vague rhetorical coalition with the Liberals were careful ly outlined in a joint statement issued ...A{~ commitment to some sort of "social Socialist Worker ism." The Labour cabinet's precarious just before the debate on the no Workers at British Ley!and protest Labour government's wage restraints. -
Oust the Fraser Gang! Fight the Auto Bosses!
WfJllltEIiS ,,1N'III1II' 25¢ No. 297 :-=~: . '.>13 22 January 1982 Oust the Fraser Gang! Fight the Auto Bosses! • DETROIT-Half a million auto work anarchic in irrationality, most painful in ers are on the front lines facing a social consequences. Detroit's skilled concerted capitalist offensive in this proletariat would be the most valuable resource of a rational society-the class "year of the giveback." And already the that can build a socialist America." misleaders of the powerful industrial -WV No. 287, 14 August 1981 unions have started dealing away the hard-won gains of the American labor Auto was once the symbol of the movement. Nine months early, the "American way of life." The industry United Auto Workers (UAW) contracts employed, directly or indirectly, rough have been reopened. On January 13 ly one-sixth of the country's workforce. UA W president Doug Fraser an Now as one plant after another shuts its nounced an agreement with GM to bail gates for good, 214,000 UAW members out the auto bosses with Chrysler-style find themselves on indefinite layoff, concessions. The UAW membership alongside more than 50,000 who have must answer Fraser's givebacks with a given up looking for work (and are not resounding "no" vote, and prepare to included in official government figures). fight with the weapon that built the A Department of Commerce official Auto Workers into what was the recently announced that auto and strongest union in the U.S.: the sit-down related industries will emerge from the strike. present recession with 550,000 fewer The companies aren't asking for workers-permanently. -
Empirical Evidence of Law As Equilibrium Michael H
Hastings Law Journal Volume 51 | Issue 1 Article 4 1-1999 Institutional Signals and Implicit Bargains in the ULP Strike Doctrine: Empirical Evidence of Law as Equilibrium Michael H. LeRoy Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael H. LeRoy, Institutional Signals and Implicit Bargains in the ULP Strike Doctrine: Empirical Evidence of Law as Equilibrium, 51 Hastings L.J. 171 (1999). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol51/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Institutional Signals and Implicit Bargains in the ULP Strike Doctrine: Empirical Evidence of Law as Equilibrium by MICHAEL H. LEROY* I. Introduction Law is not simply a prediction that preexists the sequential, hierarchical, and purposive interaction of institutions. It is, instead, a product of that interaction-an equilibrium, that is, a balance of competing institutional pressures. It is a stable equilibrium when no implementing institution is able to interpose1 a new view without being overridden by another institution. In a recent Harvard Law Review article, Professors William Eskridge and Philip P. Frickey offered a bold extension of legal process jurisprudence. Stripping away the pretense that "law is a closed system of objectively discoverable rules,"2 they focused on the judiciary's purposive political role as a coordinate branch of government: [L]aw is an equilibrium, a state of balance among competing forces or institutions. -
The Building Trades in the Twenty-First Century Mark Erlich and Jeff Grabelsky
Standing at a Crossroads: The Building Trades in the Twenty-First Century Mark Erlich and Jeff Grabelsky American building trades unions have historically played a critical and stabilizing role in the nation’s construction industry, establishing uniform standards and leveling the competitive playing field. Union members have enjoyed better than average wages and benefits, excellent training opportunities, and decent jobsite conditions. But in the last thirty years the industry has undergone a dramatic transformation. This article describes the decline in union density, the drop in construction wages, the growth of anti-union forces, the changes in labor force demographics, the shift toward construction management, and the emergence of an underground economy. It also analyzes how building trades unions have responded to these changes, identifies structural impediments to union renewal, and proposes strategies for building trades unions to reassert their presence and power. The curved facade of a new US$65 million Salt Lake City public library is made up of 2,000 individual pre-cast concrete panels. Arriving on giant flatbed trucks in a total of 140 separate shipments, the 10-ton loads of panels were driven from Pretesca, a factory outside of Mexico City, to Utah. The library’s general contractor and architectural team had sought bids from pre-cast plants in Phoenix, Denver, and Las Vegas, but, according to project manager Steve Crane, ‘Pretesca’s low-cost labor made up for the higher shipping costs, and they came in cheapest.’ The fact that the substantial trucking costs of a 2,350-mile journey did not eliminate the savings realized by low-waged labor in a Mexican plant is an indication of the gross wage disparity between the two countries. -
Concession Bargaining and the Decline of Industrial Unionism In
Concession Bargaining and the Decline of Industrial Unionism in the 1980s by Kim Moody; From Kim Moody, An lniury to All: The Decline of Industrial Unionism (London: Verso, 1988) pp. 152- 153, 165-169, 171-177, 179-189. In the essay below, labor journalist Kim Moody argues that the Chrysler bailout of 1979-1980 broke the system of pattern bargaining in the core industrial sector. Pattern bargaining was based on the union’s attempt to standardize wages in respective industries. It had been a major accomplishment in core industries such as auto, packinghouse, steel and various other industries in the period from 1945- 1970. The breaking of the pattern bargaining structure in the 1980s touched off a wave of concessions and givebacks that weakened unions and lowered wages. Initially, many unionists thought that such concessions were mere temporary retreats designed to save jobs and help out hard-pressed employers. Moody shows that, while relatively few jobs were saved, dozens of employers demanded-and won-wage concessions of their own, regardless of the financial health of their enterprises. Modem business unionism in the United States has never developed a method of dealing with large- scale business failure. In the postwar period, companies came and went, but most of the industries in which unions were based continued to provide jobs. If Packard went under, it was probably because GM, Ford, or Chrysler beat it in the US market. But as long as the US market grew and the players were US firms producing for a domestic market, the failure of one firm probably meant more work at another- minus the tolerated annual loss of jobs due to new technology and higher productivity. -
Labor Unions and Corporate Campaigns: Necessary Tactic Or Hindrance to Bargaining
UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations 1-1-2005 Labor unions and corporate campaigns: Necessary tactic or hindrance to bargaining Cynthia Elise Agnello University of Nevada, Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/rtds Repository Citation Agnello, Cynthia Elise, "Labor unions and corporate campaigns: Necessary tactic or hindrance to bargaining" (2005). UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations. 1921. http://dx.doi.org/10.25669/4b8i-qw9z This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LABOR UNIONS AND CORPORATE CAMPAIGNS: NECESSARY TACTIC OR HINDRANCE TO BARGAINING by Cynthia Elise Agnello Bachelor of Arts in Political Science University of Nevada, Las Vegas 2003 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in Political Science Department of Political Science College of Liberal Arts Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas May 2006 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 1436734 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. -
No More Business As Usual: Shades of Social Justice Unionism Among Automobile Manufacturers and Service Industry Employees
NO MORE BUSINESS AS USUAL: SHADES OF SOCIAL JUSTICE UNIONISM AMONG AUTOMOBILE MANUFACTURERS AND SERVICE INDUSTRY EMPLOYEES AN HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED ON THE SIXTH DAY OF MAY, 2020 TO THE DEPARTMENTS OF SOCIOLOGY AND POLITICAL ECONOMY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE HONORS PROGRAM OF NEWCOMB TULANE COLLEGE TULANE UNIVERSITY FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARTS WITH HONORS IN SOCIOLOGY AND POLITICAL ECONOMY BY _______________________ Clifford Soloway APPROVED: ____________________ Patrick Rafail Director of Thesis in Sociology ____________________ Eduardo Silva Director of Thesis in Political Economy ____________________ Jana Lipman Third Reader Clifford Soloway. No More Business as Usual: Shades of Social Justice Unionism Among Automobile Manufacturers and Service Industry Employees. (Dr. Patrick Rafail, Sociology; Dr. Eduardo Silva, Political Economy) This thesis analyzes how the U.S. labor movement is evolving in the context of neoliberal restructuring. It explores Social Justice Unionism (SJU) as an emergent phenomenon that combines democratic infrastructure with progressive community activism. The present study contrasts this tendency with business unionism, a more conservative form of advocacy that characterized the post-War era and continues to influence union leaders. The thesis tests two central hypotheses. First, it explores the idea that unions representing service industry workers are more easily able to implement SJU because they have not been as directly impacted by globalized production chains and outsourcing since the dawn of the neoliberal era. Manufacturing industries, on the other hand, are not well-positioned to transition away from business unionism. This notion is confirmed. Next, the present study analyzes whether SJU is more effective in responding to increasing precarity that workers face. -
·Nuclear Cops Jail1;400 in Sit-In at Seabrook Reactor Site
MAY 13, 1977 . 35 CENTS VOLUME 41/NUMBER 18 A SOCIALIST NEWSWEEKLY/PUBLISHED IN THE INTERESTS OF THE_ WORKING PEOPLE ·nuclear Cops jail1;400 in sit-in at Seabrook reactor site . -PAGE17 Intercontinental Press/Fred Murphy · -PAGE 3 Student demonstrations PUertO RICO's · face halt in rent hikes luture debated Juan Mari Bras presents case for independence -· PAGE 21 In Brief DROWNING IN THE SECRETARIAL POOL: Several mob. In violation of Louisiana state law, Tyler-a juvenile THIS hundred clerical workers marked National Office Workers was sentenced to life imprisonment at Angola penitentiary. Day in New York with a noon rally April 27. National His mother, Juanita Tyler, is asking that protest letters be WEEK'S Secretaries Week was first proclaimed in 1952. According to sent urging the U.S. Supreme Court to hear an appeal on the Washington Post, it was an occasion for secretaries to this unconstitutional act. Write to the Clerk of Court, U.S. let. the "'business world know how proud they are of their Supreme Court, Washington, D.C., with copies to the Gary MILITANT profession, and the diversified opportunities it has given Tyler Defense Fund, Post Office Box 52223, New Orleans, 4 Steel-plant sales them for exciting, stimulating and challenging careers." Louisiana 70152. Juanita Tyler also says this is the address top 4,000 The militant New York crowd, however, protested sex of the only committee authorized to receive donations for 7 Feminists protest discrimination and told bosses to quit treating secretaries her son's defense. red-baiting like personal maids. The event, organized by Women Office Workers, included a contest on "ridiculous personal er SPY SCANDAL AT UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVA 8 Racists OK busing rands." One entry said she was expected to fill in the tough NIA: A Penn Committee to End Campus Spying has been whites words in her boss's unfinished crossword puzzles. -
DISSIDENT TEAMSTERS and the END of the NEW DEAL ORDER, 1969-1980 by MOEKO YAMAZAKI a THESIS Presented to The
ROAD NOT TAKEN: DISSIDENT TEAMSTERS AND THE END OF THE NEW DEAL ORDER, 1969-1980 by MOEKO YAMAZAKI A THESIS Presented to the Department of History and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts June 2019 THESIS APPROVAL PAGE Student: Moeko Yamazaki Title: Road Not Taken: Dissident Teamsters and the End of the New Deal Order, 1969- 1980 This thesis has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of History degree in the Department of History by: Bob Bussel Chairperson Steven Beda Member Julie Weise Member and Janet Woodruff-Borden Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded June 2019 ii © 2019 Moeko Yamazaki iii THESIS ABSTRACT Moeko Yamazaki Master of Arts Department of History June 2019 Title: Road Not Taken: Dissident Teamsters and the End of the New Deal Order, 1969- 1980 This thesis investigates how the rank-and-file members of the Teamsters Union reacted to the economic crisis of the 1970s. I argue that they countered a variety of social and economic problems of the era with the tools of union reform as they adhered to the ideal of unionism throughout the decade. When their movements, which were scattered around the United States, came together, they showed a steady belief in rank-and-file unionism modeled upon the Depression-era labor upsurge. However, they struggled to find a balance between the egalitarian ideology of class-solidarity and the pragmatic focus on truckers, who were exclusively white men.