No More Business As Usual: Shades of Social Justice Unionism Among Automobile Manufacturers and Service Industry Employees

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

No More Business As Usual: Shades of Social Justice Unionism Among Automobile Manufacturers and Service Industry Employees NO MORE BUSINESS AS USUAL: SHADES OF SOCIAL JUSTICE UNIONISM AMONG AUTOMOBILE MANUFACTURERS AND SERVICE INDUSTRY EMPLOYEES AN HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED ON THE SIXTH DAY OF MAY, 2020 TO THE DEPARTMENTS OF SOCIOLOGY AND POLITICAL ECONOMY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE HONORS PROGRAM OF NEWCOMB TULANE COLLEGE TULANE UNIVERSITY FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARTS WITH HONORS IN SOCIOLOGY AND POLITICAL ECONOMY BY _______________________ Clifford Soloway APPROVED: ____________________ Patrick Rafail Director of Thesis in Sociology ____________________ Eduardo Silva Director of Thesis in Political Economy ____________________ Jana Lipman Third Reader Clifford Soloway. No More Business as Usual: Shades of Social Justice Unionism Among Automobile Manufacturers and Service Industry Employees. (Dr. Patrick Rafail, Sociology; Dr. Eduardo Silva, Political Economy) This thesis analyzes how the U.S. labor movement is evolving in the context of neoliberal restructuring. It explores Social Justice Unionism (SJU) as an emergent phenomenon that combines democratic infrastructure with progressive community activism. The present study contrasts this tendency with business unionism, a more conservative form of advocacy that characterized the post-War era and continues to influence union leaders. The thesis tests two central hypotheses. First, it explores the idea that unions representing service industry workers are more easily able to implement SJU because they have not been as directly impacted by globalized production chains and outsourcing since the dawn of the neoliberal era. Manufacturing industries, on the other hand, are not well-positioned to transition away from business unionism. This notion is confirmed. Next, the present study analyzes whether SJU is more effective in responding to increasing precarity that workers face. It finds that this is indeed true in some cases, but existing literature has underestimated business unionism’s capacity to fight for rank- and-file members. To test these concepts, the thesis conducts case studies of the 2018 Marriott strike organized by UNITE HERE, the 2019 General Motors strike organized by the United Automobile Workers (UAW), and the campaign for union recognition at New York City museums led by UAW Local 2110. Chapter Three analyzes collective bargaining agreements to examine what strategies each organization employs and how effective these tactics were in confronting neoliberalism. Chapter Four elaborates a network analysis of Twitter data produced by all three cases to compare communication centralization patterns and embeddedness in non-labor advocacy networks. ii Acknowledgements This thesis would never have been possible without the generosity and wisdom of a number of scholars and activists. Professors Patrick Rafail, Eduardo Silva, and Jana Lipman worked with me for hours to develop my ideas and to transform them into research. Dr. Rafail’s guidance was essential for my network analysis in Chapter Three. He allowed me to use python code that he had developed to collect tweets, and he also helped me manage and explore my data. Professor Silva quite literally wrote the book on social movements in the context of neoliberalism, and his background in social theory shaped the lens through which I approached my work. Professor Lipman turned my understanding of labor history upside down from our first meeting. She challenged me to deepen my analysis and to ground it in a thorough understanding of labor’s historical progress. Outside of Tulane, I am deeply indebted to Manny Segura, Becca Waxman, and Greg Wilson. They welcomed me into the UNITE HERE ranks when I was a sophomore, and they taught me a great deal about why organizing matters. It was their immense dedication to their co-workers and their passion for building justice at their workplaces that first inspired me to study the union movement. Finally, I am deeply grateful for the support of my parents and my sister. I am certain that they must have grown tired of hearing me read this aloud approximately 500 times, but they never complained or asked me to leave the house. I could never have graduated, let alone maintained honors, without them. iii Table of Contents Chapter One: Introduction………………………………………………………………...1 Chapter Two: Review of Literature…………………………………………………….....9 Unions in Decline: Where have all the organized workers gone?........................10 Introducing Union Agency Under the Banner of Social Justice............................14 SJU and Neoliberalism..........................................................................................16 SJU and the Service Industry.................................................................................24 The Research Question at Hand............................................................................27 Chapter Three: Methodology.............................................................................................29 Specifying Case Study Typologies.........................................................................29 Data Collection and Analysis................................................................................45 Chapter Three: Contract Analysis......................................................................................52 Shopfloor Issues.....................................................................................................54 Racial and Immigrant Justice................................................................................77 Confronting Neoliberal Globalization Directly.....................................................81 Conclusions............................................................................................................97 Chapter Four: Network Analysis of Twitter Data............................................................102 Communication Within the Three Case Studies...................................................105 External Communication in the Case Studies......................................................114 Conclusions..........................................................................................................116 Chapter Appendix: Graphs and Figures..............................................................117 Chapter Five: Conclusions...............................................................................................130 Bibliography....................................................................................................................134 iv Introduction If you were paid overtime this year, or if you received health benefits from your employer, or even if you were not fired for staying home on weekends, you exercised some of the rights that unions have won over the course of their history on U.S. soil. When the COVID-19 crisis began in the United States this year, organized labor leapt to the front lines of the struggle for adequate safety and employment protections. Since states began instituting mandatory quarantines and curfews, nurses’ unions have pushed for hospitals to provide necessary N-95 masks and airline workers’ unions have been instrumental in securing payment for their members through September 30th (Jones, 2020; Reed, 2020). Organized labor, through centuries of resistance in this country, has formatively shaped the livelihood of the entire American working class. All laborers, whether they are staunch union supporters or even if they have never worn a union button in their lives, have benefited from union solidarity. Since textile workers in Lowell, Massachusetts first began to form informal interest groups in the second half of the 19th Century, unions have been at the forefront of progressive reform (Dray, 2010). They have struggled to improve the lives of their members both at the plant level through collective bargaining and on a more structural basis through advocacy for state- and national-level policies. Organized labor’s resistance has been dynamic; it has taken on different forms, objectives, and ideological iterations as the political economy of the U.S. has shifted and as workers have confronted (or failed to confront) xenophobia, racism, and misogyny within the labor movement. At nearly every turn, however, labor activists have reaffirmed their commitment to the idea that 1 workers deserve control over their economic and political lives as well as a just share of the wealth that they produce. Over the past four and a half decades, however, this idea has become increasingly difficult to actualize in this country; since 1973, union membership in the United States has faced a sharp decline. That year, more than 25% of workers in the U.S. were union members, whereas that proportion dropped to a historic low of 10.5% in 2018 (Mishel, 2012; BLS, 2019). For private sector employees, density is even lower. This is the case despite the fact that approximately 62% of U.S. citizens express approval for unions and their goals (Saad, 2018). This multi-decade freefall has had significant consequences for workers and their families, most notably a sharp increase in wage inequality (Farber et al, 2018). Western and Rosenfeld found that the decline in male unionization between 1973 and 2011 directly accounted for 20% of the total rise in income inequality among men over that time. When these authors compared union and non-union wages, they found that declining membership explained 33% of contemporary inequality among men, and around 20% of that among women (2011). Labor scholars have thoroughly interrogated
Recommended publications
  • NJEA Collective Bargaining Manual
    COLLECTIVE BARGAINING MANUAL NEW JERSEY EDUCATION ASSOCIATION 180 WEST STATE STREET POST OFFICE BOX 1211 TRENTON, NJ 08607-1211 609 599 5461 NJEA.ORG Barbara Keshishian, President Wendell Steinhauer, Vice President Marie Blistan, Secretary-Treasurer Vincent Giordano, Executive Director Richard Gray, Assistant Executive Director/Research Director NJEA COLLECTIVE BARGAINING MANUAL Collective Bargaining Manual 1 Preface 2 A History of Public Sector Collective Bargaining in New Jersey 6 Is it Negotiable? 9 Landmark Decisions 15 Statutory Basis for School Employee Negotiations in New Jersey 18 Organizing and Planning 23 Selecting a Bargaining Team 25 Data for Negotiations 26 Collective Bargaining Best Practices 27 The Bargaining Process 33 Ratifying the Negotiated Agreement 37 Alternatives to Traditional Bargaining 43 Bargaining Glossary 44 Salary Compensation 46 Salary Guides 54 Salary Guide Profile 56 Salary Guide Negotiation Preparation 67 Salary Guide Construction 70 Salary Guide Length 73 Educational Support Professional Salary Topics 74 Special Topics in Salary Compensation 76 Bargaining Comprehensive Benefits 79 Costing Out Insurance Benefits 81 School Employees’ Health Benefits Plan (SEHBP) 82 Legal Framework for Negotiating Medical Benefits 86 Health Benefits Insurance Glossary 92 Civil Unions/Domestic Partnerships 93 Sick Leave Banks 94 Drug and Alcohol Testing 97 Distance Learning and Technology 98 Bargaining and professional development: Supporting new visions 103 Sample Agreement Table of Contents NJEA COLLECTIVE BARGAINING MANUAL Preface The New Jersey Education Association was 1. This is a resource guide. Its use and application founded on December 28, 1853, as the New Jersey are driven by local circumstances. You may find State Teachers Association. Today, NJEA is the largest that parts are relevant, while others may not be and the most effective school employee organization appropriate for your situation or may need to be in New Jersey.
    [Show full text]
  • Walkouts Teach U.S. Labor a New Grammar for Struggle
    Walkouts teach U.S. labor a new grammar for struggle This article will appear in the Summer 2018 issue of New Politics. Like the Arab Spring, the U.S. “education Spring,” was an explosive wave of protests. State-wide teacher walkouts seemed to arise out of nowhere, organized in Facebook groups, with demands for increased school funding and political voice for teachers. Though the walkouts confounded national media outlets, which had little idea how to explain or report on the movements, for parent and teacher activists who have been organizing against reforms in public education in the past four decades, the protests were both unexpected and understandable. What was surprising was their breadth of support (state-wide), their organizing strategy (Facebook), and their breathtakingly rapid spread. For most of the far-Right, the West Virginia, Oklahoma, Kentucky, Arizona, and North Carolina walkouts showed greedy public employees exploiting their job security to get pay and benefits better than hard-working taxpayers have. However, teachers won wide popular support, even from Republicans, forcing the media-savvier elements of the Right to alter their tone. The American Enterprise Institute (AEI) posted a blog with a sympathetic tone pushing the same stance. “While teachers are justly frustrated by take-home pay, their total compensation is typically a lot higher than many teachers realize. That’s because teacher retirement and health-care systems are much more expensive than those of the taxpayers who pay for them — whether those taxpayers work in the private or public sector.” Shedding crocodile teachers for teachers who are underpaid and retirees without adequate pensions, AEI rejects the idea more school funding would help.
    [Show full text]
  • Living on the Edge: Delineating the Political Economy of Precarity In
    Living on the Edge: Delineating the Political Economy of Precarity in Vancouver, Canada Robert Catherall School of Community and Regional Planning, University of British Columbia ABSTRACT Canadian cities are in the midst of a housing crisis, with Vancouver as their poster-child. The city’s over- inflated housing prices decoupled from wages in the early aughts, giving rise to a seller’s rental market and destabilizing employment. As neoliberal policies continue to erode the post-war welfare state, an increasing number of Canadians are living in precarious environments. This uncertainty is not just applicable to housing, however. Employment tenure has been on the decline, specifically since 2008, and better jobs—both in security and quality of work, with more equitable wages—are becoming less and less common. These elements of precarity are making decent work (as defined by the ILO), security of housing tenure, and a right to the city some of the most pressing issues at hand for Canadians. Using Vancouver as the principal case study, the political economy of precarity is examined through the various facets—including socio-cultural, economic, health, and legal—that are working to normalize this inequity. This paper proceeds to examine the standard employment relationship (SER) in a Canadian context through a critique of the neoliberal policies responsible for eroding the once widely-implemented SER is provided to conclude the systemic marginalization experienced by those in precarious and informal situations must be addressed via public policy instruments and community-based organization. INTRODUCTION While the sharing economy, such as shared housing provider Airbnb, or the gig economy associated with organizations like Uber, Lyft, TaskRabbit, and Fiverr, conjure images of affordable options for travellers, or employment opportunities during an economic downturn, they have simultaneously normalized housing crises and stagnating wages for those who live and work in urban centres.
    [Show full text]
  • How an Obscure State Law Guarantees Pay Hikes for Government Employees – and Raises the Tax Toll on New Yorkers
    NYS TAXPAYER $$$ T R O U B L E How an obscure state law guarantees pay hikes for government employees – and raises the tax toll on New Yorkers What you’ll learn from this report: ! New York’s 30-year-old “Triborough Amendment” requires public employers to maintain all contractual perks for unionized public employees, including automatic “step” increases in pay, after the expiration of a collective bargaining agreement. ! This law gives unions an incentive to resist negotiating structural changes to their contracts, since the status quo will be preserved even if there is no contract. ! Pay hikes required by the Triborough Amendment cost the state government $140 million a year, despite a “freeze” on base salaries. ! The Triborough Amendment guarantees pay increases for teachers that add almost $300 million a year to school budgets across the state. ! The requirement to finance automatic pay increases has undermined attempts to stretch taxpayer dollars further in a time of extreme financial stress. ! Repeal of the Triborough Amendment would establish a more equitable collective bargaining system in New York’s public sector, preserving basic union rights while giving local officials the tools they now lack to negotiate needed changes to costly and outmoded contracts. Empire Center for New York State Policy ABOUT THE AUTHORS E.J. McMahon is a senior fellow of the Manhattan Institute for Policy Re- search and its Empire Center for New York State Policy. His recent work has focused on state budget issues, tax policy, public pensions, collective bar- gaining and competitive contracting of public services. Terry O’Neil heads the Garden City office of Bond, Schoeneck & King, PLLC, a full-service law firm with one of the most respected labor and em- ployment practices in New York State.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Organize and Affiliate Others?
    Affiliate Organizing Committee Handbook Updated March, 2016 WHY ORGANIZE AND AFFILIATE OTHERS? ........................................................1 - 2 CSO CODE OF CONDUCT ...................................................................................3 INTRODUCTION TO CSO/NSO ...........................................................................4 BENEFITS OF CSO MEMBERSHIP AND LOCAL AFFILIATION .................................5 HOW MEMBERS PARTICIPATE IN CSO/NSO ........................................................6 - 7 ELIGIBILITY, DUES AND STANDARDS FOR AFFILIATION ....................................8 - 9 REPRESENTING A BRAND-NEW BARGAINING UNIT .......................................... 10 - 15 BARGAINING CSO AGREEMENTS .......................................................................16 ONCE THE CONTRACT HAS BEEN BARGAINED ...................................................17 APPENDIX A – AUTHORIZATION FORM ..............................................................19 APPENDIX B – RECOGNITION REQUEST ............................................................20 APPENDIX C – RECOGNITION AGREEMENT ........................................................21 APPENDIX D – NLRB RECOGNITION PETITION ...................................................22 APPENDIX E – CBC GOALS AND SETTLEMENT STANDARDS ........................23 - 31 CSO MEMBERSHIP FORM ..............................................................................33 1 CSO Affiliate Organizing Handbook Welcome to the California Staff Organization (CSO).
    [Show full text]
  • Organising Workers' in Italy and Greece
    Organising workers’ counter-power in Italy and Greece Lorenzo Zamponi and Markos Vogiatzoglou Trade unions in Southern European’s austerity-ridden countries have been considerably weakened by the last six years of crisis. Labour’s loss of power in countries such as Greece and Italy is significant. First of all, the tri-partite systems of collective bargaining (state, employers, unions) that characterised the 1990s and early 2000s in both countries collapsed. Neither state nor employers have shown any concrete willingness to re-establish some sort of collective bargaining mechanisms. Governments in austerity-ridden countries do not seem to need unions anymore.1 Secondly, despite their vocal opposition, trade unions have failed to block austerity measures, as well as other detrimental changes in labour legislation. The period 2008-2014 has been characterised by limited worker mobilisation in Italy and by the failure of the numerous protests and general strikes in Greece to deliver any concrete achievements. Worse, union members express deep mistrust of their own leader- ship, as does the broader population.2 This bleak landscape does not give the whole picture of labour movement activity in those countries, however. In both cases, interesting labour-related projects are being developed to restore a workers’ counter-power, both by unionists and social movement activists who are exploring actions outside of the traditional trade union repertoire. They draw from concepts such as ‘social movement unionism’,3 social 1 State of Power 2015 Organising workers’ counter-power in Italy and Greece Lorenzo Zamponi and Markos Vogiatzoglou unionism4 or ‘radical political unionism’,5 which will be detailed below.
    [Show full text]
  • GLOSSARY of COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TERMS and SELECTED LABOR TOPICS
    GLOSSARY of COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TERMS and SELECTED LABOR TOPICS ABEYANCE – The placement of a pending grievance (or motion) by mutual agreement of the parties, outside the specified time limits until a later date when it may be taken up and processed. ACTION - Direct action occurs when any group of union members engage in an action, such as a protest, that directly exposes a problem, or a possible solution to a contractual and/or societal issue. Union members engage in such actions to spotlight an injustice with the goal of correcting it. It further mobilizes the membership to work in concerted fashion for their own good and improvement. ACCRETION – The addition or consolidation of new employees or a new bargaining unit to or with an existing bargaining unit. ACROSS THE BOARD INCREASE - A general wage increase that covers all the members of a bargaining unit, regardless of classification, grade or step level. Such an increase may be in terms of a percentage or dollar amount. ADMINISTRATIVE LAW JUDGE – An agent of the National Labor Relations Board or the public sector commission appointed to docket, hear, settle and decide unfair labor practice cases nationwide or statewide in the public sector. They also conduct and preside over formal hearings/trials on an unfair labor practice complaint or a representation case. AFL-CIO - The American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations is the national federation of unions in the United States. It is made up of fifty-six national and international unions, together representing more than 12 million active and retired workers.
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography
    Bibliography Abbott, S., 1973. Employee Participation. Old Queen Street Papers. Conservative Central Office. Aglietta, Michel, 1998. Capitalism at the Turn of the Century: Regulation Theory and the Challenge of Social Change. New Left Review I/232. Altman, M., 2002. Economic Theory and the Challenge of Innovative Work Practices. Economic and Industrial Democracy. 23, 271. Bain, G.S., 1983. Industrial Relations in Britain. Blackwell, Oxford, UK. Bassett, P., 1986. Strike Free: New Industrial Relations in Britain. Palgrave Macmillan, London. BIM, 1975. Employee Participation: A Management View. London, British Institute of Management. Cadbury, A., 1978. Prospects for Codetermination in the United Kingdom. Chief Executive Magazine. 20–21. Cairncross, S.A., 1992. The British Economy since 1945: Economic Policy and Performance, 1945–1990. Blackwell, Oxford, UK and Cambridge, Mass., USA. CBI, 1966. Evidence to the Royal Commission on Trades Unions and Employers’ Associations. Confederation of British Industry, London. CBI, 1968. Productivity Bargaining. Confederation of British Industry, London. CBI, 1979. Pay: The Choice Ahead. Confederation of British Industry, London. CBI, 1980. Trade Unions in a Changing World: The Challenge for Management. Confederation of British Industry, London. DOI: 10.1057/9781137413819.0009 Bibliography CBI, 1986. Vision 2010. Confederation of British Industry, London. CPS, 1975. Why Britain Needs a Social Market Economy. London, Centre for Policy Studies. Chiplin, B., Coyne, J. and Sirc, L., 1975. Can Workers Manage? Institute of Economic Affairs. City Company Law Committee, 1975. Employee Participation. Coates, K. and Topham, T., 1974. The New Unionism. Penguin, Harmondsworth. Conservative Party, 1965. Putting Britain Right Ahead: A Statement of Conservative Aims. Conservative and Unionist Central Office, London.
    [Show full text]
  • Variations from Pattern Bargaining : a Closer Look Étude Des Difficultés D'adaptation Aux Conventions-Clés Kenneth O
    Document generated on 09/28/2021 10:24 a.m. Relations industrielles Industrial Relations Variations from Pattern Bargaining : A Closer Look Étude des difficultés d'adaptation aux conventions-clés Kenneth O. Alexander Volume 14, Number 2, April 1959 Article abstract A union encounters forces which are of sufficient strength to override URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1022316ar pressures to negotiate comparable settlements. To gain further insight into the DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1022316ar nature of these forces and the union's reaction, the author interviewed union officials of the UAW in Detroit and made a study of 140 collective agreements See table of contents carried on through the UAW in various industries in the same area. Publisher(s) Département des relations industrielles de l’Université Laval ISSN 0034-379X (print) 1703-8138 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Alexander, K. O. (1959). Variations from Pattern Bargaining : A Closer Look. Relations industrielles / Industrial Relations, 14(2), 211–231. https://doi.org/10.7202/1022316ar Tous droits réservés © Département des relations industrielles de l’Université This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit Laval, 1959 (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ Variations from Pattern Bargaining : A Closer Look Kenneth O.
    [Show full text]
  • Industrial Relations and Social Dialogue in the Age of Collaborative Economy (IRSDACE) National Report Germany
    RESEARCH REPORT SERIES IZA Research Report No. 86 Industrial Relations and Social Dialogue in the Age of Collaborative Economy (IRSDACE) National Report Germany IZA Nikos Askitas Werner Eichhorst Benedikt Fahrenholtz Nicolas Meys Margard Ody OCTOBER 2018 Industrial Relations and Social Dialogue in the Age of Collaborative Economy (IRSDACE) National Report Germany Authors: Nikos Askitas (IZA) Werner Eichhorst (IZA, University of Bremen) Benedikt Fahrenholtz (IZA) Nicolas Meys (IZA) Margard Ody (IZA) IRSDACE National Report Germany Page 1 Table of Contents Table of Contents ................................................................................................................ 1 Figures .................................................................................................................................. 2 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 3 2 Work in the platform economy.................................................................................... 9 2.1 What is the current state of play on work in the platform economy? ............................ 9 2.2 What are the main challenges and impacts for workers? ........................................... 13 2.3 The Role of industrial relations and social dialogue in platform economy work .......... 17 3 Discourse, perceptions and experiences on work in the platform economy among established industrial relations actors, processes and outcomes ......... 22 3.1 Discourse, perceptions
    [Show full text]
  • Revitalization Strategy of Labor Movements
    <Abstract> Revitalization Strategy of Labor Movements Korea Labour & Society Institute 1. The stagnation of trade union movement is an international phenomenon. The acceleration of globalization and technological innovation, the expanding predominance of service industries in the economies of advanced industrialised countries and the concomitant shifts in the composition of employment, and the deepening of neoliberal policy climate in the context of economic slow-down, which have prevailed since the 1980s, have all contributed to the stagnation of trade union movement in most countries across the world. This phenomenon has been captured through such indicators as the decline in union density, the weakening of political and social influence, and decentralisation of collective bargaining have been, among others. The trade union movements in different countries have, however, since 1990s, developed and undertaken a variety of "revitalisation"strategies to wake out of the stagnation. The specific shape of the revitalisation strategy were informed by the specific nature of the challenge the unions faced, the characteristics of the industrial relations system in which the unions were constituted, and the historical identity individual trade union movement espoused. However, organising efforts, internal innovation, social partnership, strengthening of political campaign activities, and extension of solidarity with civil society and community networks have featured as common components in most of the varied strategies. The evidence of these common initiatives points to the existence of some common challenge that courses through the country-specific situations the trade union movements in different countries have found themselves in. This study examines the strategic responses of the trade unions in the selected countries have undertaken in the face of the challenges faced by the international labour movement.
    [Show full text]
  • The Struggles of Iregularly-Employed Workers in South Korea, 1999-20121
    1 The Struggles of Iregularly-Employed Workers in South Korea, 1999-20121 Jennifer Jihye Chun Department of Sociology University of Toronto [email protected] November 25, 2013 In December 1999, two years after the South Korean government accepted a $58.4 billion bailout package from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), President Kim Dae-Jung announced that the nation’s currency crisis was officially over. The South Korean government’s aggressive measures to stabilize financial markets, which included drastic efforts to reduce labor costs, dismantle employment security, and legalize indirect forms of dispatch or temporary employment, contributed to the fastest recovery of a single country after the 1997 Asian Debt Crisis, restoring annual GDP growth rates to pre-crisis levels.2 While the business community praised such efforts for helping debt-ridden banks and companies survive the crisis, labor unions and other proponents of social and economic justice virulently condemned the government’s neoliberal policy agenda for subjecting workers to deepening inequality and injustice. Despite differing opinions on the impact of government austerity measures, both sides agree that the “post-IMF” era is synonymous with a new world of work. Employment precarity – that is, the vulnerability of workers to an array of cost-cutting employer practices that depress wage standards, working conditions and job and income security – is a defining feature of the 21st century South Korean economy. The majority of jobs in the labor market consist of informal and precarious jobs that provide minimal, if any, legal protection against unjust and discriminatory employment practices. Informally- and precariously- employed workers also face numerous barriers to challenging deteriorating working conditions and heightened employer abuses through the conventional repertoire of unionism: strikes, collective bargaining and union agreements.
    [Show full text]